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£<(te Political Agmt to tie Wettem Stvpat^Statti. 





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• • • 

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I* • • • • • • 

1(S| MOrKT a9A». 




Your Majesty has graciously sanctioned the 
presentation of the Second Volume of the Annals of 
Rajpootana to the Public under the auspices of Your 
Majesty's name. 

In completing this work^ it has been my endeavour to 
draw a faithful picture of States, the ruling principle of 
which is the paternity of the Sovereign. That this patri- 
archal form is the best suited to the genius of the people, 
may be presumed from its durability, which war, famine, 
and anarchy have failed to destroy. The throne has always 
been the watch- word and rallying-point of the Bajpoots. 
My prayer is, that it may continue so, and that neither the 
love of conquest, nor false views of policy, may tempt us to 
subvert the independence of these States, some of which 
have braved the storms of more than ten centuries. 

It will not, I trust, be deemed presumptuous in the 
Annalist of these gallant and long-oppressed races thus to 
solicit for them a full measure of Your Majesty's gracious 
patronage ; in return for which, the Bajpoots, making Your 
Majesty's enemies their own, would glory in assuming the 
' saffi-on robe,' emblematic of death or victory, under the 
banner of that chivalry of which Your Majesty is the head. 

That Your Majesty's throne may ever be surrounded by 
chie& who will act up to the principles of fealty maintained 
at all hazards by the Rajpoot, is the heartfelt aspiration of, 


Your Majesty's 

Devoted subject and servant,* 




The various etymons of Manffdr.^Autkorities for its early hdsiory.^Yati 
genealogical roll, — The Rahtore race^ ufho inhabit it, descended fivm the Yavan 
kings of Parlipoor, — Second roll, — Nayn Pdl, — His date, — Conquers Oawmj* 
— Utility of Rajpoot genealogies, — The Swrya Prahu, or poetic chronicle of 
the bard KurjUdkan, — The Raj Roopac AJchedt^ or chronicle of AjU Sing's 
minority and reign, — The Beejy Vulas, — The Kh^, a biographical treatise, 
— Other sources, — The Yavanas and Asufas, or Indo-Scythic tribes, — The 
thirteen Rahtore famiUeSy bearing the epithet Camd^hvj,^Rcja Jeichundy king 
qf Cano^j, — The extent and splendour qf that state b^ore the Mahomedan con- 
quest qf India.-^His immense array.^TitU of Mandalica,— Divine honours 
paid to hint, — Rite qfSoenair undertaken by Jeiohund, — Its failure and con-- 
sequences. — Stale qf India at that period,^Thefour great Hindu m/marchies. 
— DehU, — Ccmouj, — Mewar, — Anhulwarra, — Sliabudin, king of Gor, invades 
India^^Overcomes the Chohan king ofDehli, — Attacks Canmij,— Destruction 
of that monarchy after seven ceiUuriet^ duration, — Death of Jeichund. — Date 
qfthis evetiL 

Marwar is a corruptioQ of Maroo-wdr, classically Idaroost'hali or 
Ataroost'han, ' the region of death/ It is also called Maroo-diaa^ 
whence the unintelligible Mardia of the eaily Mahomedan writers. 
The bards frequently style it Mord'hur, which is synonimous with 
Maroo-dSsa, or, when it suits their rhyme, simply Maroo, Though 
now restricted to the country subject to the Rahtore race, its ancient 
and appropriate application comprehended the entire ' desart,' from 
the Sutlej to the ocean. 

A concise genealogical sketch of the Rahtore rulers of Marwar has 
already been given ;* we shall therefore briefly pass over those times 
* when a genealogical tree would strike root in any soil ;' when the 
ambition of the Rahtores, whose branches (sac'hce) spread rapidly 
over * the region of deatkl was easily gratified with a solar pedigree. 
As it is desirable, nowever, to record their own opinions regarding 
their origin, we shall make extracts from the chronicles (hereafter 
enumerated), instead of fusing the whole into one mass, as in the 

♦ Sec VoL I, p. 80. 


Annals of M^war. The reader will occasionally be presented with 
simple translations of whatever is most interesting in the Rahtore 

Let us begin with a statement of the author's authorities ; first, a 
genealogical roll of the Rahtores, furnished by a Yati, or Jain priest, 
from the temple of Nadolaye.* This roll is about fifty feet in length, 
commencing, as usual, with a theogony, followed by the production 
of the ' first Rahtore from the spine (raht) of ludra/ the nominal 
father being " Yavanaswa, prince of Parlipoor." Of the topography 
of Parlipoor, the Rahtores have no other notion than that it was in 
the north ; but in the declared race of their progenitor, a Yavan 
prince, of the Aswa or Asi tribe,-f" we have a proof of the Scythic 
origin of this Rajpoot family. 

The chronicle proceeds with the foundation of Kanya-cubja4: 
or Canouj, and the origin of Cama-dhwaja,§ (vulgd Camd'huj), the 
titular appellation of its princes, and concludes with the thirteen 
great 8(ic*ka, or ramifications of the Rahtores, and their Gotror- 
acharya, or genealogical creed.| 

Another roll, of considerable antiquity, commences in the fabulous 
age, with a long string of names, without facts ; its sole value con- 
siste in the esteem in which the tribe holds it. We may omit all 
that precedes Nayn P41, who, in the year S. 526 (A.D. 470V), con- 
quered Canouj, slaying its monarch Ajipal ; from which period the 
race was termed Canoujea Rahtore. The genealogy proceeds to 
Jeichund, the last monai'ch of Canouj ; relates the emigration of his 
nephew Se6ji, or Sevaji, and his establishment in the desart 
{maroowar), with a handful of his brethren (a wreck of the mighty 
kingdom of Canouj) ; and terminates with the death of Raja Jes- 
wunt Sing, in S. 1735 (A.D. 1679), describing eveiy branch and 
scion, until we see them spreading over Maroo. 

Genealogy ceases to be an uninteresting pursuit, when it enables 
us to mark the progress of animal vegetation, from the germ to the 
complete development of the tree, until the land is overshadowed 
with its branches ; and bare as is. the chronicle to the moralist or 

* An ancient town in Marwar. 

t One of the foiu* tribes which overturned the Greek kingdom of Bactria. 
The ancient Hindu cosmographers claim the Aswar as a grand branch of their 
early family, and doubtless the Indo-Scythic people, from the Oxns to the 
Ganges, were one race. 

t From Ciibja (the spine) of the virgin (Kanya), 

§ Cama'dJvwajOy ' the banner of Cupid.' 

(l Gotdma Gotra, Mardwandani SdcM^ JSookrdcMryd Giii% Gar-rapti Arpii, 
PanJ^hant Devi, 

irit is a singular fact, that there is no available date beyond the fourth 
century for any of the great K^poot families, all of whom are brought from the 
north. This was the period oi one of the grand irruptions of the Getic races 
from Centrid Asia, who established kingdoms in the Punjib and on the Indus. 
Pal or Pally the universal adjunct to every proper name, indicates the pastoral 
race of these invaders. 


historian, it exhibits to the observer of the powers of the animal 
economy, data, which the annals of no other people on earth can 
furnish. In A.D. 1193, we see the throne of Jeichund overturned ; 
his nephew, with a handful of retainera, taking service with a petty 
chieflain in the Indian desart. In less than four centuries, we find 
the descendants of these exiles of the Ganges occupying nearly the 
whole of the desart ; having founded three capitals, studded the 
land with the castles of its feudality, and bringing into the field fifty 
thousand men, ek bdp ca b^td, ' the sons of one father,' to combat the 
emperor of Dehli. What a contrast does their unnoticed growth 
present to that of the Islamite conquerors of Canouj, of whom five 
dynasties passed away in ignorance of the renovated existence of the 
Rahtore, until the ambition of Shere Shah brought him into contact 
with the descendants of S^ji, whose valour caused him to exclaim 
" he had nearly lost the crown of India for a handful of barley," in 
allusion to the poverty of their land ! 

What a sensation does it not excite, when we know that a senti- 
ment of kindred pervades every individual of this immense afiiliated 
body, who can point out, in the great tree, the branch of his origin, 
whilst not one is too remote from the main stem to forget its pristine 
connexion with it ! The moral sympathies created by such a system 
pass unheeded by the chronicler, who must deem it futile to describe 
what all sensibly feel, and which renders his page, albeit little more 
than a string of names, one of paramount interest to the ' sons of 

The third authority is the Sooraj Prakas {Sui^ya Prakasa), com- 
posed by the bard Kumidhan, during the reign and by command of 
kaja Abhye Sing. This poetic history, comprised in 7,500 stanzas, 
was copied from the original manuscript, and sent to me by Raja 
M&n, in the year 1820.* As usual, the kavya (bard) commences with 
the origin of all things, tracing the Rahtores from the creation down 
to Soomitra ; from whence is a blank until he recommences with the 
name of Camd'huj, which appears to have been the title assumed by 
Nayn TH, on his conquest of Canouj. Although Kumidhan must 
have taken his facts from the royal records, they correspond very 
well with the roll from Nadolaye. The bard is, however, in a great 
hurry to bring the founder of the Rahtores into Marwar, and slurs 
over the defeat and death of Jeichund. Nor does he dwell long on 
his descendants, though he enumerates them all, and points out the 
leading events until he reaches the reign of Jeswunt Sing, grand- 
father of Abhye Sing, who " commanded the bard to vnrite the Sooraj 
" Prakas:' 

The next authority is the Baj Boopac AkhMt, or 'the royal 
relations.' This work commences with a short account of the 
Suryava/naa, from their cradle at Ajodia; then takes up Soil's 
migration, and in the same strain as the preceding work, rapidly 

* This manuscript is deposited in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society. 


passes overall events until the death of Raja Jeswunt ; but it becomes 
a perfect chronicle of events during the minority of his successor 
Ajit, his eventful reign, and that of Abhye Sing, to the conclusion of 
the war against Sirbolund Khan, viceroy of Guzzerat. Throwing 
aside the meagre historical introduction, it is professedly a chronicle 
of the events from S. 1735 (A.D. 1G79), to S. 1787 (A.D. 1734), the 
period to which the Sooraj Prakaa is brought down. 

A portion of the Beejy Vulas, a poem of 100,000 couplets, also 
fell into my hands : it chiefly relates to the reign of the prince whose 
name it bears, Beejy Sing, the son of Bukht Sing. It details the 
civil wars waged by Beejy Sing and his cousin Ram Sing (son of 
Abhye Sing), and the consequent introduction of the Mahrattas into 

From a biographical work named simply KhMt, or 'Story,' I 
obtained that portion which relates to the lives of Raja Oodi Sing, 
the friend of Akber ; his son Raja Guj, and grandson Jeswunt Sing. 
These sketches exhibit in true colours the character of the Rahtores. 

Besides these, I caused to be drawn up by an intelligent man, who 
had passed his life in office at Jodpoor, a memoir of transactions 
from the death of Ajit Sing, in A.D. 1629, down to the treaty with 
the English government in A.D. 1818. The ancestors of the narrator 
had filled offices of trust in the state, and he was a living chronicle 
both of the past and present. 

From these sources, from conversations with the reigning sovereign, 
his nobles, his ambassadors, and subjects, materials were collected for 
this sketch of the Rahtores, — banen, indeed, of events at first, but 
redundant of them as we advance. 

A genealogical table of the Rahtores is added, shewing the grand 
ofisets, whose descendants constitute the feudal /r^age of the present 
day. A glance at this table will shew the claims of each house ; and 
in its present distracted condition, owing to civil broils, will enable 
the paramount power to mediate, when necessary, with impartiality, 
in the conflicting claims of the prince and his feudatories. 

We shall not attempt to solve the question, whether the Rahtores 
are, or are not, Rawxid-vansa, * Children of the Sun ;* nor shall we 
dispute either the birth or etymon of the first Rahtore (from the 
ram or spine of Indra), or search in the north for the kingdom of the 
nominal father ; but be content to conclude that this celestial inter- 
ference in the household concerns of the Parlipoor prince was 
invented to cover some disgrace. The name of xavanay with the 
adjunct Aswa or -4si, clearly indicates the Indo-Scythic ' barbarian' 
from beyond the Indus. In the genealogy of the Lunar races 
descended of Budha and Ella {Mercui'y and the Earth — see Table 
I, Vol. I), the five sons of Baj-aswa are made to people the countries 
on and beyond the Indus ; and in the scanty records of Alexander's 
invasion, mention is made of many races, as the Asasense and Asacani, 
still dwelling in these regions. ^ 


This period was fruitful in change to the old established dynasties 
of the Hindu continent, when numerous races of barbarians, viz., 
Huns, Parthians, and Getes, had fixed colonies on her western and 
northern firontiers.* 

" In S. 526 (A.D. 470), Nayn Pal obtained Canouj, from which 
period the Rahtores assumed the title of Camd'hig. His son was 
Pudarut,t his Poonja, from whom sprung the thirteen great famiUes, 
bearing the patronymic Camd'huj, viz. : 

" 1st.— Dhurma Bhumbo ; his descendants styled Ddn^sra CamcChuj. 

" 2d. — ^Bhanooda, who fought the Afghans at Eangra, and foimded 
Abhipoor ; hence the Abhipoora Camd^huj, 

" 3d. — ^Virachandra, who married the daughter of Hamira Chohan, 
of Anhulpoor Pattun ; he had fourteen sons, who emigrated to the 
Dekhan ; his descendants called Kuppolia Camd^huj. 

" 4th. — Umrabeejy, who married the daughter of the Pramara 
prince of Korahgurh on the Ganges ; — ^slew 16,000 Pramaras, and 
took possession of Korah, whence the Korah Carr\d%uj.\ 

" 5th. — Soojun Binode ; his descendants Jirkhaira CamcPhuj, 

" 6th. — Pudma, who conquered Orissa, and .also Bogilana, from 
Raja Tejmun Yadu. 

" 7th. — Aihar, who took Bengal from the Yadus ; hence Aihara 

" 8th. — Bardeo ; his elder brother oflfered him in appanage Benares, 
and eighty-four townships ; but he preferred founding a city, which 
he called Paruk-poor :§ his descendants Paruk Camcniuj. 

" 9th. — Oogra-Prebhoo, who made a pilgrimage to the shrine of 
Hinglaz Chand6l,j| who, pleased with the severity of his penance^ 
caused a sword to ascend from the fountain, with which he con- 

Juered the southern countries touching the ocean :ir his descendants 
'h/xndaila Camd'huj. 

" 10th. — Mookta-Mun, who conquered possessions in the north 
from Bh&n Tijar : his descendants Seera Camd'huj, 

" 11th. — Bhurut, at the age of sixty-one, conquered Keneksir, 
under the northern hills, from Roodra-s^n of the Birgoojur tribe : 
his descendants styled Bhureau Camd'huj, 

" 12tL — ^Allunkid founded Khyroda ; fought the Asuras (Moslems) 
on the banks of the Attok : his descendants Khyrodea Caind'huj, 

* Cosmas. Annals of M6war. Gete or Jit Inscription, Appendix, VoL I. 

t Called Bhwrut in the Yati's roll ; an error of one or other of the authorities, 
in transcribing from the more ancient records. 

X An inscription given in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, (voL 
ix, p. 440) found at iiCorah, relates to a branch of the Canouj family. 

§ Qu, Parkur, towards the Indus ) 

II On the coast of Mekran. 

ir If we can credit these legends, we seethe Rahtore Rajpoots spreading over 
all India. I give these bare facts verbatim as some traces may yet remain of 
the races in those conntries. 


" 13th. — Chand obtained Tarrapoor in the north. He married a 
daughter of the Chohan of Takera* a city well known to the world : 
with her he came to Benares. 

" And thus the race of Surya multiplied." 

" Bhumbo,f or Dherma-Bhumbo, sovereign of Canouj, had a son, 
Ajy-Chund.J For twenty-one generations they bore the titles of 
Rao; afterwards that of Baja, Oodichund, Nirpati, Keneks^n, 
Sehes-sal, M^gs^n, Birabhadra, Deosen, Bimulsen, Dins^n, Mokund, 
Bhoodu, Bajsen, Tirpal, Sree-Poonja, Beejy Chund,§ his son 
Jeichund, who became the Naek of Canouj, with the suiTiame Dul 

Nothing is related of the actions of these princes, from the 
conquest of Canouj by Nayn P41, in A.D. 470, and the establishment 
of his thirteen grandsons in divers countries, until we reach Jeichund, 
in whose person (A.D. 1193) terminated the Rahtore sovereignty 
on the Ganges ; and we have only twenty-one names to fill up the 
space of seven centuries, although the testimony on which it is 
given|| asserts there were twenty-one princes bearing the title of 
i2ao prior to the assumption of that of Raja. But the important 
information is omitted as to who was the first to assume this title. 
There are names in the Yati's roll that are not in the Sooraj PraJcas, 
which we have followed ; and one of these, " Rungut D'hwaj," is 
said to have overcome Jesraj Tuar, king of DehU, for whose period 
we have correct data : yet we cannot incorporate the names in the 
Yati's roll with that just given without vitiating each ; and as we 
have no facts, it is useless to perplex ourselves with a barren gene- 
alogy. But we can assert that it must have been a splendid dynasty, 
and that their actions, from the conqueror Nayn P^, to the last 
prince, Jeichund, were well deserving of commemoration. That they 
were commemorated in written records, there cannot be a doubt ; for 
the tirade of the bardic chroniclers in India has flourished in all ages. 

Although we have abundant authority to assert the grandeur of 
the kingdom of CanoujIF at the period of its extinction, both from 
the bard Chund and the concurrent testimony of Mahomedan authors, 
yet are we astonished at the description of the capital, attested not 
only by the annals of the Rah tores, but by those of their antagonists, 
the Chohans. 

The circumvallation of Canouj covered a space of more than thirty 
miles ; and its numerous forces obtained for its prince the epithet of 
" Dul Pangla" meaning that the mighty host (Did) was lame or had 
a halt in its movements owing to its numbers, of which Chund 

* A city often mentioned by Ferishta, in the early times of the Mahomedans. 
t Nayn Pil must have preceded Dherma-Bhumbo by five or six generations. 
X Called Abh^chand, in the Sooraj Frakas, 

§ Also styled Beeju Fdl ; classically Vijy-pdla, * Fosterer of Victory.' 
II The Soorqj Prakas. 

IF See Inscriptions of Jeichund, Ygyachund, and Korah, in the 9th and 14th 
vols, of the Asiatic Researches. 





observes, that in the march " the van had reached their ground ere 
" the rear had moved off." The Sooi*aj Prakaa gives the amount of 
this army, which in numbers might compete with the most potent 
which, in ancient or modern times, was ever sent into the field. 
"Eighty thousand men in armour; thirty thousand horse covered 
•* with pakhur, or quilted mail ; three hundred thousand paeks or 
• infantry ; and of bow-men and battle-axes two hundred thousand ; 
" besides a cloud of elephants bearing wai-riors." 

This immense army was to oppose the Yavana beyond the Indus ; 
for, as the chronicle says, ** The king of Gor and Irak crossed the 
Attok. There Jey Sing met the conflict, when the Nildh changed 
its name to Soorkhdb* There was the Ethiopic (Habshee) king, 
and the skilful Frank learned in all arta.f overcome by the lord 
of Canouj." 

The chronicles of the Chohans, the sworn foe of the Bahtores, 
repeat the greatness of the monarch of Canouj, and give him the 
title of " Mandalica'' They aflirm that he overcame the king of 
the north,^ making eight tributary kings prisoners ; that he twice 
defeated Sidraj, king of Anhulwarra, and extended his dominions 
south of the Nerbudda, and that at length, in the fulness of his pride, 
he had divine honours paid him in the rite Soenair. This distinction, 
which involves the most august ceremony, and is held as a virtual 
assumption of universal supremacy, had in all aofes been attended 
with disaster. In the rite of Soenair, every office, down to the 
scullion of the '* Rusorah," or banquet-hall, must be performed by 
royal personages ; nor had it been attempted by any of the dynasties 
wnich ruled India since the Pandu : not even Yicrama, though he 
introduced his own era, bad the audacity to attempt what the Rah- 
tore determined to execute. All India was agitated by the accounts 
of the magnificence of the preparations, and circular invitations were 
despatched to every prince, inviting him to assist at the pompous 
ceremony, which was to conclude with the nuptials of the Raja's only 
daughter, who, according to the customs of those days, would select 
her future lord from the assembled chivalry of India. The Chohan bard 
describes the revelry and magnificence of the scene : the splendour 
of the Yug-sdla, or ' hall of sacrifice,' surpassing all powers of descrip- 
tion ; in which was assembled all the princes of India, " save the 
** lord of the Chohans, and Samara of M^war," who, scorning this 
assumption of supremacy, Jeichund made their effigies in gold, 
assigning to them the most servile posts ; that of the king of the 
ChcSiaDs being Poleah^ or 'porter of the halL* Pirthiraj, whose 
life was one succession of feats of arms and gallantry, had a 
double motive for action — love and revenge. He determined to 

♦ The NU-db. or ' blue water,' the Indus, changed its name to the * Red- 
stream' SoorkrdOf or ' ensanguined.' 

t It is singular that Chimd likewise mentions the Frank as being in the army 
of Shabiidin, in the conquest of his sovereign Pirthiraj. If this be true, it 
most have b^n a desultory or fugitive band of crusaders. 

t They thus style the kiisgs west of the Indus. 


enjoy both, or perish in the attempt ; " to spoil the sacrifice 
" and bear away the fair of Canouj fi'om its halls, though beset 
" by all the heroes of Hind." The details of this exploit form the 
most spirited of the sixty-nine books of the bai'd. The Chohan 
executed his purpose, and, with the ^lite of the waniors of Dehli, 
bore off the princess in open day from Canouj. A desperate running- 
fight of five days took place. To use the words of the bard, " he 
" preserved his prize ; he gained immortal renown, but he lost the 
" sinews of Dehli." So did Jeichund those of Canouj ; and each, who 
had singly repelled all attacks of the kings, fell in turn a prey to 
the Ghori Sultan, who skilfully availed himself of these interna- 
tional feuds, to make a peimanent conquest of India. 

We may here briefly describe the state of Hindust'han at this 
epoch, and for centuries previous to the invasions of Mahmoud. 

There were four great kingdoms, viz. : 

1st. — Dehli, under the Ttiars and Chohans ; 

2nd. — Canouj, under the Rahtores ; 

3d. — Mewar, under the Ghelotes ; 

4th. — Anhulwarra, under the Chauras and Solankhis. 

To one or other of these states, the numerous petty princes of 
India paid homage and feudal service. The boundary between 
DehU and Canouj was the Cali-nadi, or ' black stream ;' the Calindi 
of the Greek geographers. Dehli claimed supremacy over all the 
countries westward to the Indus, embracing the lands watered by 
its arms, from the foot of the Himalaya, — the desert, — to the 
Aravulli chain. The Chohan king, successor to the Tuars, enumer- 
ated one hundred and eight great vassals, many of whom were 
subordinate princes. 

The power of Canouj extended north to the foot of the Snowy 
mountains ; eastward to Casi (Benares) ; and across the Chumbul to 
the lands of the Chundail (now Bundelkhund) ; on the south its 
possessions came in contact with M^war. 

M^war, or Medya-war, the ' central region,* was bounded to the 
north by the Aravulli, to the south by the Pramaras of Dhar 
(dependent on Canouj), and westward by Anhulwarra, which state 
was bounded by the ocean to the south, the Indus on the west, and 
the desert to the nortL 

There are records of great wars amongst all these princes. Tlie 
Chohans and Ghelotes, whose dominions were contiguous, were 
[enerally allies, and the Rahtores and Tdars (predecessors of the 
Tiohans) who were only divided by the Cali-nadi, often dyed it 
with their blood. Yet this warfare was never of an exterminating 
kind ; a marriage quenched a feud, and they remained friends until 
some new cause of strife arose. 

If, at the period preceding Mahmoud, the traveller had journeyed 
through the courts of Europe, and taken the line of route, in sub- 


sequent ages pursued by Timoor, by Byzantium, through Ghizni 
(adorned with the spoils of India), to Dehli, Canouj, and AnhulwaiTa, 
how superior in all that constitutes civilization would the Rajpoot 
princes have appeared to him ! — in arts immeasurably so ; in arms 
by no means inferior. At that epoch, in the west, as in the cast, 
every state was governed on feudal principles. Happily for Europe, 
the democratical principle gained admittance, and imparted a new 
character to her institutions ; while the third estate of India, indeed 
of Asia, remained permanently excluded from all share in the 
government which was suppoi-ted by its labour, every pursuit but 
that of arms being deemed ignoble. To this cause, and the endless 
wars which feudality engenders, Rajpoot nationality fell a victim, 
when attacked by the means at command of the despotic kings of 
the noi*th. 

Shabudin, king of Ghor, taking advantage of these dissensions, 
invaded India. He first encountered Pirthiraj, the Chohan king of 
Dehli, the outwork and bulwark of India, which fell. Shabudin 
then attacked Jeichund, who was weakened by the previous struggle. 
Canouj put forth all her strength, but in vain ; and her monarch 
was the last son of " the Yavana of Parlipoor," who ruled on the 
banks of the Ganges. He met a death congenial to the Hindu, being 
drowned in the sacred stream in attempting to escape. 

This event happened in S. 1249 (A.D. 1193), from which period 
the overgrown, gorgeous Canouj ceased to be a Hindu city, when the 
*" thirty-six I'aces" of vassal princes, from the Himalaya to the 
Vindhya, who sei-ved under the banners of " Bardai S^na,''* retired 
to their patrimonial estatea But though the Rahtore name ceased 
to exist on the shores of the Ganges, destiny decreed that a scion 
ahould be pi*eserved, to produce in a less favoured land a long lino 
of kings ; that in thirty-one generations, his descendant. Raja Man, 
" Uaj, BajeswaraJ^ ' the king, the lord of kings,' should be as vain- 
glorious of the sceptre of Maroo, as either Jeichund when he com- 
manded divine honours, or his still more remote ancestor Nayn Pdl 
fourteen centuries before, when he erected hLs throne in Canouj. The 
Kahtore may well boast of his pedigree, when he can trace it through 
a period of 1360 years, in lineal descent from male to male ; and 
contented with this, may leave to the mystic page of the bard, or the 
interpolated pages of the Purdnas, the period preceding Nayn P^l. 

♦ Another title of the monarch of Canouj, " the bard of the host," from which 
wc are led to imderstand he was as well versed in the poetic art, as his rival, the 
Chohan prince of DehlL 



Emigration of Sedji mid Saitram, grandsons o/Jeichund. — T/ieir arrival in t/te 
Western Desert, — Sketch of the tribes inhabiting t/te desert to tlie Indus at t/tat 
epoch, — Stoji offers his services to the chief of Koloomnd, — They are accepted. — 
lie attacks Laklia Phoolana, the famed freebooter of Plioolra^ who is defeated, 
— SaiCram killed. — Se^i marries t/ie SolankVs daughter. — Proceeds by Anhid- 
warra on his route to Dtoarica. — Again encounters Lakha Phoolatia, whom he 
slays in single combat, — Massacres tlie Dabeys of Mehwo^ and the Gohils of 
Khcrdhnr.-Seoji estahlislies himself in " tJie land of KlwrP — Tlie Brahmin 
community of Palli invoke the aid of Stoji against the niountaineers, — Offer 
him lands, — Accepted, — Birth of a son. — Seqji ma^ssaci^es Uie Brahmins^ and 
usurps tJieir lands, — Death of Sedji, — Leaves three sons, — Tlve elder, Asot^hama, 
S7icceeds, — The second, Soning, obtains Edur, — Ajmal, the third, conquers 
Okamundala, originates the Badhail tribe of that region. — Asotluima leaves 
eight sons, Jieads of clans, — Doohur succeeds. — Attempts to i-ecover Canouj. — 
Failure, — Attempts Mundore. — Slain, — Leaves seven sons. — liaepal succeeds. — 
llevenges his failures deat/i. — His thirteen sons, — Their is&ues spread over 
Maroo, — Bojo Kanliul succeeds, — Rao Jalhun, — Rao Chado, — Rao Tlieedo, — 
Carry on wars toith the Bhattis and otiier tribes, — Conquest of Beenmahl. — 
Rao Siluk, — Rao Beerumdeo, killed in battle mth t/ie Johyas. — Clans, their 
issue. — Rao Chonda, — Conquers Mundore from the Purihar, — Assaults and 
obtains Nagore from the Imperialists, — Captures Nadole, cajntalofGodwar, — 
Marries the Princess of Mundore. — Fourteen sons and one daughter, wJio 
married Lakha Rana of Mewar, — Result of this marriage, — Feud betvoeen 
Irinkowal, fourtii son of Chonda, and the Bhatti chieftain ofPoogul, — Chonda 
slain at Nagore,— Rao Rinmul succeeds, — Resides at Clieetore, — Conquers 
AjmhrfoT the Rana, — Equalizes the weigMsand measures of Marwar, which he 
divides into departments, — Rao Rinmul slain. — Leaves tweiity-four sons, wliose 
issue constitute the present frerage of Marwar,— Table of clans. 

In S. 1268 (A.D. 1212), eighteen years subsequent to the over- 
throw of Canouj, S^dji and Saitram, grandsons of its last monarch, 
abondoned the land of their birth, and with two hundred retainers, 
the wreck of their vassalage, journeyed westward to the desert, with 
the intent, according to some of the chronicles, of making a pilgrim- 
age to the shrine of Dwarica ; but according to othei-s, and with 
more probability, to carve their fortunes in fresh fields, unscathed by 
the luxuries in which they had been tried, and proud in their poverty 
and sole heritage, the glory of Canouj. 

Let us rapidly sketch the geogmphy of the tribes over whom it 
was destined these emigiants of the Ganges should obtain the 
mastery, from the Jumna to the Indus, and the Gaiah river to the 
Ai'avulli hills. Fii-st, on the east, the Cutchwahas, under Milaisi, 
whose father, Rao Pujoon, was killed in the wai* of Canouj. Ajmer, 
Sambhur, and the best lands of the Chohans, fell rapidly to the 
Islamite — though the strong-holds of the Araviilli yet sheltered 


some, and Nadole continued for a century more to be governed by a 
tlescendant of Beesuldeo. Mansi, Raua of the Eendoh tribe, a branch 
of the Purihars, still held Mundore, and the various Bltoviicis around 
paid him a feudal subjection as the first chief of the desert. North- 
ward, about Nagore, lived the community of the Mohils (a name 
now extinct), whose chief place wasAureent, on which depended 1,440 
villages. The whole of the tmcts now occupied by Bikaner to 
Bliatnair were partitioned into petty republics of Getes or Jits, 
whose histoiy will hereafter be related. Thence to the Oarah river, 
the Johyiis, Dyas, Cathae, Langahas, and other tribes whose names 
are now obliterated, partly by the sword, partly by conversion to 
Islamism. The Bhattis had for centuries been established within 
the bounds they still inhabit, and little expected that this handful 
of Rah tores was destined to contract them. The Soda princes 
adjoined the Bhattis south, and the Jhardjas occupied the valley of 
the Indus and Cutch. The Solan khis intervened between them and 
the Pramaras of Aboo and Chandravati, which completed the chain 
by junction with Nadole. Various chieftains of the more ancient 
races, leading a life of fearless independence, acknowledging an occa- 
sional submission to their more powerful neighboui-s, were scattered 
throughout this space ; such as the Dabeys of Eedur and Mchwo ; 
the Gohils of Kherd*hur ; the Deoras of Sanchore ; and Sonigurras of 
Jhalore ; the Mohils of Aureent ; the Sanklas of Sindli, &;c. ; all of 
whom have either had their bii*th-right seized by the Rahtore, or tho 
few who have survived and yet retain them, are enrolled amongst 
their allodial vassals. 

The first exploit of Seoji was at Koloomud (twenty miles west of 
the city of Bikan^r, not then in existence), the residence of a chief- 
tain of the Solankhi tribe. He received the royal emigrants with 
kindness, and the latter repaid it by the offer of their services to 
combat his enemy, the Jhare^ja chieftain of Phoolra, well known 
in all the annals of the period, from the Sutlej to the ocean, as 
Lakha Phoolana, the most celebrated riever of Maroo, whose castle 
of Phooli-a stood amidst the almost inaccessible sand-hills of tho 
desert. By this timely succour, the Solankhi gained a victory over 
Lakha, but with the loss of Saitram and several of his band. In 
gi-atitude for this service, the Solankhi bestowed upon Seoji his sister 
in marriage, with an ample dower ; and he continued his route by 
Anhulwana Patun, where he was hospitably entertained by its prince, 
\o the shrine of Dwaricji. It was the good fortune of Seoji again to 
encounter Lakha, whose wandering habits had brought him on a 
foray into the territory of Anhulwarra. Besides the love of glory 
and the ambition of maintaining the reputation of his i*ace, he haid 
the stimulus of revenge, and that of a brother's blood. He was 
successful, though he lost a nephew, slaying Lakha in single combat, 
which magnified his fame in all these regions, of which Phoolana 
was the scourge. 

Flushed with success, we hear nothing of the completion of S^6ji's 


pilgi'image ; but obedient to the axiom of the Rajjwot, "get land," 
we find him on the banks of the Looni, extenninating, at a feast, 
the Dabeys of Mehwo,* and soon after the Gohils of Khcrdhur,t 
whose chief, Mohesdas, fell by the sword of the giundson of Jeichund. 
Here, in the " land of Kh^r,*' amidst the sand-hills of the Looni, (the 
salt-river of the desert), from which the Gohils were expelled, Seoji 
planted the standard of the Rahtores. 

At this period, a community of Bi^mins held the city and exten- 
sive lands about Palli, from which they were termed PallkvaZ ; and 
being gicatly harassed by the incursions of the mountaineers, the 
Mairs and Meentis, they called in the aid of Se6ji*s band, which 
readily undertook and executed the task of rescuing the Brahmius 
from their depredations. Aware that they would be renewed, they 
offered Sddji lands to settle amongst them, which were readily 
accepted ; and here he had a son by the Solankhani, to whom ho 
gave the name of Asothama. With her, it is recorded, the sugges- 
tion originated to make himself lord of Palli ; and it aftbrds another 
example of the disregard of the early Bajpoots for the sacred order, 
that on the Holi, or * Saturnalia,' he found an opportunity to " obtain 
" land," putting to death the heads of this community, and adding 
the district to his conquests. Seoji outlived his treachery only 
twelve months, leaving his acquisitions as a nucleus for further 
additions to his children. He had three sons> Asot'hama^ Soniug, 
and AjmaL 

One of the chronicles asserts that it was Asot'hama, the successor 
of Seoji, who conquered " the land of Khcr" from the Gohils. By 
the same species of treachery by which his father attained Palli, he 
lent his aid to establish his brother Souing in Eedur. This small 
principality, on the frontiers of Guzzerat, then appertained, as did 
Mehwo, to the Dabey race ; and it was during the maatuTn, or period 
of mourning for one of its princes; that the young Bahtore chose to 
obtain a new settlement. His descendants are distinguished as the 
Hatondia Rahtores. The third brother, Uja, carried his fomys as far as 
the extremity of the Saurashtra peninsula, where he decapitated 
Beekumsi, the Chawara chieftain of Okamundala,^ and established 
himself. From this act his bmnch became known as the *' Badluxil ;**§ 
and the Badhails are still in considerable number in that furthest 
track of ancient Hinduism called the " World's End." 

Asot'hama died, leaving eight sons, who became the heads of clans, 
viz,, Doohur, Jopsi, Khimpsao, Bhopsoo, Dhandul, Jaitmal, Bandur, 

* The Dabqr was one of the thirty-six royal races ; and this is almost the 
last mention of their holding independent possessions. See Vol. I, p. 105. 

t In my last journey through these regions, I visited the^chief oif the Gohils 
at Bhaonuggur, in the Gulf of Cambay. I transcribed their defective annals, 
which trace their migration from " Kn6rdhur," but in absolute ignorance where 
it is ! See Vol. I, p. 104. 

t On the western coast of the jSaurashtni peninsula. 

§ From hhada, " to slay.' 


and Oohur ; of wbicb, four, Doohur, Dhandul, Jaitnial, and Oohur, 
are yet known. 

Doohur succeeded Asot'hama. He made an unsuccessful effort to 
recover Canouj ; and then attempted to wrest Mundore from the 
Purihars, but " watered their lands with his blood." He left seven 
sons, viz,, Raepal, Keerutpal, Behur, Peetul, Joogail, Daloo, and Begur, 

Raepal succeeded, and revenged the death of his father, slaying 
the Purihar of Mundore, of which he even obtained temporary 
possession. He had a progeny of thirteen sons, who rapidly spread 
their issue over these regions. He was succeeded by his son Kanhul, 
whose successor was his son Jalhun ; he was succeeded by his son 
Chado, whose successor was his son Theedo. All these carried on a 
desperate warfare with, and made conquests from, their neighboura 
Chado and Theedo are mentioned as very troublesome neighboui-s in 
the annals of the Bhattis of Jessulmer, who were compelled 
to carry the war against them into the " land of Kher." Rao 
Theedo took the rich district of Beenmahl from the SoniguiTa, and 
made other additions to his territory from the Deoras and Balechas. 
He was succeeded by Siluk or Silko. His issue, the SUkavmts, now 
Bhomias, are yet numeroas both in Mehwo and Rardurro. Silko 
was succeeded by his son Beerumdeo, who attacked the Johyas of 
the north, and fell in battle. His descendants, styled Beerumote and 
Beejawut, from another son Beejo, are numerous at Saitroo, Sewanoh, 
and Daichoo. Beerumdeo was succeeded by his son Qionda, an 
important name in the annals of the Bahtores. Hitherto they had 
attracted notice by their valour and their raids, whenever there waa 
a prospect of success ; but they had so multiplied in eleven genera- 
tions, that they now essayed a higher flight. Collecting all the 
branches bearing the name of Bahtore, Chonda assaulted Mundore, 
slew the Purihar prince, and planted the banners of Canouj on the 
ancient capital of Maroo. 

So fluctuating are the fortunes of the daring Rajpoot, ever courting 
distinction and coveting 6/iom, * land,' that but a short time before 
this success, Chonda had been expelled from all the lands acquired 
by his ancestors, and was indebted to the hospitality of a bard of the 
Charun tribe, at E^oo ; and they yet circulate the cavit, or quatrain, 
made by him when, in the days of his greatness, he came and was 
refused admittance to *' the lord of Mundore ;" he took post under 
the balcony, and vmproviscd a stanza, reminding him of the Chai-un 
of Kaloo : " Chonda nuhyn aw4 chifh, Katchur Kaloo tinna f 
" Bfu)op Vhyo Vhy-Vhit\ Mundavmr ra maled T " Does not Chonda 
•* remember the porridge of Kaloo, now that the lord of the land 
" looks so terrific from his balcony of Mundawur ?" Once established 
in Mundore, he ventured to assault the imperial garrison of Nagore. 
Here he was also successfuL Thence he carried his arms south, and 
placed his garrison in Nadole, the capital of the province of Godwar. 
He married a daughter of the Purihar prince,* who had the satisfac- 

* He was of the Ecndo branch of the Purihars, and his daughter is called 
the ** EcndwiUniJ' 


tion to see liLs grandson succeed to the throne of Miindore. Clionda 
was blessed with a progeny of fourteen sons, growing up to'manhood 
around him. Their names were Minmul* Sittto, Rindheer, Irln- 
kowaly-f Poonja, Bheem, Kana, Ujo, Ramdeo, Beejo, Sehesmul, Bagh, 
Loombo, Seoraj. 

Chonda had also one daughter named Haiisa, married to Lakha 
Rana of Mewar, whose son was the celebrated Koombho. It was 
this marriage which caused that interference in the affairs of Mcwar, 
which had such fatal results to both states4 

The feud between his fourth son, Irinkowal, and the Bhatti prince 
of Poogul, being deemed singularly illustrative of the Rajpoot 
character, has been extracted from the annals of Jessulmer, in 
another pait of this work.§ The Rahtore chronicler does not enter 
into details, but merely states the result, as ultimately involving the 
death of Chonda — simply that " he was slain at Nagore with one 
" thousand Rajpoots ;" and it is to the chronicles of Jessulmer we are 
indebted for our knowledge of the manner. Chonda acceded in S. 
1438 (A.D. 1382), and was slain in S. 1465. 

Rinmul succeeded. His mother was of the Gohil tribe. In 
stature he was almost gigantic, and was the most athletic of all the 
athlfetes of his nation. With the death of Chonda, Nagore was again 
lost to the Rahtores. Rana Lakha presented Rinmul with the 
township of Durlo and forty villages upon his sister's mairiage, when 
he almost resided at Cheetore, and was considered by the Rana as 
the first of his chiefs. With the forces of M^war added to his own, 
under pretence of conveying a daughter to the viceroy of Ajmer, he 
introduced his adherents into that renowned fortress, the ancient 
capital of the Chohans, putting the gaiTison to the sword, and thus 
restored it to Mewar. Khemsi Pancholi, the adviser of this measure, 
was rewarded with a grant of the township of Kadtoh, then lately 
captured from the Kaim-Kidnis. Rinmul went on a pilgrimage to 
Gya, and paid the tax exacted for all the pilgrims then assembled. 

Tlie bard seldom intrudes the relation of civil affairs into his page, 
and when he does, it is incidentally. It would be folly to suppose 
that the princes of Maroo had no legislative recorders ; but with 
these the poet had no bond of union. He, however, condescends to 
inform us of an important measure of Rao Rinmul, namely, that 
he equalized the weights and measures throughout his dominions, 
which he divided as at present. The last act of Rinmul, in treach- 
erously attempting to usurp the throne of the infant Rana of Mewar, 
was deservedly punished, and he was slain by the faithful Chonda, 
as related in the annals of that state.|| This feud originated the line 
of demarcation of the two states,ir and which remained unaltered 

* The descendants of those whose names are in italics still exis^t. 

t This is the prince mentioned in the extraordinary feud related (vol. i, p. 
539) from the annals of Jessulmer. Incidentally, we have frequent synchronisms 
in the annals of these states, which, however sUght, are of high import. 

t See Vol. I, p. 231. § Page 639. || Page 236. t Page 237. 



until recent timas, when Marwar at lengtli touched the Aravulli. 
Rao Rinmul left twenty-four sons, whose issue, and that of his 
clde,st son, Joda, fonu the great vassalage of Marwar. For this 
reason, however barren is a mere catalogue of names, it is of the 
utmost value to those who desire to see the growth of the frh'oge 
of such a community.* 


1. Joda (succeeded)... 

2. Kandul | 



Kaudulote, conquered 
lauds in 

3. Champa 


A. Akhiraj 

had seven sons : 
1st Koompo 

5. Mandlo 


6. Patta 

7. Lakha 

a BaLa 

9. Jaitmul 

10. Kunio 

11. Koopa 

12. Natnoo 

13. Doongra —• 

14. Sanda 

15. Mando 

16. Biroo 

17. Jugmal 

18. Hampo 

19. Sakto 

20. Kerimchund 

21. Urival 

22. Ketsi 

23. Sutrosai •• • 

24. Tezmal 

Mandlote ... 

Pattawut ... 


Balawut — 


Kuniote •.■ 







Saktawut -.< 

Chieftainships or Fiefs. 

I Blkan^r. 

( Ahwa, KaAtoh, Palri, Hur- 

< sola, Rohit, Jawula, Sutlaua, 

( Singari. 
Asope, Kuntaleo, Chundawul, 
Simari, Kharlo, Hursore, 
Bulloo, Bajoria, Soorpoora, 

{ Kumichari, Baroh, and Des- 

( nokh.t 






Urivalote •• 
Ketsiote .. 

Estates not mentioned ; their 
descendants have become 
dependent on the greater 

* It is only by the possession of such knowledge, that we can exercise with 
justice our right of universal arbitration. 

t Bravo soldiers, but, safe in the deep sands, they refuse to serve except on 



Accession of Rao Jodcu — Transfers the seat of government from Mundore to the 

ji-ew cajntcU Jodpoor, — Tke caiise, — The Vann-perist, or DnUds'of India, — 

Their penances, — The fourteen sons of Joda, — New settlemepUs ofSatubntr, 

Mairta, Bikaner. — Joda dies, — Anecdotes regarding him, — His personal 

appearance. — Rapid increase of the Rahlore race, — Names of tribes disj^lactd 

theirehy, —Accession of Rao Soojoh^-First conflict of the Rahtores with the 

Imperialists, — Rape of the RaiUore virgins at Feepar. — GaUa^itry of Soojoh, 

— His deatJi, — Issue, — Succeeded by his grandson Rao Ganga. — His uncle 

Saga contests the Utrone, — Obtains the aid qf the Lodi FaJ£ha;iis, — Civil War. 

— So/ga slain* — Babei^s invasion of India, — Rana Sanga generalissimo of ilie 

Rajixfots, — Rojo Ganga sends Jos contingent under his grandson RaemuL — 

Slain at Biana. — Death of Ganga, — Accession of Rao Maldeo. — Becomes the 

first amongst the princes of Rqjpootana.— Re-conquers Nagore and AjmJer 

from the Lodis, J/talore and Sewanoh from the SindJiHs. — Reduces the 

rebellious allodial vassals. — Conquest from JessulmJer. — The MaMotes, — Takes 

Fokurn. — Dismantles Satulmer. — His numerous puJblic works, — Cantons 

belonging to Marwar enumerated, — Maldeo resumes several of the great estates. 

— Makes a scale of rank hereditary in the line of Jodcu — Feriod favourahle 

to Maided s consolidation of his power. — His inhospitality to the Emperor 

Hemayoon. — Shere Shah invades Marwar. — Maldeo meets him. — Datiger of 

the Imperial army. — Saved by stratagem from destruction. — Rahtore army 

retreats, — Devotion of the two chief clans, — Their destruction. — Akber invades 

Marwar. — Takes Mairta and Nagore. — Confers them on RaJe Sing ofBikaner. 

— Maldeo sends his second son to Akber's court, — Refused to pay homage in 

person. — The emj^eror gives the firman cf Jodpoor to RcttlSing. — Rao Maldeo 

besieged by Akber. — D^ends Jodpoor. — ScTids his son Oodi Sing to Akber. — 

His reception. — Receives the title qf Raja. — Chundersen maintains Rahtore 

iTidependence. — Retires to Seioanoh. — Besieged^ and slain. — His sons, — Maldeo 

witnesses the sul^ection of his kingdom. — His death. — His twelve sons. 

ioDh was bom at Dunlo, the appanage of his f&ther in Mewar, 
in the month Bysak, S. 1484. In 1511 he obtained Sojut, and 
in the month Jait, 1515 (A.D. 1459), laid the foundation of Jodpoor, 
to which he traiisferred the seat of government from Mundore. 
With the superstitious Rajpoot, as with the ancient Roman, 
every event being decided by the omen or the augur, it would be 
contrary to rule il' so important an occasion as the change of capital, 
and that of an infant state, were not marked by some propitious 
prestige, that would justify the abandonment of a city won by the 
sword, and which had been for ages the capital of Maroo. The 
intervention, in this instance, was of a simple nature; neither the flight 
of birds, the lion's lair, or celestial manifestation ; but the ordinance 
of an anchorite, whose abode, ^art from mankind, was a cleft of the 
mountains of Bakurchecrea. But the behcsfcs of such ascetics arc 
secondary only to those of the divinity, whose organs they arc 
deemed. Like the Druids of the Celts, the Vana-pcrist Jogi, from 


the glades of the forest (tHiiid) or recess in the rocks (gopha), issue 
their oiucles to those whom chance or design may conduct to their 
solitary dwellings. It is not surprising tliat the mandates of such 
beings prove compulsory on the superstitious Rajpoot : we do not 
mean those squalid ascetics, who wander about India, and arc objects 
disgusting to the eye ; but the genuine Jogi, he who, as the term 
imports, mortifies the flesh, till the wants of humanity are restricted 
merely to what suflices to unite matter with spirit ; who has studied 
and comprehended the mystic works, and pored over the systems of 
philosophy, until the full influence of maia (illusion) has perhaps 
unsettled his understanding ; or whom the rules of his sect have 
condemned to penance and solitude ; a penance so severe, that we 
remain astonished at the pervei-sity of reason which can submit to 
it* To these, the Druids of India, the prince and the chieftain 
would resort for instruction. They requested neither lands nor 
gold : to them " the boasted wealth of Bokhara" was as a particle of 
dust Such was the ascetic who recommended Joda to erect his 
castle on * the Hill of Strife' (Jodagir), hitherto known as Bakur- 
eheerea, or ' the bird's nest,' a projecting elevation of the same range 
on which Mundore was placed, and about four miles south of it. 
Doubtless its inaccessible position seconded the recommendation of 
the hermit, for its scarped summit renders it almost impregnable, 
while its superior elevation permits the sons of Joda to command, 
from the windows of their palace, a range of vision almost compre- 
hending the limits of their sway. In clear weather, they can view 
the summits of their southern barrier, 'the gigantic Ai-aviilli ; but in 
every other direction, it fades away in the boundless expanse of 
sandy plains. Neither the founder, nor his monitor, the ascetic, 
however, were engineers, and they laid the foundation of this strong- 
hold witJiout consideiing what an indispensable adjunct to successful 
defence was good water ; but to prevent any slur on the memory of 
Joda, they t£row the blame of this defect on the hermit. Joda's 
engineer, m tracing the line of circumvallation, found it necessary to 
indude the spot chosen as his hermitage, and his remonstrance for 
undisturbed possession was treated with neglect ; whether by the 
prince as well as the chief architect, the legend says not The 
incensed Jogi pronounced an imprecation, that the new castle should 

* We have seen one of these objects, self-condemned never to lie down 
during forty years, and there remained but three to complete the term. He 
had travellea much, was intelligent and learned, but far from harving contracted 
the moioseness of the recluse, there was a benignity of mien, and a suavity and 
simplicity of manner in him, quite enchanting. He talked of his penance with 
no vain-glory, and of its approaching term wi&out any sensation. The resting 
positioa of this Druid ( vana-perist) was by means of a rope suspended from 
the bough of a tree, in the manner of a swing, having a cross-bar. on which he 
reciinea. The first years of this penance, he says, were dreadfully painful ; 
swollen limbs affected him to that degree, that he expected death : out this 
imnression had long since worn off. '' Even in this, is there mucn vanity,'' 
ana it would be a nice ])oint to determine whether the homage of man or the 
Approbation of the Divinity, most sustains the energies under such appalling 


possess only brackish water, and all the effoits made by sircceeding 
princes to obtain a better quality, by blasting the rock, have failed. 
The memory of the Jogi is sanctified, though his anger compelled 
them to constinict an apparatus, whereby water for the supply of 
the gamson is elevated from a small lake at the foot of the rock, 
which, being entirely commanded from the walla, an assailant would 
find difficult to cut off! This was the third grand event in the 
fortunes of the Eahtores, from the settlement of Seoji.* 

Such was the abundant progeny of these princes, that the limits 
of their conquests soon b^same too contiticted. The issue of the 
three last princes, viz., the fourteen sons of Chonda, the twenty-four 
of Rinmul, and fourteen of Joda, had already apportioned amongst 
them the best lands of the country, and it became necessary to 
conquer " fresh fields in which to sow the Bahtore seed." 

Joda had fourteen sons, viz, : 
Names of Chiefs. Clans. Fiefs or Chieftainsliips. Remarks. 

1. Santul, or Satil Satulm6r Three coss from Pokum. 

2. Soojoh (Soor^) Succeeded Joda. 

3. Gomoh No issue. 

'Doodoh took Sambhiir 

from the Chohans. He 
had one son, Beerum, 

4. Doodoh Mairtea. Mairta -{ whose two sous. Jeimul 

and Jugnial, founded 
the clans Jeimulote and 

5. Birsing Birsingate ... Nolai In Malwa. 

6. Beeko Beekaet Beekan^r Independent state. 

7. Bharmul Bharmulote.. Bai Bhilara ... 

8. Seoraj Seongote ... Dhoonara On the LoonL 

9. Kunnsi Kurmsote ... Kewnsir 

10. Raemul Raemulote... 

11. Samutsi Samuts^te.. Dawaroh 

12. Beeda Beedawut ... Beedavatl In Nagore district. 

13. Bunhur ) Clans and fiefs not men- 

14. Neembo J tioned. 

The eldest son, Santul, bom of a female of Boondl, established 
himself in the north-west comer, on the lands of the Bhattis, and 
built a fort, which he called Satulm^r, about five miles from Pokurn. 
He was killed in action by a Eiian of the Sahraes (the Saracens of 
the Indian desert), whom he also slew. His ashes were burnt at 
Kusmoh, and an altar was raised over them, where seven of his 
wives became suttees. 

The fourth son, Doodoh, established himself on the plains of Mairta, 
and his clan, the Mairtea, is numerous, and has always sustained the 

* Palli did not- remain to S^ji's descendants^ when they went westward 
and settled on the Looni : the Seesodias took it with other lands from the 
Purihar of Mundore. It was the feud already adverted to with Mewar which 
obtained for him the fertile districts of Palli and Sojut, by which his territories 
at length touched the Aravulli, and the fears of the assassin of Rana Koombho 
made his parricidal son relinquish the provinces of Sambhur and Ajm6r. — 
See Vol. I, p. 243. 


reputation of being the " first swords" of Maroo. His daughter was 
the celebrated Meera Bae, wife of Rana Khoombo,* and he was the 
grandsire of the heroic Jeimul, who defended Cheetore against Akber, 
and whose descendant, Jeyt Sing of Bednore, is still one of the 
sixteen chief vassals of the Oodipoor coui't. 

The sixth son, Beeko, followed the path already trod by his undo 
Kandul, with whom he united, and conquered the tracts possessed by 
the six Jit communities. He erected a city, which he called after 
himself Beekan^r, or Bikaner. 

Joda outlived the foundation of his new capital thirty yeare, and 
beheld his sons and grandsons rapidly peopling and subjugating the 
regions of Maroo. In S. 1545, aged sixty-one, he departed this life, 
and his ashes were housed with those of his fathers, in the ancesti-al 
abode of Mundore. This prince, the second founder of his race in 
these regions, was mainly indebted to the adversities of early 
life for the prosperity his later years enjoyed ; they led him to 
the discovery of worth in the more ancient, but neglected, allodial 
proprietors displaced by his ancestora, and driven into the least 
accessible regions of the desert. It was by their aid he was enabled 
to redeem Mundore, when expelled by the Gehlotes, and he nobly 
preserved the remembrance thereof in the day of his prosperity. 
The warriors whose forms are sculptured from the living rock at 
Mundore, owe the perpetuity of their fame to the gratitude of Joda ; 
through them he not only recovered, but enlarged his dominions.-f- 
In less than three centuries after their migration from Canouj, tho 
Rah tores, the issue of S^ji, spread over a surface of four degrees of 
longitude and the same extent of latitude, or nearly 80,000 miles 
square, and they amount at this day, in spite of the havoc occasioned 
by perpetual wars and famine, to 500,000 souls. While we thus 
contemplate the renovation of the Rahtore race, from a single scion 
of that magnificent tree, whose branches once overehadowed the 
plains of Gauga, let us withdraw from oblivion some of the many 
noble names they displaced, which now live only in the poets page. 
Well may the Rajpoot repeat theever-recurringsimile, "All is unstable ; 
" life is like the scintillation of the fire-fly ; house and land will 
*' depart, but a good name will last for ever !" What a list of noble 
tribes could we enumerate now erased from independent existence 
by the successes of " the children of Seva" {Seva-putra)ll Puriharas, 
£eHdo.s, Sanklas, Chohans, Gohils, Dabeys, Sindhils, Mohils, Soni- 
gurras, Cattis, Jits, Hools, &;c., and the few who still exist only as 
retainers of the Rahtore. 

Soojoh§ (Soorajmul) succeeded, and occupied the gadi of Joda 
during twenty-seven years, and had at least the merit of adding to 
the stock of Se6ji. 

♦ See Vol. I, p. 243. t See VoL I, p. 624. 

X S^ji is the Bhaka for Seva ; — the J* is merely an adjunct of respect 
I One of the chronicles makes Satil occuny the gadi after Joda, during three 
years ; but this appears a mistake — he was killed in defending Satulm^r. 


The contentions for empire, during the vacillating dynasty of the 
Lodi kings of Dehli, preserved the sterile lands of Maroo from tlieir 
cupidity ; and a second dynasty, the Shere-shahi, intervened ere ' tfie 
sons of Joda* were summoned to measure swords with the Impe- 
rialists. But in S. 1572 (A.D. 1516), a desultory band of Pat'hans 
made an incursion during the fair of the Teej,* held at the town 
of Peepar, and carried otf one hundred and forty of the maidens 
of Maroo. The tidings of the rape of the virgin Rajpootnis 
were conveyed to Soojoh, who put himself at the head of such 
vassals as were in attendance, and pursued, overtook and redeemed 
them, with the loss of his own life, but not without a full measure 
of vengeance i^jainst the " northern barbarian." The subject is one 
chosen by the itinerant minstrel of Maroo, who, at the fair of the 
Teej, still sings the rape of the one hundred and forty virgins of 
Peepar, and Uieir rescue by their cavalier prince at the price of his 
own blood. 

Soojoh had five sons, mz,y 1, Bhago, who died in non-age : his son 
Qanga succeeded to the throne. 2, Oodoh, who had eleven sons : 
they formed the clan. Oodawut, whose chief fiefs are Neemaj, Jytarun, 
Goondoche, Biratea, Raepoor, &c., besides places in Mewar. 3, Saga, 
from whom descended the clan Sagawut ; located at Burwoh. 4, 
Priag, who originated the Priagote clan. 5, Beerumdeo, whose son, 
Naroo, receives divine honours as the p&tra of Maroo, and whose 
Btatue is worshipped at Sojut. His descendants are styled Narawut 
Joda, of whom a branch is established at Puchpahar, in Harouti. 

Ganga, grandson of Soojoh, succeeded his grandfather in S. 1572 
(A.D. 1516) ; but his uncle. Saga, determined to contest his right to 
the gadi, invited the aid of Dowlut Khan Lodi, who had recently 
exfielled the Rahtores from Nagore. With this auxiliary a civil 
utrifo commenced, and the sons of Joda were marshalled against each 
other. Ganga, confiding in the rectitude of his cause, and reckoning 
upon the support of the best swords of Maroo, spumed the offer of 
corn [)rom ISO made by the Pat'han, of a partition of its lands between 
the claimants, and gave battle, in which his uncle Saga was slain, 
and his auxiliary, Dowlut Khan, ignominiously defeated. 

Twelve years after the accession of Ganga^ the sons of Joda were 
etiWf'A on to unite their forces to Mewar to oppose the invasion of the 
UiH(\i\H from Turkistan. Sanga Rana, who had resumed the station 
of hJM anccstorH auiongst the princes of Hind, led the war, and the 
kin({ of MAnHMleemedit no degradation to acknowledge his supre- 
macy, and Msrid his (quotas to fight under the standard of M^war, 
wh</M) chronicles do more justice to the Rahtores than those of their 
own berdH. This, which was the last confederation made by the 
JUj(><K;tM for national independence, was defeated, as already related, 
in tbo fatal Held of Biana, where, had treachery not aided the 
ininfpid Ifaibor, the llahtore sword would have had its full share in 
rtmcMitui the nation from the Mahomedan yoke. It is sufficient to 
,.-.*• *-- ^ ^^^^ ^ dwicriiition u£ tlus festival, see Vol, I, p. 497. 


state that a Rahtorc was in the battle, to know that he would bear 
its brunt ; and although we are ignorant of the actual position of the 
Kana, we may assume that their post was i]i the van. The young 
prince Raemul (grandson of Ganga), with the Mairtea chieftains 
Khartoe and Rutna, and many others of note, fell against the 
Chagitai on this eventful day. j. 

Ganga died* four years after this event, and was succeeded by 

Maldeo in S. 1588 (A.D. 1532), a name as distinguished as any of 
the noble princes in the chronicles of Maroo. The position of 
Marwar at this period was eminently excellent for the increase and 
consolidation of its resources. The emperor Baber found no temp- 
tation in her sterile lands to divert him from the rich plains of the 
Ganges, where he had abundant occupation ; and the districts and 
strong-holds on the emperor's frontier of Mai^oo, still held by the 
officere of the preceding dynasty, were rapidly acquired by Maldeo, 
who planted his garrisons in the very heart ot Dhoond^r. The 
death of Sanga Rana, and the misfortunes of the house of Mcwar, 
cursed with a succession of minor princes, and at once beset by the 
Moguls from the north, and the kings of Guzzerat, left Maldeo to the 
uncontrolled exercise of his power, which, like a true Rajpoot, he 
employed against friend and foe, and became beyond a doubt the 
first prince of Rajwarra, or, in fact, as styled by the Mahomedan 
historian Ferishta, " the most potent prince in Hindustan." 

The year of Maldeo's installation, he redeemed the two most 
important possessions of his house, Nagore and Ajmer. In 1596 he 
captured Jhalore, Sewanoh, and Bhadrajoon from the Sindhils ; and 
two years later dispossessed the sons of Beeka of supreme power 
in Bikaner. Mehwo, and the tracts on the Looni, the earliest 
possessions of his house, which had thrown off all dependence, he 
once more subjugated, and compelled the ancient allodial tenantry to 
hold of him in chief, and serve with their quotas. He engaged in 
war with the Bhattis, and conquered Beekumpoor, where a branch of 
his family remained, and ai*e now incorporated with the Jessnlmer 
state, and, under the name of Maldotes,f have the credit of being the 
most daring robbers of the desert. He even established branches of 
his family in Mewar and Dhoonddr, took, and fortified Chatsoo, not 
twenty miles south of the capital of the Cutchwahas. He captured 
and restored Serohi from the Deoras, from which house was his 
mother. But Maldeo not only acquired, but determined to retain, 
his conquests, and erected numerous fortifications throughout the 
country. He enclosed the city of Jodpoor with a strong wall, 
besides erecting a palace, and adding other works to the fortress. 
The circumvallations of Mairtea and its fort, which he called Mal- 
kote, cost him £24,000. He dismantled Satulmer, and with the 

♦ The Yati*8 roll, says Ganga, was poisoned ; but this is not confirmed by any 
other authority. 

t Mr. £lphiDstone apprehended an attack from the Maldotes on his way to 


materials fortified Pokuni, which he took from the Bhattis, trans* 
planting the entire ]X)pulation, which comprehended the richest 
merchants of Rajast'han. He erected forts at Bhadrajoon, on the 
hill of Bheemlode, near Sewanoh, at Goondoche, at Reeah, Peepar, 
and Dhoonara. He made the Koondulkote at Sewanoh, and greatly 
added to that of Filodi, lirst made by Hamira Nirawut. He also 
erected that bastion in Gurh Beetli (the citadel of Ajmer) called the 
Kote-boorj, and shewed his skill in hydraulics by the construction 
of a wheel to bring water into the fort. The chronicler adds, that 
" by the wealth of Sambur," meaning the resources of this salt lake, 
he was enabled to accomplish these works, and furnishes a list of 
the possessions of Jodpoor at this period, which w^e cannot exclude : 
Sojut, Sambur, Mairtea, Khatah, Bednore, Ladnoo, Raepoor, Bhad- 
rajoon, Nag(Jre, Sewanoh, Lohagurh, Jykulgurh, Bikaner, Beenmahl, 
Pokurn, Barmair, Kusoli, Rewasso, Jajawur, Jhalore, Baoli, Mular, 
Nadole, Filodi, Sanchore, Deedwana, Chatsoo, Lowain, Mularna, 
Deorah, Futtehpoor, Umursir, Khawur, Baniapoor, Tonk, Thoda, 
Ajmer, Jehajpoor and Pramar-ca-Oodipoor (in Shekhavati) ; in all 
thirty-eight districts, several of which, as Jhalore, Ajm^r, Tonk, 
Thoda and Bednore, comprehended each three hundred and sixty 
townships, and there were none which did not number eighty. But 
of those enumerated in Dhoonddr, as Chatsoo, Lowain, Tonk, Thoda, 
and Jehajpoor in Mewar, the possession was but transient; and 
although Bednore, and its three hundred and sixty townships, were 
peopled by Rahtores, they were the descendants of the Maii-teas 
under Jeimul, who became one of the great vassals of Mewar, and 
would, in its defence, at all times draw their swords against the land 
which gave them birth.* This branch of the house of Joda had for 
some time been too powerful for subjects, and Mairtea was resumed. 
To this act M6war was indebted for the services of this heroic chief. 
At the same time, the growing power of others of the great vassalage 
of Marwar was checked by resumptions, when Jytarun from the 
Oodawuts, and several other fiefs, were added to the fisc. The 
feudal allotments had never been regulated, but went on increasing 
with the energies of the state, and the progeny of its princes, each 
ha\ang on his birth an appanage assigned to him, until the whole 
land of Maroo was split into innumerable portions. Maldeo saw 
the necessity for checking this subdivision, and he created a grada- 
tion of ranks, and established its perpetuity in certain branches of 
the sons of Rinmul and Joda, which has never been altered. 

Ten years of undisturbed possession were granted Maldeo to 
perfect his designs, ere his cares were diverted from these to his 
own defence. Baber, the founder of the Mogul djmasty, was dead, 
and his son and successor had been driven from his newly-conquered 
throne by his provincial lieutenant, Shere Shah : so rapidly do 
revolutions crowd upon each other where the sword is the universal 

* Such ia the R«y^ot*s notion of swamdherma, or " fidelity to him whose 
" salt they eat," their immediate lord, even against their king. 


arbitrator. We have elsewhere related that the fugitive monarch 
sought the protection of Maldeo, and we stigmatized his conduct as 
unnational ; but we omitted to state that Maldeo, then heir-apparent, 
lost his eldest, perhaps then only son Raemul in the battle of Biana, 
who led the aid of Marwar on that memorable day, and consequently 
the name of Chagitai, whether in fortune or in flight, had no great 
claims to his regard. But little did Maldeo dream how closely the 
fortunes of his house would be linked with those of the fugitive 
Hemayoon, and that the infant Akb^r, born in this emergency, was 
destined to revenge this breach of hospitality. Still less could the 
proud Rahtore, who traced his ancestry on the throne of Canouj one 
thousand yeai-s before the birth of the " barbarian" of Ferghana, 
deem it within the range of probability, that he should receive 
honours at such hands, or that the first title of Raja, Bajeswar, or 
* raja, lord of rajas,* would be conferred on his own son by this infant, 
then rearing amidst the sand-hills at the extremity of his desert 
dominion ! It is curious to indulge in the speculative inquiry, 
whether, when the great Akb^r girded Oodi Sing with the sword of 
honour, and marked his forehead with the unguent of Raja-shah, he 
brought to mind the conduct of Maldeo, which doomed his birth to 
take place in the dismal castle of Amerkote, instead of in the 
splendid halls of Dehli. 

Maldeo derived no advantage from his inhospitality ; for whether the 
usurper deemed his exertions insufficient to secure the royal fugitive, 
or felt his own power insecure with so potent a neighbour, he led an 
army of eighty thousand men into Marwar. Maldeo allowed them 
to advance, and formed an army of fifty thousand Rajpoots to oppose 
him. The judgment and caution he exercised were so great, that 
Shere Shah, well versed in the art of war, was obliged to fortify his 
camp at every step. Instead of an easy conquest, he soon repented 
of his rashness when the admirable dispositions of the Rajpoots made 
him dread an action, and from a position whence he found it impos- 
sible to retreat. For a month the armies lay in sight of each other, 
every day the king's situation becoming more criticaJ, and from which 
he saw not the slightest chance of extrication. In this exigence he 
had recourse to one of those stratagems which have often operated 
successfully on the Rajpoot, by sowing distrust in his mind as to the 
fidelity of his vassals. He penned a letter, as if in correspondence 
with them, which he contrived to have dropped, as by accident, by 
a messenger sent to negotiate. Perhaps the severity of the resump- 
tions of estates seconded, this scheme of Shere Shah ; for when the 
stipulated period for the attack had aiTived, the Raja countermanded 
it The reasons for this conduct, when success was apparent, were 
soon propagated ; when one or two of the great leaders, in order tq 
demonstrate their groundlessness, gave an instance of that devotion 
with which the annals of these states abound. At the head of 
twelve thousand, they attacked and forced the imperial entrenched 
camp, carrying destruction even to the quarters of the emperor ; but 
multitudes prevailed, and the patriotic clans were almost annihilated. 

24 ii^NALS OF \URWAR. 

Maldeo, when too late, saw through the stratagem which had made 
him doubt the loyalty of his vassals. Superstition, and the reproaches 
of his chieftains for his unworthy suspicions, did the rest ; and this 
firet lev^ en Ttiasse of the descendants of Seoji, arrayed in defence 
of their national liberties, was defeated. With justice did the usurper 
pay homage to their gallantry, when he exclaimed, on his deliverance 
from this peril, " he had nearly lost the empire of Hindust*han for 
" a handful of barley."* 

Maldeo was destined to outlive the Shere-shahi dynasty, and to see 
the imperial crown of India once more encircle the brows of the 
fugitive Hemayoon.f It had been well for the Rahtores had his 
years been lengthened ; for his mild disposition and natural indolence 
of character gave them some chance that these qualities would be 
their best advocate. But he did not long survive the restoration. 
Whether the mother of his successor, prince Akber, not yet fifteen, 
stimulated by the recollection of her misfortunes, nursed his young 
animosity against Maldeo for the miseries of Amerkote, or whether 
it was merely an act of cautionary policy to curb the Rajpoot power, 
which was inconsistent with his own, in S. 1617 (A.D. 1561) he 
invaded Marwar, and laid siege to Malakote or Mairtea, which he 
took after an obstinate and sanguinary defence, part of the garrison 
cutting their way through his host, and making good their retreat 
to their prince. The important castle of Nagore was also captured : 
and both these strong-holds and their lands were conferred by Akbei 
on the younger branch of the family, Rae Sing, prince of Blkaner. 
now established in independence of the parent state, Jodpoor. 

In 1625 (A.D. 1569), Maldeo succumbed to necessity ; and in con 
formity with the times, sent his second son, Chundera^n, with giftj 
to Akber, then at Ajmer, which had become an integral part of the 
monarchy ; but Akber was so dissatisfied with the disdainful bearing 
of the desert king, who refused personally to pay his court, that h( 
not only guaranteed the free possession of Bikan6r to Rae Sing, bu 
presented him with the JirTndn for Jodpoor itself, with supremacy 
over his race. Chundersen appears to have possessed all the nativ< 
pride of the Rahtore, and to have been prepared to contest hi 
country's independence, in spite of Akber and the claims of his elde 
brother, Oodi Sing, who eventually was more supple in ingratiatin, 
himself into the monarch's favour. At the close of life, the old Ra 
had to stand a siege in his capital, and after a brave but fruitier 
resistance, was obliged to yield homage, and pay it in the pei-so 
of his son Oodi Sing, who, attending with a contingent, was enroUe 
amongst the commanders of ' one thousand ;' and shortly after wa 
invested with the title of Moota Raja, or ' the fat Raja,' by whic 
epithet alone he is designated in the annals of that period. 

* In allusion to the poverty of the soilj as unfitted to produce richer grain 

t There is a biographical account of this monarch, dunng his exile in Persi 

written by his dbdar, or * cup-bearer,' in the library of Major W. Yide.of Edii 

burgh, and which, when translated, will complete the series of biograpny of tl 

members of the house of Timour. 



Chundersen, with a considerable number of the bmve vassals of 
Maroo, determined to cling to independence and the rude fare of the 
desert, rather than servilely follow in the train of the despot. When 
driven from Jodpoor, they took post in Sewanoh, in the western 
extremity of the state, and there held out to the death. For seventeen 
years he maintained his title to the gadi, and divided the allegiance of 
the Rah tores with his elder brother Oodi Sing (though supported by 
the king), and stood the stoim in which he nobly fell, leaving three 
sons, Oogursen, Aiskum, and Rae Sing, who fought a duel with Rao 
Soortan, of Sirohi, and was slain, with twenty-four of his chiefs,* 
near the town of Duttani. 

Maldeo, though he submitted to acknowledge the supremacy of 
the emperor, was at least spared the degradation of seeing a daugliter 
of his blood bestowed upon the opponent of his faith ; he died soon 
after the title was conferred on his son, which sealed the dependence 
of Maroo. His latter days were a dismal contrast to those which 
witnessed his conquests in almost every part of Rajpootana, but he 
departed from this world in time to preserve his own honour 
untarnished, with the chai*acter of the most valiant and energetic 
Rajpoot of his time. Could he have added to his years and 
maintained their ancient vigour, he might, by a junction with Pertdp 
of M^war, who single-handed commenced his career just as Maldeo's 
closed, have maintained Rajpoot independence against the rising 
power of the Moguls.f 

Maldeo, who died S. 1671 (A.D. 1615), had twelve sons: — 

1. — Ram Sing, who was banished, and found refuge with the 
Rana of M^war ; he had seven sons, the fifth of whom, 
Kdsoodas, fixed at Chooly Mah^swur. 

2. — Raemul, who was killed in the battle of Biana. 

3. — Oodi Sing, Raja of Marwar. 

4. — Chundersen, by a wife of the Jhala tribe ; had three sons, the 
eldest, Oogiii-s^n, got BiNAi ; he had three sons, KuiTun, 
Kanji, and Kahun. 

5. — Aiskurn ; descendants at Jooneah. 

6. — Gopal-das ; killed at Eedur. 

7. — Pirthi Raj ; descendants at Jhalore. 

8. — Ruttunsi ; descendants at Bhadrajoon. 

9. — Bhairaj ; descendants at Ahari. 
10. — Bikramajeet ^ 

11. — Bhan V No notice of them. 
12. j 

♦ It was fought with a certain number on each side, Ralitores against Deoras, 
a branch of the Chohans, the two bravest of all the Rajpoot races. It reminds 
lis of some of the duels related by Froissart. 

t See Annals of Mewar, p. 282 et seq. 



Altered condition of t/ie Princes of Mar war. — Installation of Haja Oodi Sing. — 
Not acknowledged hy the most powerful clans until the death of Chundersen.— 
Ilistorical retrospect. — The three chief epochs of Marioar history, from the 
conquest to its dejiendence on the empire. — Order of succession changed, with 
change of capital, in Mhoai*, Amher, and Mai^war. — Brandies to which the 
succession is confined, — Dangers of mistaking these. — Examples. — Joda regu- 
late thefi^s. — The eigtU great nobles of Marwar, — These regulations main- 
tained by Maldeo, who added to the secondary fiefs, — Fvfs perpetuated in the 
elder branches. — The brothers and sons of Joda. — Various descriptions of 
Jiefs. — Antiquity of t/ie Rajpootfeudal system. — Akber maintains it. — Paternity 
of the Rajpoot sovereigns not a fiction, as in Europe. — The lowest Rajpoot 
claims kindred with the sovereign. — The name Oodi ISing, fatal to Rqjpootana. 
— Bestows his sister Jod Bae on Akber. — Advantages to t/ie Rahtores of this 
marriage. — Numerous progeny of Oodi Sing, — Establishes the fiefs of Govind- 
gurh and Pisangurh, — Kishengurh and Rutlam. — Remarkable death of Raja 
Oodi Sing. — Anecdotes, — Issue of Oodi Sing, — Tc^le of descent. 

The death of Maldeo formed an important epoch in the annals of 
the Rahtores. Up to this period, the will had waited upon the wish 
of the gallant descendants of Seva ; but now the vassals of Maroo 
acknowledged one mightier than they. The banner of the empire 
floated pre-eminent over the 'panchrangaj the five-coloured flag, 
which had led the Rahtores from victory to victory, and waved from 
the sand-hills of Amerkote to the salt-lake of Sambhur ; from the 
desert bordering the Oarah to the peaks of the Aravulli. Hence- 
forward, the Rahtore princes had, by their actions or subservience, 
to ascend by degrees the steps to royal favour. They were required 
to maintain a contingent of their proud vassals, headed by the heir, to 
serve at the Mogul's pleasure. Their deeds won them, not ignobly, 
the gi'ace of the imperial court ; but had slavish submission been the 
sole path to elevation, the Rahtore princes would never have attained 
a gmde beyond the first ' muTtsuh^ confen^ed on Oodi Sing. Yet 
though streams of wealth enriched the barren plains of Maroo; 
although a portion of the spoils of Golconda and Beejipoor augmented 
its treasures, decorated its palaces, and embellished its edifices and 
mausoleums ; although the desert kings took the * right hand' of all 
the feudality of Hind, whether indigenous or foreign — a feudal 
assemblage of no less than seventy-six petty kingdoms — ^yet the 
Rahtore felt the sense of his now degraded condition, and it often 
burst forth even in the presence of the suzerain. 

Maldeo's death occurred in S. 1625 ; but the chronicles do not admit 
of Oodi Sing's elevation until the death of his brother Chundersen, from 
which period we may reckon that he was, though junior, the choice 
both of liis father and the nobles, who did not approve of Oodi Sing s 
submission to Akb^r. In fact, the Raja led the royal forces against 
the most powerfiil of his vassals, and resumed almost all the possessions 
of the Mairteas, and weakened the otliers. 


Befoi'e we proceed to trace the course pursued by Oodi Sing, who 
was seated upon the cushion of Maldeo in S. 1640 (A.D. 1584), let 
us cast a short retrospect over the annals of Mamo, since the migiu- 
tion of the grandson of the potentate of Canouj, which, compared 
with the ample page of western history, present little more than a 
chrcmicle of hard names, though not destitute of facts interesting to 
political science. 

In the table before the reader, aided by the explanations in the 
text, he will see the whole process of the conquest, peopling, and 
settlement of an extensive region, with it« partition or allotments 
amongst an innumemble frerage (bhydd), whose children continue to 
hold them as vassals of their king and brother, the descendant of 
their mutual ancestor S^vaji. 

We may divide the annals of Marwar, from the migi-ation of 
S^vaji from Canouj to the accession of Oodi Sing, into three distinct 
epochs : 

1st — From the settlement of S^oji in the land of Kh^r, in A.D. 
1212, to the conquest of Mundore by Chonda, in A.D. 1381 ; 

2d. — From the conquest of Mundore to the founding of Jodpoor, 
in A.D. 1459; and 

3d — From the founding of Jodpoor to the accession of Oodi Sing, 
in A.D. 1584, when tlie Rahtores acknowledged the supremacy of 
the empire. 

The two first epochs were occupied in the subjugation of the 
western portion of the desert from the ancient allodiality ; nor was 
it until Chonda conquered Mundore, on the decline of the Chohans 
of the east, that the fertile lands on either side the Looni were 
formed into fiefs for the children of Rinmul and Joda. A change 
of capital with the Rajpoot is always productive of change in the 
internal organization of the state ; and not unfi-equently the race 
changes its appellation with its capital. The foundation of Jodpoor was 
a new era, and henceforth the throne of Maroo could only be occupied 
by the tribe of Joda, and from branches not constituting the vassals 
of the crown, who were cut off from succession. This is a peculiar 
feature in Rajpoot policy, and is common to the whole race, as will 
be hereafter more distinctly pointed out in the annals of Ajradr. 

Joda, with all the ambition of the founder of a state, gave a new 
form to the feudal institutions of his country. Necessity, combined 
with pride, led him to promulgate a statute of limitation of the sub- 
infeudations of Maioo. The immense progeny of his father Rinmul, 
twenty-four sons, and his own, of fourteen, almost all of whom had 
numerous issue, rendered it requisite to fix the number and extent 
of the fiefs ; and amongst them, henceforward constituting perma- 
nently ihefrh'age of Maroo, the laads were partitioned, Kandul having 
emigrated and established his own numerous issue, the Kandulotes, 
in Bikaner. The two brothers next to Joda, viz., Champa, and 
Koompa, with his two sous, Doodo and Kuimsi, and his grandson, 


Oodoh, were declared the heads of the feudal association under their 
names, the Champawuts, Kainpawuts, Maii*teas (sons of Doodo), Kurm- 
sotes, and Oodawuts, continue to be " the Pinal's of Maroo." Eiglit great 
estates, called the aght thacoorait, or ' eight lordships' of Mai'war, e;ich 
of the nominal annual value of fifty thousand iTipees (£5,000), were 
settled on these persons,and their immense influence has obtained many 
others for younger branches of their clans. The title of the first 
noble of Maroo was given to Champa and his issue, who have often 
made its princes tremble on their thrones. Besides these, inferior 
appanages were settled on the junior branches, brothers, sons, and 
grandsons of Joda, which were also deemed hereditary and iriesum- 
able ; to use their own phrase, their bafh* or ' allotment,' to wliich 
they consider their title as sacred as that of their prince to his throne, 
of whom they say, " When our services are acceptable, then is he our 
*' lord, when not, we are again his brothers and kin, claimants, and 
** laying claim to the land.-)-" 

Rao Maldeo confirmed this division of Joda, though he increased 
the secondary fiefs, and as the boundaries of Marwar were completed 
in his reign, it was essentially necessary to confirm the limitation. 
The feudal states of Marwar are, therefore, perpetuated in the 
offspring of the princes from Joda to Maldeo, and a distinction exists 
between them and those subsequently conferred; the first, being 
obtained by conquest, are deemed iiTcvocable, and must be perpetu- 
ated by adoption on the failure of lineal issue ; whereas the other 
m<ay, on lapses, be resumed and added to the fisc whence it emanated. 
The fiscal domain of the Rajpoot princes cannot, sa3"s their tradi- 
tionary lore, be alienated for more than a life-interest ; but this wise 
rule, though visible in anecdotes of past days, has been infringed 
with their general disorganization. These instances, it may be 
asserted, afford the distinctions of allodial and feudal lands. Of the 
numerous clans, the issue of S^oji to Joda, which are spread over the 
northern and western parts of the state, some, partly from the 
difficulty of their position, partly from a feeling of respect to their 
remote ancestry, enjoy almost entire independence. Yet they recog- 
nize the prince of Maroo as their liege lord when his crown is 
endangered, and render homage on his accession or any gi*eat family 
event. These clans hold without grant or fine, and may properly 
be called the allodial chieftains. Of this number we may enumemte 
the lordships of Baimair, Kotorah, Seo, Phulsoond, &c. Others 
there are who, though less independent, may also be styled the 
allodiality of Mai'war, who are to furnish their quotas when 
demanded, and perfomi personal homage on all great days of rejoic- 
ing ; of these are Mehwo, Sindi'i, &c. The ancient clans scattered 
over the land, or serving the more modern chieftains, are recognized 
by their patronymic distinctions, by those versed in the chronicles ; 
though many hear the names of Doohurca, Mangulea, Oohur, and 

* From hatna^ ' to divide, to nartition.' 

t See the remonstrance of tne vassal descendants of these chiefs, expelled 
their patrimony by their prince, to the English enemy, VoL I, App., p. 682. 


Dhandul, without knowing them to be Ralitore. The mystic page 
of the bard is always consulted previous to any maniage, in order 
to prevent a violation of the matrimonial canons of the Rajpoots, 
which are stricter than the Mosaic, and this keeps up the knowledge 
of the various branches of their own and other races, which would 
otherwise perish. 

Whatever term may be applied to these institutions of a martial 
race, and which for the sake of being more readily understood we 
have elsewhere called, and shall continue to designate, * feudal,* we 
have not a shadow of doubt that they were common to the Rajpoot 
races from the remotest ages, and that S^oji conveyed them from 
the seat of his ancestors, Canouj. A finer picture does not exist of 
the splendour of a feudal array than the camp of its last monarch, 
Jeichund, in the contest with the Chohan. The annals of each and 
every state bear evidence to a system strictly parallel to that of 
Europe ; more especially Mewar, where, thirteen hundred years ago, 
we see the entire feudatories of the state throwing up their grants, 
giving their liege lord defiance, and threatening him with their 
vengeance. Yet, having ' eaten his salt,' they forebore to proceed to 
hostilities till a whole year had elapsed, at the expiration of which 
they deposed him.* Akbdr, who was partial to Hindu institutions, 
bon-owed much from them, in all that concerned his own regulations. 

In contrasting these customs with analogous ones in the west, the 
reader should never lose sight of one point, which must influence the 
analogy, viz,, the patriarchal form which characterizes the feudal 
system in all countries ; and as, amongst the Rajpoots, all their 
vassalage is of their own kin and blood (save a slight mixture of 
foreign nobles as a counterpoise), the paternity of the sovereign is 
no fiction, as in Europe ; so that from the son of Champa, who takes 
the right hand of his prince, to the meanest vassal, who serves 
merely for his 'paiti,f (rations), all are linked by the tie of consan- 
guinity, of which it is difficult to say whether it is most productive 
of evil or good, since it has afforded examples as brilliant and as 
dark as any in the history of mankind. The devotion which made 
twelve thousand, out of the fifty thousand, " sons of Joda," prove 
their fidelity to Maldeo, has often been emulated even to the present 

The chronicles, as before stated, are at variance with regard to the 
accession of Oodi Sing : some date it from the death of Maldeo, in S. 
1625 (A.D. 1569) ; others from that of his elder brother Chundersen, 
slain in the storm of Sewanoh. The name of Oodi appears one of 
evil portent in the annals of Rajast*han.J While "Oodi, ^^6 fat*' 

* See VoL I, page 189. 

t Literally, * a bellyful.' 

X Instead of beins, as it imports, the "a8cendiiig,''(l) it should for ever, in 
both the honses of Maroo and M^war, signify '^ setting ;" the pusillanimity of 
the one sunk M^war, that of the other Marwar. 

(1) Oodf/a, in Sanscrit, (Oodiy in the dialect,) is tantamount to Oriens, the 
point of rising i—ex. UdyddUa^ ' the rising siui.' 


was inhaling the breeze of imperial power, which s])read a haze of 
prosperity over Maroo, Pertip of Me war, the idol of the Rajpoots, 
was enduring every hardjihip in the attempt to work out his 
country's independence, which had been sacrificed by his father, 
Oodi Sing. In this he failed, but he left a name hallowed in the 
hearts of his couutiymen, and immortalized in the imperishable 
verse of the bard. 

On the union of the imperial house with that of Jodpoor, by the 
maiTiage of Jod Ba^ to Akber, the emperor not only restored ail the 
possessions he had wrested from Mar war, with the exception of Ajmer, 
but several rich districts in Malwa, whose revenues doubled the 
resources of his own fiscal domain. With the aid of his imperial 
brother-in-law, he greatly diminished the power of the feudal aristo- 
cracy, and clipped the wings of almost all the greater vassals, while 
he made numerous sequestrations of the lands of the ancient 
allodiality and lesser vassals ; so that it is stated, that, either by 
new settlement or confiscation, he added fourteen hundred villages to 
the fisc He resumed almost all the lands of the sons of Doodoh, 
who, from their abode, were termed Mah'tea ; took Jaitarun from 
the Oodawuts, and other towns of less note from the sons of Champa 
and Koompo. 

Oodi Sing was not ungrateful for the favours heaped upon him by 
the emperor, for whom his Rah tores performed many signal services : 
for the Raja was latterly too unwieldly for any steed to bear him to 
battle. The ' king of the Desert' (the familiar epithet applied to him 
by Akb^r) had a numerous progeny ; no less than thirty-four legiti- 
mate sons and daughtei's, who added new clans and new estates to 
the feudal association of Maroo : of these the most conspicuous are 
Govingurh and Pisangurh ; while some obtained settlements beyond 
its limits which became independent and bear the name of the 
founders. Of these are Kishengurh and Rutlam in Malwa. 

Oodi Sing died thirteen years after his inauguration on the cushion 
of Joda, and thirty-three after the death of Maldeo. The manner of 
his death, as related in the biographical sketches termed ' Khedt* 
afibrds such a specimen of superstition and of Rajpoot mannei^ that 
it would be improper to omit it. The narrative is preceded by some 
reflections on the moral education of the Rah tore princes, and the 
wise restraints imposed upon them under the vigilant control of 
chiefs of approved worth and fidelity ; so that, to use the words of 
the text, " they often passed their twentieth year, ignoi^ant of 
woman." If the ' fat i-aja' had ever known this moral restraint, in 
his riper yeara he forgot it ; for although he had no less than twenty- 
seven queens, he cast the ej^e of desire on the virgin-daughter of a 
subject, and that subject a Bralimin. 

It was on the Raja s return from coui*t to his native land, that he 
beheld the damsel, and he determined, notwithstanding the sacred 
ter of her father and his own obligations as the dispenser of 
And justice, to enjoy the object of his admiration. The Brahmin 


was an * Ayd-punti' or votaiy of Ayd-Matd, whose shrine is at Bai- 
Bhilai^a. These sectarians of Maroo, very ditterent from the abstinent 
Brahmins of Bengal, eat flesh, drink wine, and share in all the 
common enjoyments of life with the martial spirits around them. 
Whether the scniples of the daughter were likely to be easily over- 
come by her royal tempter, or whether the Raja threatened force, the 
' IchM' does not infoim us ; but as there was no other coui-se by 
which the father could save her from pollution but by her death, he 
resolved to make it one of vengeance and hon-or. He dug a sacrificial 
pit, and having slain his daughter, cut her into fragments, and 
mingling therewith pieces of flesh from his own person, made the 
* hx/nial or burnt sacritice to Ayi-Mat^, and as the smoke and flames 
ascended, he pronounced an imprecation on the Raja : " Let peace be 
a stranger to him ! and in three pahars,* three days, and three years, 
let me have revenge 1" Then exclaiming, " My future dwelling is the 
' Dahi BaoH P " sprung into the flaming pit. The horrid tale was 
related to the Raja, whose imagination was haunted by the shade of 
the Brahmin ; and he expired at the assigned period, a prey to 
unceasing remorse. 

Superstition is sometimes made available for moral ends ; and the 
shade of the Ayd-pwiiti Brahmin of Bhilai-a has been evoked, in subse- 
quent ages, to restrain and lead unto virtue libidinous princes, when 
sdl other control has been unavailing. The celebrated Jeswunt Sing, 
the great grandson of Oodi, had an amour with the daughter of one 
of his civil oflicers, and which he can'ied on at the Dahi Baori.'f' 
But the avenging ghost of the Brahmin interposed between him and 
his wishes. A dreadful struggle ensued, in which Jeswunt lost his 
senses, and no efibrt could banish the impression from his mind. The 
ghost persecuted his fancy, and he was generally believed to be 
possessed with a wicked spirit, which, when exorcised, was made to 
say he would only depart on the self-sacrifice of a chief equal in 
dignity to Jeswunt. Nahur Khan, ' the tiger lord,' chief of the 
Koompawut clan, who led the van in all his battles, immediately 
offered his head in expiation for his prince ; and he had no sooner 
expressed this loyal determination, than the holy men who exorcised 
the spirit, caused it to descend into a vessel of water, and having 
-waved it thrice round his head, they presented it to Nahur Khan 
-who drank it off", and Jeswunt s senses weft> instantly restored. This 
miraculous transfer of the ghost is implicitly believed by every chief 
of Rajast'han, by whom Nahur was called ' the faithful of the faithfuL' 
Previous to dying, he called his son, and imposed on him and his 
descendants, by the solemnity of an oath, the abjuration of the oflice 
of PurdhaUy or hereditary premier of Marwar, whose dignity involved 
such a sacrifice ; and from that day, the Champawuts of Ahwa 
succeeded the Koompawuts of Asope, who renounced the first seat 
on the right for that on the left of their princes. 

♦ A pahar is a watch of the day, about three hours, 
t A reservoir excavated by one of the Dabi tribe. 



We shall conclude the reign of Oodi Sing with the regLster of hi.- 
issue from ' the Book of Kings.' It is by no means an unimportant 
document to such as are interested in these singular communities 
and essentially useful to those who are called upon to intefere in 
their national concerns. Here we see the affinities of the branch 
{saclia) to the parent tree, which in one short century has shaded 
the whole land; and to which the independents of Kishengurh 
Roopnagurh, and Rutlam, as well as the feudal chiefs of Govingurh 
Khyrwa, and PLsangurh, all issues from Oodi Sing, look for protection. 

Issue of Raja Oodi Sing : — 

' 1. — Soor Sing, succeeded. 

2. — Akhiraj. 

3. — Bugwandas; had issue Bullo, Gopaldas, Govindas wluj 
founded GovingurL 

4. — Nururdas, ^ 

5. — Sukut Sing, > had no issue attaining eminence. 

6.— Bhoput, j 

7. — Dilput had four sons; 1, Muhesdas, whose son, Rutna, 
founded Rutlam;* 2, Jeswimt Sing; 3, Pertdp Sing; 4, 

8. — Jaet had four sons ; 1, Hur Sing ; 2, Umra ; 3, Kunniram ; 
4, Praimraj, whose descendants held lands in the tract 
called BuUati and Eliyrwcu 

9.— Kishen, in S. 1669 (A.D. 1613), founded Kishengurh ; he had 
three sons, Schesmul, Jugmul, Bharmul, who had Hari Sing, 
who had Roop Sing, who founded Roopnagurh. 

10. — Jeswunt, his son Maun founded Manpoora, his issue called 
Manroopa Joda. 

11. — Kesoo founded Pisangurh. 

12. — Ramdas, 

1 3. — Poorunmul, 

14 — ^.Madoodas, \ ^j i.- r ±\. 

15.-Mohundas, \ .^o mention of them. 

16. — Keerut Sing, | 
17. J 


And Seventeen daughtel^ not registered in the chronicle. 

* Rutlam, Kishengurh, and Roopnagurh, are independent, and all under the 
separate protection of the British Government. 



Accession of Raja Soar. -His military talents obtain him Jionoun^.- Reduces 
Rao Soortan of Sirohi,— Commands against ilu King of Guzzerat,— Battle 
of Dhuiidoca gained by the Raja,- Wealth and honours acquired. -Gifts to 
the bards,-Commanded against Umra Balecha.- Battle of the Rewa.—Slays 
the Chohan,— Fresh hmmrs.—Raja Soor and his son &uj Sing attend the 
court of rehangir.—The heir of Marwar invested vrith the sword by the 
Emperor's own ha^ids.- Escalade of Jhalore,-Raja Gvj attends Prince 
Khoorm against the Rana of Mewar,— Death of Raja Soor.— Maledictory 
pUlar erected on the Xerbudda.—The Rahtore chiefs' dissatisfaction at their 
long detention from their native land.— Raja Soor embellishes Jodpoor.— 
Bis isme— Accession of Raja Gi0.— Invested with the Rajaship of Boorhan- 
poor.— Made Viceroy of the Dekhan.—The complinunt paid to his contingent. 
—His various actions.— Receives the titU of DultTiumna, or ' barrier of the 
host.*— Causes of Rajpoot ir^uence on the Imperial succession.— The Sultans 
Furvez and Khoorm, sons of Rajpoot Frincesses.— Intrigues of the Queens to 
secure the succession to their immediate offspring.— Frince Khom^m plots 
against his brother.— Endeavours to gain Raja Giijy but fails— Th^ Fringe 
causes the chief adviser of Raja Guj to be assassinated.— Raja Gmj quits the 
royal army.—Frince Khoorm assassinates his brother Furvez.— Froceeds to 
depose his father Jehangir, who appeals to thejidelity of the Rajpoot Frinces. 
—They rally round the throne, and encounter the rebel army near Benares, 
—The Emperor slights the Rahtore Frince, which proves nearly fatal to his 
cause.— The rebels defeated.— Flight of Frince Khoorm.— Raja Guj slain on 
the Guzzerat frontier.— His second son, Rqja Jesvmnt, succeecLf.— Reasons for 
occasional departure from the rules of primogeniture amongst the Rajpoots.— 
Umra, the elder, excluded the accession.— Sentence of banishment pronounced 
against him.— Ceremony o/des-vatu, or ' exile* described.— Umra repairs to 
the Mogul court. — Honours confen-ed upon him, — His tragical death. 

ScK)R Sing succeeded in S. 1651 (A.D. 1595). He was serving with 
the imperial forces at Lahore, where he had commanded since S. 1648, 
when intelligence reached him of his father's death. His exploits 
and services were of the most brilliant nature, and had obtained for 
him, even during his father's life, the title of ' Sowae Raja,' and a 
high grade amongst the dignitaries of the empire. He was com- 
manded by Akb^r to reduce the arrogant prince of Sirohi, who, 
trusting to the natural strength of his moimtainous country, still 
refused to acknowledge a Uege lord. This service well accorded with 
his private views, for he had a feud {w^r) with Rao Soortan, which, 
according to the chronicle, he completely revenged. " He avenged 
' his feud witik Soortan and plundered Sirohi. The Rao had not a 
pallet left to sleep upon, but was obliged to make a bed for his wives 
upon the earth." Tliis appears to have humbled the Deora, " who, 
" in his pride, shot his arrows at the sun for daring to shine upon 
" him." Soortan accepted the imperial firman in token of sub- 
mission, and agreed to serve with a contingent of his hardy clans- 



men in the war then entrusted to Raja Soor against the king of 
Guzzerat, whose success we shall relate in the simple language ot the 
chronicle : — " The Raja took the pdn against the king MozuflFur, 
" with the title of viceroy of Guzzerat. The armies met at Dhun- 
" doca, where a terrible conflict ensued. The Rahtores lost many 
" valiant men, but the Shah was defeated, and lost all the 
'' insignia of his greatness. He sent the spoil of seventeen thousand 
" towns to the king, but kept a crore of dribs for himself, which he 
" sent to Jodpoor, and therewith he enlarged the town and fort. For 
'' this service Akb^r increased his onunsub, and sent him a sword, 
" with a khelat, and a grant of fresh lands.'' 

Raja Soor, it appears in the sequel, provided liberally for the 
bards ; for no less tlum ' six lords of vei*se,' whose names are given, 
had in gift £10,000 each of the spoils of Guzzei-at, as incentives to 

On the conquest of Guzzerat, Raja Soor was ordered to the 
Dekhan. *' He obeyed, and with thirteen thousand horse, ten large 
" guns, and twenty elephants, he fought three grand battles. On 
" the Rewa (Nerbudda) he attacked Umra BaJ^cha,* who had five 
" thousand horse, whom he slew, and reduced all his country. For 
" this service the king sent him a nobut (kettle-drum), and con- 
" ferred on him Dhar and its domain." 

On AkbA^'s death and the accession of J^angir, Soor Sing 
attended at court with his son and heir, Guj Sing, whom the king 
with his own hands invested with the sword, for his braveiy in the 
escalade of Jhalore, which had been conquered by the monarch of 
Guzzerat and added to his domain. The poet thus relates the event : 
" Guji" was commanded against Behari Pat'han ; his war-trump 
" sounded ; Arab^dha heard and trembled. What took Alla-o-din 
" years, Guj accomplished in three months ; he escaladed Jhalindra^ 
" sword in hand ; many a Rahtore of fame was killed, but he put 
'* to the sword seven tibousand Fat'hans, whose spoils were sent to 
" the king." 

Raja Soor, it would appear, after the overthrow of the dynasty of 
Guzzerat, remained at the capital, while his son and heir, Guj Sing, 
attended the king's commands, and, soon after the taking of Jhalore, 
was ordered with the Marwar contingent against Rana Umra of 
M^war : it was at the very moment of its expiring libei'ties,§ for the 
chronicle merely adds, " Kurrun agreed to serve the king, and Guj 
" Sing returned to Tarragurh.|| The king increased both his own 
" munsub (dignity) and that of his father. Raja Soor." 

* Bal^ha is one of the Chohan tribes. 

f Gig\ * the elephant.' 

t Classical apnellotion of Jhalore. 

§ The chronicle saySj " In S. 1669 (A.D. 1613), the king formed an army 
against the Rana :" which accords exactly with the date in the emperor's own 

II Ajm6r, of which the citadel is styled Tarragurh. 


Thus the Rajpoot chronicler, solicitous only to record the fame of 
his own princes, does not deem it necessary to concern himself with 
the agents conjoined with them, so that a stranger to the events of 
the period would imagine, from the high relief given to their actions, 
that the Rah tore princes commanded in all the great events described ; 
for instance, tliat just mentioned, involving the submission of 
the Rana, when Raja Guj was merely one of the great leaders who 
accompanied the Mogul heir-apparent. Prince Khoorm, on this 
memorable occasion. In the Diaiy of J^hangir, the emperor, 
recording this event, does not even mention the Rahtore prince, 
though he does those of Kotah and Duttea, as the instruments by 
which Prince Khoorm carried on the negociation ;* from which we 
conclude that Raja Guj merely acted a military part in the grand 
army which then invaded M^war. 

Raja Soor died in the Dekhan, in S. 1676 (A.D. 1620). He added 
greatly to the lustre of the Rahtore name, was esteemed by the 
emperor, and, as the bard expresses it, " His spear was frightful to 
" the Southron." Whether Raja Soor disapproved of the extermi- 
nating warfare carried on in these regions, or was exasperated at the 
unlimited service he was doomed to, which detained him from his 
native land, he, in his last moments, commanded a pillar to be 
erected with a curse engraven thereon, imprecated upon any of 
his race who should once cross the Nerbudda. From his boy- 
hood he bad been almost an alien to his native land : he had 
accompanied his father wherever he led the aid of Maroo, was 
serving at Lahore at the period of his accession, and died far from 
the monuments of his fathers, in the heart of the peninsula. 
Although the emperor was not ungrateful in his estimate of these 
services, — for Raja Soor held by patent no less than " sixteen 
'* grand fiefs"t of the empire, and with the title of Sowde raised above 
aU the princes, his associates at court, — it was deemed no compensa- 
tion for perpetual absence fix)m the hereditary domain, thus aban- 
doned to the management of servants. The great vassals, his elans- 
men, participated in this dissatisfaction, separated from their wives, 
families, and estates ; for to them the pomp of imperial greatness, or 
the sunshine of court-favour, was as nothing when weighed against 
the exercise of their influence within their own cherished patrimony. 
The simple fare of the desert was dearer to the Rahtore than all the 
luxuries of the imperial banquet, which he turned from with disgust 
to the recollection of * the green pulse of Mundawur,' or his favourite 
rabri, or ' maize porridge,* the prime dish with the Rahtore. These 

♦ See Annals of M6war, Vol. I, p. 304. 

t Of these, nine were the subdivisions of his native dominions, styled " The 
^ Nine Castles of Maroo ;" for on becoming one of the great feudatories 
of the empire, he made a formal surrender of these, receiving them again 
by grant, renewed on every lapse, with all the ceremonies of investiture and 
relief. Five were in Quzzerat, one in Malwa, and one in the Dekhan. We 
see that thirteen thousand horse was the contingent of Marwar for the lands 
thus held. 


minor associations conjoined with greater evils to increase the mal 
de pays, of whose influence no human being is more susceptible than 
the brave Rajpoot 

Raja Soor greatly added to the beauty of his capital, and left seve- 
ral works which bear his name ; amongst them, not the least useful 
in that arid region, is the lake called the Soor Sagur, or * Warrior's 
Sea,' which irrigates the gardens on its margin. He left six sons and 
seven daughters, of whose issue we have no account, viz., Guj Sing, 
his successor ; Subhul Sing, Beerumdeo, Beejy Sing, Pertdp Sing, 
and Jeswunt Sing. 

Raja Guj, who succeeded his father in A.D. 1620, was bom at 
Lahore, and the teeko. of investiture found him in the royal camp at 
Boorhanpoor. The bearer of it was Darab Kian, the son of the 
kh&nkhanan, or premier noble of the emperor s court, who, as the 
imperial proxy, girt Raja Guj with the sword. Besides the * nine 
castles* {lfokot4e Ma^'war), his patrimony, his patent contained a 
OTant of * seven divisions' of Guzzerat, of the district of Jhulaye in 
Dhoonddr ; and what was of more consequence to him, though of less 
intrinsic value, that of Muslloda in Ajmer, the heir-loom of his house. 
Besides these marks of distinction, he received the highest proof of 
confidence in the elevated post of viceroy of the Dekhan ; and, as a 
special testimony of imperial favour, the Rahtore cavaliers composing 
his contingent were exempted from the dag\ that is, having their 
steeds branded with the imperial signet. His elder son, Umra Sing, 
served with his father in ail his various battles, to the success of 
which his conspicuous gallantry on every occasion contributed. In 
the sieges and battles of Kirkigurh, Golconda, Kelena, Pemala, 
Gujungurh, Asair and Sattara, the Rahtores had their full share of 
glory, which obtained for their leader the title of DuWhumna, or 
* barrier of the host' We have already* remarked the direct influ- 
ence which the Rajpoot princes had in the succession to the imperial 
dignity, consequent upon the inter-marriage of their daughters with 
the crown, and the various interests arising therefrom. Sultan 
Purvez, the elder son and heir of Jehangir, was the issue of a princess 
of Marwar, while the second son, ELhoorm, as his name imports, was 
the son of a Cutchwaha'f princess of Amber. Being the offspring of 
polygamy, and variously educated, these princes were little disposed 
to consider consanguinity as a bond of natural union ; and their 
respective mothers, with idl the ambition of their race, thought of 
nothing but obtaining the diadem for the head of their chUdren. 
With either of these rival queens, the royal children who were not 
her own, had no affinity with her or hers, and these feelings were 
imparted from the birth to their issue, and thus it too often happened 
that the heir of the throne was looked upon with an envious eye, as 
a bar to be removed at all hazards. This evil almost neutralized the 
great advantages derived from inter-marriage with the indigenous 

♦ See Vol. I, p. 316. 

t Cutchwa and Khoorm are synonimous terms for the race which rules 
Amb^r,— the Tortoises of Rajastlian. 


races of India ; but it was one which would have ceased with poly- 
gamy. Khoorm felt his superiority over his elder brother, Purvez, 
in sh but the accidental circumstance of birth. He was in every 
respect a better man, and a braver and more successful soldier ; and, 
having his ambition thus early nurtured by the stimulants adminis- 
tered by Bheem of Mewar, and the intrepid Mohabet,* he determined 
to remove this barrier between him and the crown. His views were 
first developed whilst leading the armies in the Dekhan, and he 
communicated them to Raja Guj of Marwar, who held the post of 
honour next the prince, and solicited his aid to place him on the 
throne. Gratitude for the favours heaped upon him by the king, 
as well as the natural bias to Purvez, made the Raja turn a deaf 
ear to his application. The prince tried to gain his point through 
Govindas, a Rajpoot of the Bhatti tribe, one of the foreign nobles 
of Maroo, and confidential adviser of his prince ; but, as the 
annals say, " Govindas reckoned no one but his master and the 
" king." Frustrated in this, Khoorm saw no hopes of success but by 
disgusting the Rahtores, and he caused the faithful Govindas to be 
assassinated by Kishen Sing ;f on which Raja Guj, in disgust, threw 
np his post, and marched to his native land. From the assassination 
of Purvfe, which soon followed, the deposal of his father appeared 
but a step ; and Khoorm had collected means, which he deemed 
adequate to the design, when J^angir appealed to the fidelity of 
the Rajpoots, to support him against nlial ingratitude and domestic 
treason ; and, in their general obedience to the call, they afforded a 
distinguished proof of the operation of the first principle, Oadi-Cd-dn, 
allegiance to the throne, often obeyed without reference to the 
worth of its occupant The princes of Marwar, Amb^r, Kotah, and 
Boondi put themselves at the head of their household retainers on 
this occasion, which furnishes a confirmation of a remark already 
made, that the respective annals of the states of Rajast'han so rarely 
embrace the contemporaneous events of the rest, as to lead to the 
conclusion, that by the single force of each state this rebellion was 
put down. This remark wm be ftirther exemplified firom the annals 
of Boondl 

J^angir was so pleased with the zeal of the Rahtore prince, — 
alarmed as he was at the advance of the rebels, — that he not only 
took him by the hand, but what is most unusual, kissed it. When 
the assembled princes came in sight of the rebels, near Benares, the 
emperor gave tne heroic, or vanguard, to the Cutchwaha prince, the 
Mirza Raja of Amber. Whether this was a point of policy, to secure 
his acting against prince Khoorm, who was bom of this race, or 
merely, as the Marwar annals state, because he brought the greater 
number into the field, is immaterial ; but it was very nearly fatal in 
its consequences : for the proud Rahtore, indignant at the insult 

* A Rajpoot of the Kana's house, converted to the faith. 

t This was the founder of Kishengurh ; for this iniquitous service he was 
made an independent Raja in the town which he erected. His descendant is 
now an ally by treaty with the British government. 


offered to him in thus bestowing the post of honour, which was his 
right, upon the rival race of Amber, furled his banners, separated 
from the royal army, and determined to be a quiet spectator of the 
result. But for the impetuous Bheem of Mewar, the adviser of 
Khoorm, he might that day have been emperor of India. He sent a 
taunting message to Raja Guj, either to join their cause or " draw 
" their swords." The Rahtores overlooked the neglect of the king 
in the sarcasm of one of their own tribe ; and Bheem was slain, 
Govindafi avenged, the rebellion quelled, and Khoorm put to flight, 
chiefly by the Rahtores and Haras. 

In S. 1694 (A.D. 1638), Raja Guj was slain in an expedition into 
Guzzerat ; but whether in the fulfihnent of the king's commands, or 
in the chastisement of freebooters on his own southern frontier, the 
chronicles do not inform us. He left a distinguished name in the 
annals of his country, and two valiant sons, Umra and Jeswunt, to 
maintain it : another son, Achil, died in infancy. 

The second son, Jeswunt, succeeded, and furnishes another of many 
instances in the annals of Rajpootana, of the rights of primogeniture 
being set aside. This proceeded from a variety of motives, sometimes 
merely paternal aflection, sometimes incapacity in the child ' to head 
fifty thousand Rahtores,' and sometimes, as in the present instance, a 
dangerous turbulence and ever-boiling impetuosity in the individual, 
which despised all restraints. While there was an enemy against 
whom to exert it, Umra was conspicuous for his gallantry, and in all 
his father's wars in the south, was ever foremost in the battle. His 
daring spirit collected around him those of his own race, alike in 
mind, as connected by blood, whose actions, in periods of peace, were 
the subjects of eternal complaint to his father, who was ultimately 
compelled to exclude Umra from his inheritance. 

In the month of Bysak, S. 1690 (A.D. 1634), five years before the 
death of Raja Guj, in a convocation of all the feudality of Maroo, 
sentence of exclusion from the succession was pronounced upon 
Umra, accompanied by the solemn and seldom practised rite of 
DdS'Vatoh or exile. This ceremony, which is marked as a day of 
mourning in the calendar, was attended with aU the circumstances of 
ftmereal pomp. As soon as the sentence was pronounced, that his 
birth-right was forfeited and assigned to his jimior brother, and that 
he ceased to be a subject of Maroo, the hhelat of banishment was 
brought forth, consisting of sable vestments, in which he was clad ; 
a sable shield was hung upon his back, and a sword of the same hue 
girded roimd him ; a black horse was then led out, being mounted on 
which, he was commanded, though not in anger, to depart whither 
he listed beyond the limits of Maroo. 

Umra went not alone ; nimibers of each clan, who had always 
regarded him as their future lord, voluntarily partook of his exile. 
He repaired to the imperial court ; and although the emperor approved 
and sanctioned his banishment, he employed him. His gallantry 
soon won him the title of Rao and the munsuh of a leader of three 


thousand, with the grant of Nagore as an independent domain, to be 
held directly firom the crown. But the same arrogant and uncontroll- 
able spirit which lost him his birth-right, brought his days to a 
tragical conclusion. He absented himself for a fortnight from court, 
hunting the boar or the tiger, his only recreation. The emperor 
(Shah Jehan) reprimanded him for neglecting his duties, and threat- 
ened him with a fine. Umra proudly replied, that he had only gone 
to hunt, and as for a fine, he observed, putting his hand upon his 
sword, that was his sole wealth. 

The little contrition which this reply evinced, determined the king 
to enforce the fine, and the paymaster-general, Sallabut Khan,* was 
sent to Umra's quarters to demand its payment. It was refused, and 
the observations made by the Syud not suiting the temper of Umra, 
he unceremoniously desired him to depart. The emperor, thus 
insulted in the person of his officer, issued a mandate for Umra's 
instant appearance. He obeyed ; and having reached the aum-khds, 
or grand divan, beheld the king, " whose eyes were red with anger," 
with Sallabut in the act of addressing him. Inflamed with passion 
at the recollection of the injurious language he had just received, 
perhaps at the king's confirmation of his exclusion from Marwar, he 
unceremoniously passed the Omrahs of five and seven thousand, as 
if to address the king ; when, with a dagger concealed in his 
sleeve, he stabbed Sallabut to the heart. Drawing his sword, he 
made a blow at the king, which descending on the pillar, shivered 
the weapon in pieces. The king abandoned his throne and fied to 
the interior apartments. All was uproar and confusion. Umra 
continued the work of death, indifferent upon whom his blows fell, 
' and five Mogul chiefs of eminence had fallen, when his brother-in- 
law, Uijoon Gore, under pretence of cajoling him, infiicted a mortal 
wound, though he continued to ply his dagger until he expired. To 
avenge his death, his retainei^, headed by Bulloo Champawut and 
Bhao Khoompawut, put on their saffron garments, and a fresh 
carnage ensued within the loll kelah.f To use the words of their 
native bard, '' The pUlars of Agra bear testimony to their deeds, nor 
" shall they ever be obliterated from the record of time : they made 
** their obeisance to Umra in the mansions of the sun." The faithful 
hand was cut to pieces ; and his wife, the princess of Boondl, came 
in person and carried away the dead body of Umra, with which she 
committed herself to the flames. The Bokhara gate by which they 
gained admission, was built up, and henceforward known only as 
** Umra Sing's gate ;" and in proof of the strong impression made by 

* Sallabut Khan Bukshee, he is called. The office of Bukshee is not only 
one of pa3rmaster (as it implies), but of inspection and audit. We can readily 
imagine, with such levies as ne had to muster and pay, his post was more 
honourable than seeing, especially with such a band as was headed by (Jmra, 
ready to take offence if the wind but displaced their moustache. The annals 
declare that Umra had a feud fiaerj with Sallabut ; doubtless for no better 
reason than that he fulfilled the trust reposed in him by the emperor. 

t The palace within the citadel (ktlah)^ built of red (loU) freestone. 


this event,* it remained closed through centuries, until opened ii 
1809 by Capt. Geo. Steell, of the Bengal engineers.-f 

* It may be useful to record such facts, by the way of contrast with the stat< 
policy of the west, and for the sake of observing that which would actuate thi 
present paramount power of India should any of its tributary princes defy then 
as Umra did that of the universal potentate of that country. Eventhes< 
despots borrowed a lesson of mercy from the Rsgpoot system, which does no 
deem treason hereditary, nor attaints a whole line for the fault of one unworthy 
link Shah Jehan, instead of visiting the sins of the father on the son, installec 
him in his fief of Nagore. TMs sou was Rae Sing ; and it devolved to hi: 
children and grand-childreujfl) until Indur Sing, the fourth in descent, wa: 
expelled bv the head of the Kahtores, who, in the weakness of the empire 
re-annexed Nagore to Jodpoor. But perhaps we have not hitherto dared U 
imitate the examples set us by the Moghul and even by the Mahratta ; noi 
havine sufficient hold of the affections of the subjected to venture to b( 
merciiul ; and thence our vengeance, like the bolt of heaven, sears the verj 
heart of our enemies. Witness the man^ chieftains ejected from theii 
possessions ; from the unhallowed league against the Kohillas, to that last ad 
of destruction at Bhurtpoor, where, as arbitrators, we acted the part of the lior 
in the fable. Our present attitude, however, is so conmianding, that we car 
afford to display the attribute of mercy ; and should unfortunately, its actioE 
be required in Rajpootana, let it be ample, for there its grateful influence b 
understood, and it will return, like the dews of heaven, upon ourselves. But ii 
we are only to regulate our political actions by the apprehension of danger, ii 
must one day recoil upon us in awful retribution. Our system is filled with 
evil to the governed, where a fit of bile in ephemeral political agents, maj 
engender a quarrel leading to the overthrow of a dominion. of ages. 

t Since these remarks were written. Captain Steell related to the author a 
singular anecdote connected with the above circumstance. "While the work ol 
demolition was proceeding, Capt. S. was urgently warned by the natives of the 
danger he incurred in the operation, from a denunciation on the closing of the 
gate, that it should thenceforward be guarded by a huge serpent — when 
suddenly, the destruction of the gate being nearly completed, a large Cobra-di- 
capella rushed between his legs, as if in fulfilment of the anathema. Capt. S. 
fortunately escaped without injury. 

(1) Namely, "Siti Sing, his son Anop Sing, his son Indur Sing, his son Mokum 
Sing. This lineal descendant of Kiya Gig, and the rightful heir to the 
' cushion of Joda,' has dwindled into one of the petty thacoors, or lords of 
Marwar. The system is one of eternal vicissitudes, amidst which the germ of 
reproduction never perishes. 



Rnja Jfswunt mminU the gcidi of Maruoar, — His mother a prittcess of Mewar. — 
He is a patron of science, — His first service in G'ondtcana. — Prince Dara 
appointed regent of the empire by his faiJur, ShaJi Jehan, — Appoints Jesunint 
viceroy in Mcdwa. — Rebellion ofArungzeb, who aspires to the crown, — Jesitnint 
appointed generalissimo of the army sent to oppose him. — Battle of Futteha- 
bad, a drawn battle, — Jesunint retreats. — Heroism of Rao Rutna of RiUlam, — 
A rungzeb proceeds touHirds Agra. — Battle ofjqjow. — Rq/poots overpoioered, — 
Shah Jehan deposed, — Arungzeb, now emperor, pardons Jesumnt, and sum- 
mons him to the presence* — Commands him to join the army formed against 
Shnja, — Battle of Cudjwcu — Conduct of JeswutU, — Betrays Arungzeb and 
plunders his camp, — Forms a junction with Dara, — This princes inactivity. 
— Arungzeb invades Manoar, — DeUicJus Jesumnt from Dara, — Appointed 
viceroy of Guzzerat, — Sent to serve in the Dekhan, — Enters into Sevaji^s 
designs, — Plans t/ie death of Shaista Khan, the hinges lieuienanL — Obtains this 
office^ — Superseded by the prince of Amher, — Re-appointed to the army of the 
Dekhan, — Stimulates Prince Moazzim to rebellion, — Superseded by Delire 
Khan. — Jeswunt tries to cut him off. — Removed from the Dekhan to Guzzerat. 
— Outuntted by the king, — Ordered against the rebellious Afghans of Cabul, 
Jeswunt leaves his son, Pirthi Sing, in charge of Jodpoor, — Pirthi Sing 
commanded to cmtrt by Arungzeb, who gives him a poisoned robe, — His death. — 
Character. — The tidings reach Jeswunt at Cabul, and cause his death. — Charac- 
ter of Jeswunt. — Anecdotes illustrative of Rahtore character,— J^ahur Khan, — 
His exploits with the tiger, and against Soortdn ofSarohi, 

Raja Jeswunt, who obtained, by the banishment of Umra, the 
* cushion' of Marwai*, was born of a princess of M^war ; and although 
this circumstance is not reported to have influenced the change of 
succession, it will be borne in mind that, throughout Rajpootana, 
its princes regarded a connexion with the Rana's family as a 
primary honour. 

'' Jeswunt (says the Bardai) was unequalled amongst the princes 
of his time. Stupidity and ignorance wei'e banished ; and science 
flourished where he ruled : nmny were tlic books composed under 
his auspices!* 

The south continued to be the arena in which the martial Rajpoot 
Bought renown, and the emperor had only rightly to imderstand his 
chaxacter to turn the national emulation to account Shah Jehan, 
in the language of the chronicler, " became a slave to the seraglio," 
and sent his sons, as viceroys, to govern the grand divisions of the 
empire. The first service of Jeswunt was in the war of Gondwana, 
when he led a body composed of " twenty-two difierent contingents" 
in the army under Arungzdb. In this and various other services (to 
enumerate which would be to go over the ground already passed),* 

♦ The new translation of Feirishta's History, by Lieut-Col. Bri^pgs, a work 
mach wanted, may be referred to by those who wish to see the opmion of the 
Mahomedan princes of their Rajpoot vassalage. 



the Rahtores were conspicuous. Jeswunt played a comparatively 
subordinate part, until the illness of the emperor, in A.D. 1G58, when 
his elder son Dara was invested with the powera of regent Prince 
Data increased the munsub of Jeswunt to a leader of * five thousand,' 
and nominated him his viceroy in Malwa. 

In the struggle for empire amongst the sons of Shah Jehan, con- 
sequent upon luiis illness, the importance of the Rajpoot princes and 
the fidelity we have often had occasion to depict, were exhibited in 
the strongest light. While Raja Jey Sing was commanded to 
oppose prince Shuja, who advanced from his viceroyalty of Bengal, 
Jeswimt was entrusted with means to quash the designs of Arungzeb, 
then commanding in the south, who had long cloaked, under the 
garb of hypocrisy and religion, views upon the empire. 

The Rahtore prince was declared generalissimo of the array 
destined to oppose Arungzeb, and he marched from Agra at the head 
of the united contingents of Rajpootana, besides the imperial guards, 
a force which, to use the hyperbole of the bard, " made Shesnag 
" writhe in agony." Jeswunt marched towards the Nerbudda, and 
had encamped his army in a position fifteen miles south of Oojein, 
when tidings reached him of his opponent's approach. In that 
field on which the emperor erected a town subsequently designated 
Futte/uibad, or * abode of victory,' Jeswunt awaited his foes. The 
battle which ensued, witnessed and so circumstantially related by 
Bemier, as has been already noticed in this work,* was lost by the 
temerity of the Rahtore commander-in-chief, who might have 
crushed the rebellious hopes of Arungzeb, to whom he purposely 
gave time to efiect a junction with his brother Morad, from the vain- 
glorious desire " to conquer two princes at once." Dearly did he 
pay for his presumption ; for he had given time to the wily prince 
to sow intrigues in his camp, which were disclosed as soon as the 
battle joined, when the Mogul horse deserted and left him at 
the head of his thirty thousand Rajpoots, deemed, however, 
by their leader and themselves, suflicient against any odds. 
" Jeswunt, spear in hand, moimted his steed Maboob, and 
" charged the imperial brothers ; ten thousand Moslems fell 
" in the onset, which cost seventeen hundred Rahtores, besides 
" Gehlotes, Haras,-f- Gores, and some of every clan of Rajwarra. 
" Arung and Morad only escaped because their days were not 
" yet numbered. Maboob and his rider were covered with blood ; 
" Jesoh looked like a famished lion, and like one he relinquished his 
" prey." The bard is fuUy confirmed in his relation of the day, both 
by the Mogul historian and by Bemier, who says, that notwith- 
standing the immense superiority of the imperial princes, aided by a 
numerous artillery served by Frenchmen, night alone put a stop to 
the contest of science, numbers, and artillery, against Rajpoot courage. 

♦ Vol. L page 535. 

t See Kot4ih annals, which state that that prince and five brothers all fell in 
this Held of carnage. 


Both armies remained on the field of battle, and though we have no 
notice of the anecdote related by the first translator of Ferishta, who 
makes Jeswunt " in bravado drive his car round the field," it is 
certain that Arungz^ was too politic to renew the combat, or molest 
the retreat which took place next day towards his native dominions. 
Although, for the sake of alliteration, the bard especially singles out 
the Gmlotea and Oores, the tribes of M^war and Seopoor, all and 
every tribe was engaged ; and if the Eajpoot ever dared to mourn 
the fall of kindred in battle, this day should have covered every 
house with the emblems of grief; for it is stated by the Mogul 
historian that fifteen thousana fell, chiefly Rajpoots. This was one 
of the events glorious to the Eajpoot, shewing his devotion to whom 
fidelity (awarnd/hervia) had been pledged, — ^the aged and enfeebled 
emperor Shah Jehan, whose " salt they ate," — against all the temp- 
tations ofiered by youthful ambition. It is forcibly contrasted with 
the conduct of the immediate household troops of the emperor, who, 
even in the moment of battle, worshipped the rising sun, whilst the 
Rajpoot sealed his faith in his blood ; and none more liberally than 
the brave Haras of Kotah and Boondi The annals of no nation on 
earth can furnish such an example, as an entire family, six royal 
brothers, stretched on the field, and all but one in death.* 

Of all the deeds of heroism performed on this day, those of Rutna 
of Rutlam,by universal consent, are pre-eminent, and " are wreathed 
" into immortal rhyme by the bard' in iheRaaa Boo Rutna.f He 
also was a Rahtore, the great grandson of Oodi Sing, the first Raja of 
Maroo ; and nobly did he show that the Rahtore blood had not 
degenerated on the fertile plains of Malwa. If aught were wanting 
to complete the fame of this memorable day, which gave empire to 
the scourge of Rajpootana, it is found in the conduct of Jeswimt's 
queen, who, as elsewhere related^f shut the gates of his capital on her 
fiigitive lord, though he " brought back his shield" and his honour. 

ArungzA, on Jeswunt*s retreat, entered the capital of Malwa in 
triumph, whence, with all the celerity requisite to success, he pursued 
his march on the capital At the village of Jajow, thirty miles south 
of Agra, the fidelity of the Rajpoots again formed a barrier between 
the aged king and the treason of his son ; but it served no other 
purpose than to illustrate this fidelity. The Rajpoots were over- 
powered, Dara was driven from the regency, and the aged emperor 

Arungzdb, soon after usurping the throne, sent, through the prince 
of Amber, his assurances of pardon to Jeswunt, and a summons to 
the presence, preparatory to joining the army forming against his 
brotner Shuja, advancing to vindicate his claims to empire. The 
Rahtore, deeming it a glorious occasion for revenge, obeyed, and 

* See Kotah annals, which state that that prince and five brothers all fell in 
this field of carnage. 

t Amongst the MSS. presented by the Author to the Royal Asiatic Society, 
is this worK, the Basa Rao Eutm. 

t See Vol I, p. 535. 


communicated to Shuja his intentiona The hostile armies met a1 
Cudjwa, thirty miles north of Allahabad On the first onset, Jeswimt 
wheeling about with his Rahtore cavaliers, attacked the rear-ware 
of the army under prince Mohammed, which he cut to pieces, anc 
plundering the imperial camp (left unprotected), he deliberatelj 
loaded his camels with the most valuable effects, which he despatchec 
under part of the force, and leaving the brothers to a contest, which h< 
heartily wished might involve the destruction of both, he followec 
the cort^e to Agra. Such was the panic on his appearance at tha 
capital, joined to the rumours of Arungz^'s defeat, which had nearb 
happened, that the wavering garrison required only a summons tl 
have surrendered, when he might have released Shah Jehan fron 
confinement, and with this "tower of strength" have rallied ai 
opposition fatal to the prince. 

That this plan suggested itself to Jeswimt's sagacity we canno 
doubt; but besides the manifest danger of locking up his arm; 
within the precincts of a capital, if victory was given to Arungzel 
he had other reasons for not halting at Agra. All his designs wer 
in concert with prince Dara, the rightful heir to the throne, whor 
he had instructed to hasten to flie scene of action; but whil 
Jeswunt remained hovering in the rear of Arungz^, momentaril; 
expecting the jxmction of the prince, the latter loitered on th 
southern frontier of Marwar, and thus lost, for ever, the crow 
within his grasp. Jeswunt continued his route to his nativ 
dominions, and had at least the gratification of housing the spoil 
even to the regal tents, in the castle of Joda. Dara tardily forme 
a jxmction at Mairta; but the critical moment was lost, an 
Arungz^b, who had crushed Shuja's force, rapidly advanced, no' 
joined by many of the Rajpoot princes, to overwhelm this la* 
remnant of opposition. The crafty Arungz^, however, who alwaj 
preferred stratagem to the precarious issue of arms, addressed a lett< 
to Jeswunt, not only assuring him of his entire forgiveness, bi 
ofiering the viceroyalty of Guzzerat, if he would withdraw h 
support fix)m Dara, and remain neuter in the contest Jeswui 
accepted the conditions, and agreed to lead the Bajpoot contingent 
under prince Moazzim, in the war against Sevaji, bent on revivir 
the independence of Mahrashtra. From the conduct again pursue 
by the Rahtore, we have a right to infer that he only abandone 
Dara because, though possessed of many qualities which endean 
him to the Rajpoot, besides his title to uie throne, he wanted tho 
virtues necessary to ensure success against his energetic brothc 
Scarcely had Jeswunt reached the Dekhan when he opened a coi 
mimication with Sevaji, planned the death of the king's lieutenai 
Shaista Khan, on which he hoped to have the guidance of the arm 
and the yauns viceroy. Arungz^ received authentic intelligence 
this plot, ana the share Jeswunt had in it ; but he temporized, ai 
even sent letters of congratulation on his succeeding to tne commai 
in chief But he soon superseded him by Raja Jey Sing of Amb< 
who brought the war to a conclusion by the capture of Sevaji T 


honour attending this exploit was, however, soon exchanged for 
disgrace ; for when the Arnb^r prince found that the tyrant had 
designs upon the life of his prisoner, for whose safety he had pledged 
himself, he connived at his escape. Upon this, Jeswunt was once 
more declared the emperor's lieutenant, and soon inspired prince 
Moazzim with des^ns, which again compelled the kiuj^ to supersede 
him, and Dellre Khan was declared general in chief He reached 
Arungabad, and the night of his arrival would have been his last, 
but he received intimation and rapidly retreated, pursued by the 
prince and Jeswunt to the Nerbudda. The emperor saw the necessity 
of removing Jeswunt from this dangerous post", and he sent him the 
Jirmdn as viceroy of Guzzerat, to which he commanded him to repair 
without delay. He obeyed, reached Ahmedabad, and found the king 
had outwitted him and his successor in command; he, therefore, 
continued his course to his native dominions, where he arrived in S. 
1726 (A.D. 1670.) 

The wily tyrant had, in all these changes, used every endeavour to 
circumvent Jeswunt, and, if the annals are correct, was little scrupu- 
lous as to the means. But the Raja was protected by the fidelity of 
his kindred vassalaga In the words of the bardic cnronicler, " The 
*' Aswapati* Arung, finding treachery in vain, put the collar of simu- 
" lated friendship round his neck, and sent him beyond the Attok 
" to die." 

The emperor saw that the only chance of coimteracting Jeswunt's 
inveterate hostility was to employ him where he womd be leasts 
[erous. He gladly availed himself of a rebellion amongst the 
tans of Cabm ; and with many promises of fSeivour to himself 
his family, appointed him to the chief command, to lead his 
turbulent Rajpoots against the equally turbulent and almost savage 
Afghana Leaving his elder son, Pirthi Sing, in chaive of his ancestral 
domains, with his wives, family, and the chosen oands of Maroo, 
Jeswunt departed for the land of the ' barbarian,' frt)m which he was 
destined never to return. 

It is related, in the chronicles of Maroo, that Arungzeb having 
commanded the attendance at court of Jeswunt's heir, he obeyed, 
and was received not only with the- distinctions which were his due, 
but with the most specious courtesy : that one day, with unusual 
fiuniliarity, the king desired him to advance, and grasping firmly 
his folded hands (the usual attitude of deference) in one of his own, 
said, " Well, Rahtore, it is told me you possess as nervous an arm as 
** your father ; what can you do now V ** God preserve your majesty," 
replied the Rajpoot prince, " when the sovereign of mankind lays 
the hand of protection on the meanest of his subjects, all his hopes 
are realized ; but when he condescends to take both of mine, I feel 
as if I could conquer the world." His vehement and animated 
gesture gave full force to his words, and Arungzeb quickly exclaimed, 

* The common epithet of the Islamite emperors, iu the dialect of the bard, 
is Aspui^ classically AwfdpcUi^ * lord of horses.' 



" Ah ! here is another Khootun," (the term he always applied to 
Jeswunt) ; yet, affecting to be pleased with the fitink boldness of 
his speech, he ordered him a splendid dress, which, as customary, he 
put on, and, having made his obeisance, left the presence in the 
certain assurance of exaltation. 

That day was his last ! — he was taken ill soon after reaching his 
quarters, and expired in great torture, and to this hour his death is 
attributed to the poisoned robe of honour presented by the king * 

Pirthi Sing was the staff of his father's age, and endowed with all 
the qualities required to lead the swords of Maroo. His death, thus 
reported, cast a blight on the remaining days of Jeswunt, who, in 
this cruel stroke, saw that his mortal foe had gone beyond him in 
revenge. The sacrifice of Pirthi Sing was followed by the death of 
his only remaining sons, Juggut Sing and Dulthumuii, from the 
ungenial climate of Cabul, and grief soon closed the existence of the 
veteran Rahtore. He expu'ed amidst the mountains of the north, 
without an heir to his revenge, in S. 1737 (A.D. 1681), having ruled 
the tribes of Maroo for two and forty years. In this year, death 
released Arungzeb from the greatest terrors of his life ; for the 
illustrious Sevaji and Jeswunt paid the debt to nature within a few 
months of each other. Of the Rahtore, we may use the words of 
the biographer of his contemporaiy, Rana Raj Sing of Mewar : 
" Sighs never ceased flowing from Arung's heart while Jeswunt 
" lived." 

The life of Jeswunt Sing is one of the most extraordinar}*^ in the 
annals of Rajpootana, and a full narrative of it would afford a 
perfect and deeply interesting picture of the history and manners 
of the period. Had his abilities, which were far above mediocrity, 
been commensurate with his power, credit, and courage, he might, 
with the concurrent aid of the many powerful enemies of Arungzeb, 
have overturned the Mogul throne. Throughout the long period 
of two and forty years, events of magnitude crowded upon each 
other, from the period of his first contest with Arungzeb, in the 
battle of the Nerbudda, to his conflicts with the Afghans amidst 
the snows of Caucasus. Although the Rahtore had a preference 
amongst the sons of Shah Jehan, esteeming the frank Dai*a above 
the crafty Arungzeb, yet he detested the whole race as inimical to 
the religion and the independence of his own ; and he only fed the 
hopes of any of the brothers, in their struggles for empire, expecting 
that they would end in the ruin of all. His blind arrogance lost 
him the battle of the Nerbudda^ and the supineness of Dara 

♦ This mode of being rid of enemies is firmly believed by the R^y poets, and 
several other instances of it are recorded in this work. Of course, it must be 
by porous absorption j and in a hot climate, where only a thin tunic is worn 
next the skin, much mischief might be done, though it is dif&cult to understand 
bow death could be accomplished. That the behef is of ancient date, we have 
only to recal the story of Hercules put into doggerel by Pope : 

" He whom Dejanira 

" Wrapped in the envenomed shirt, and set on fire." 


prevented his i-eaping the fruit of his treachery at Cudjwa. The 
former event, as it reduced the means and lessened the fame of 
Jeswunt, redoubled his hatred to the conqueror. Jeswunt neglected 
no opportunity which gave a ehance of revenge. Impelled by this 
motive, more than by ambition, he never declined situations of trust, 
and in each he disclosed the ruling passion of his mind. His 
overture to Sevaji (like himself the implacable foe of the Mogul), 
against whom he was sent to act ; his daring attempt to remove the 
imperial lieutenants, one by assassination, the other by open force ; 
his inciting Moazzim, whose inexperience he was sent to guide, to 
revolt against his father, are some among the many signal instances 
of Jeswunt's thirst for vengeance. The emperor, fully aware of 
this hatred, yet compelled from the force of circumstances to 
dissemble, was always on the watch to counteract it, and the artifices 
this mighty king had recourse to in order to conciliate Jeswunt, 
perhaps to throw him off his ^ard, best attest the dread in which 
he held him. Alternately he neld the viceroyalty of Uuzzerat, of 
the Dekhan, of Malwa^ Ajm^r, and Cabul (where he died), either 
directly of the king, or as the king's lieutenant, and second in 
command under one of the princes. But he used all these favours 
merely as stepping-stones to the sole object of his life. Accordingly, 
if Jeswunt 8 character had been drawn by a biographer of the court, 
viewed merely in the light of a great vassal of the empire, it would 
have reached us markea with the stigma of treachery in every trust 
reposed in him ; but, on the other hand, when we reflect on the 
character of the king, the avowed enemy of the Hindu faith, we only 
see in Jeswunt a prince putting all to hazard in its support. He had 
to deal with one who pmced him in these offices, not firom personal 
regard, but because he deemed a hollow submission better than 
avowed hostility, and the Raja, therefore, only opposed fraud to 
hypocrisy, and treachery to superior sU*en^h. Doubtless the 
Rahtore was sometimes dazzled by the baits which the politic king 
administered to his vanity ; and when all his bix)tner princes 
eagerly contended for royal favour, it was something to be singled 
out as the first amongst his peers in Rajpootana. By such 
conflicting impulses were both parties actuated in their mutual 
conduct throughout a period in duration nearly equal to the 
life of man; and it is no slight testimony to Arungzeb's skill 
in managing such a subject, Uiat he was able to neuti^alize the 
hatred and the power of Jeswunt throughout this lengthened 
period. But it was this vanity, and the immense power wielded by 
the kings who could reward service by the addition of a vice-royalty 
to their hereditary domains, that made the Rajpoot princes slaves ; 
for, had ail the princely contemporaries of Jeswunt, — Jey Sing of 
Amb^, the Rana Raj of M^war, and Sevaji, — coalesced against their 
national foe, the Mogul power must have been extinct. Could Jes- 
wunt, however, have been satisfied with the mental wounds he in- 
flicted upon the tyrant, he would have had ample revenge ; for the 
image of the Rahtore crossed all his visions of aggrandizement. The 


cruel sacrifice of his heir, and the still more barbarous and unrelent- 
ing ferocity with which he pursued Jeswunts innocent family, are 
the surest proofs of the diead whicli the Rahtore prince inspii-ed 
while alive. 

Previous, however, to entering on this and the eventful period 
which followed Jeswunt's death, we may record a few anecdotes 
illustrative of the character and manners of the vassal chieftains, by 
whose aid he was thus enabled to brave Arungz^. Nor can we do 
better than allow Nahur EJian, chief of the Koompawuts and pre- 
mier noble, to be the representative portrait of the clans of Marco. 
It was by the vigilance of this chief, and his daiing intrepidity, that 
the many plots laid for Jeswunts life were defeated ; and in the 
anecdote already given, when in order to restore his prince firom a fit 
of mental delusion,* he braved the superstitions of his race, his devo- 
tion was put to a severer test than any which could result from per- 
sonal peril. The anecdote connected with his Tiom de guerre of Nahur 
(tiger) Khan, exemplifies his personal, as the other does his mental 
intrepidity. The real name of this individual, the head of the Koom- 
pawut cImi, was Mokundas. He had personally incurred the dis- 
pleasure of the emperor, by a reply which was deemed disrespectful 
to a message sent by the royal ahdy, for which the tyrant condemned 
him to enter a tiger's den, and contend for his life unarmed. With- 
out a sign of fear, he entered the arena, where the savage beast was 
pacing, and thus contemptuously accosted him : " Oh tiger of the 
" m^lm,"!- face the tiger of Jeswunt;*' exhibiting to the king of the 
forest a pair of eyes, which anger and opium had rendered little less 
infiiamed than his own. The animal, startled by so unaccustomed a 
salutation, for a moment looked at his visitor, put down his head, 
turned round and stalked from him. " You see," exclaimed the 
Bahtore, " that he dare not face me, and it is contrary to the creed 
" of a true Rajpoot to attaxsk an enemy who dares not confront him." 
Even the tyrant, who beheld the scene, was surprised into admira- 
tion, presented him with gifts, and asked if he had any children 
to inherit his prowess. His reply, "how can we get children, 
" when you keep us from our wives beyond the Attok ?" fiilly shews 
that the Rahtore and fear were strangers to each other. From this 
singular encounter, he bore the name of Nahur Khan,* the tiger 
' lord.' 

On another occasion, from the same freedom of speech, he incurred 
the displeasure of the Shahzada, or prince-royal, who, with youthful 
levity, commanded the ' tiger lord' to attempt a feat which he deemed 
inconsistent with his dignity, namely, gallop at speed under a 
horizontal branch of a tree and cling to it while the steed passed on. 
This feat, requiiing both agility ana strength, appears to have been 

♦ See pa^e 31. 

+ Meak 18 a term used by the Hindu to a Mooslim, who himself generally 
applies it to a pedagogue : the village-schoolmaster has always the honourable 
epithet of Mean-ji I 



a common amusement, and it is related, in the annals of Mewar, that 
the chief of Bunera broke his spine in the attempt ; and there were few 
who did not come off with bruises and falls, in which consisted the 
sport When Nahur heard the command, he indignantly replied, he 
•* was not a monkey f that " if the prince wished to see his feats, it 
" must be where his sword had play ;" on which he was ordered 
against Soortan, the Deora prince of Sirohi, for which service he had 
the whole Rahtore contingent at his disposal The Deora prince, 
who could not attempt to cope against it in the field, took to his 
native hills ; but while he deemed himself secure, Mokund, with a 
chosen band, in the dead of night, entered the glen where the Sirohi 

Erince reposed, stabbed the solitary sentinel, bound the prince with 
is own turban to his pallet, while, environing him with his clans- 
men, he gave the alarm. The Deoras starting from their rocky 
beds, collected round their prince, and were preparing for the rescue, 
when Nahur called aJoud, "You see his life is in my hands; be 
'• assured it is safe if you are wise ; but he dies on the least opposition 
•* to my determination to convey him to my prince. My sole object in 
giving the alarm, was that you might behold me carry oft' my 
prize." He conveyed Soortdn to Jeswunt, who said he must intro- 
duce him to the king. The Deora prince was carried to court, and 
being led between the proper officers to the palace, he was instnicted 
to perform that profound obeisance, from which none were exempted. 
But the haughty Deora replied, " His life was in the king's hands, his 
honour in his own ; he had never bowed the head to mortal man, and 
never would." As Jeswunt had pledged himself for his honourable 
treatment, the officers of the ceremonies endeavoured by stratagem 
to obtain a constrained obeisance, and instead] of introducing him as 
usual, they shewed him a wicket, knee high, and very low overhead, 
by which to enter, but putting his feet foremost, his head was the 
last part to appear. This stubborn ingenuity, his noble bearing, and 
his long-protracted resistance, added to Jeswunt's pledge, won tho 
king's favour ; and he not only profiered him pai'don, but whatever 
lands he might desira Though the king did not name the return, 
Soortan was well aware of the terms, but he boldly and quickly 
replied, " What can your majesty bestow equal to Achilgurh ? let me 
'* return to it is all I ask." The king had the magnanimity to comply 
with his request ; Soortin was allowed to retire to the castle of Aboo,* 
nor did he or any of the Deoras ever rank themselves amongst the 
vassals of the empire ; but they havfe continued to the present hour 
a life of almost savage independence. 

From such anecdotes we learn the character of the tiger lord of 
Asope, and his brother Rahtores of Marwar ; men reckless of life 
when put in competition with distinction and fidelity to their prince, 
as will be abundantly illustrated in the reign we are about to describe. 

* Achilgurh, or * the immoveable castle,' is the name of the fortress of the 
Deora princes of Aboo and Sirohi, of which wonderful spot 1 purpose in another 
work to give a detailed account 




The pregnant queen of Jesmunt prevented from becoming SiUi. — Seven co7icitbines 
and one Rani bxirn loUh Mm. — Tfi£ Chandravdti Rani inouiUs the pyre at Mun- 
dore. — General grief far the Iom of JesimnU. — Posthumous birth of AjU. — Jes- 
wun^s family and contingent return from Caind to Manoar. — hUercepted by 
Arungz^by who demands the surrender of t/ie infant AjU. — 77ie chiefs destroy the 
females and defend themselves. — Preservation of the infant prince. — 77ie Eendas 
take Mundore. — Expelled. — Arungzdb invades Manoar, takes and plunders Jod- 
poor, and sacks all tlte large towns. — Destroys the Hindu tem^es, and commands 
the conversion of the Rahtore race. — Impolicy of the measure. — Establishes the 
Jezeya, or tax on infidels. — The Rahtores and Seesodias unite against the king. — 
EvciUs of the war from the Chronicle, — The Mairtea dan oppose the entire royal 
armyy but are cut to pieces, — T/ie combined Rajpoots fight the imperialists at 
Nadole. — B/ieem, the son of the Rana^ slain, — Prince Akbtfr disapproves the war 
agahist the Rajpoots. — Makes overtures. — Coalition. — Tlie Rajpoots declare Akb^ 
en\peror. — Treachery and death of Tyber Khan — Akbtfr escapes, and claims pro- 
tectum from the Rajpoots, — Doorga conducts Prince Akb& to the Dekhan. — 
Saning, brother of Doorga, leads the Rahtores, — Conflict at Jodpoor. — Affair at 
8oj^U. — The cholera morbus appears, — Arungzeb offers peace. — The coytditions 
accepted by Soning. — Sonin^s death. — A rungzdb annuls the treaty. — Prince A zim 
left to carry on the war. — Mooslem garrisons throughoiU Marwar. — The Rahtores 
take post in t1\e AravuUi hills, — Numerous encounters. — Affairs of Sojut. — Cheraie. 
— Jylarun. — Rainpoor. — Palli, — Immense sacrifice of lives, — The Dhattis join 
the RaJUores, — The Mairtea chief assassinated during a truce. — Furtlier encoun- 
ters. — Seioanoh assaulted. — The Moodem garrison put to the sword, — Noor AUi 
abducts tlte Assani damsels, — Is pursued and killed, — Mooslem garrison of Sam- 
bhur destroyed, — Jhalore capitulates to the Rajpoots, 

"When Jeswunt died beyond the Attok, his wife, the (future) 
mother of Ajlt, determined to burn with her lord, but being in tho 
seventh month of her pregnancy, she was forcibly prevented by 
Ooda Koompawut. His other queen and seven patras (concubines) 
mounted the pyre ; and as soon as the tidings reached Jodpoor, the 
Chundravati queen, taking a turban of her late lord, ascended the 
pile at Mundore. The Hindu race was in despair at the loss of tho 
support of their faith. The bells of the temple were mute ; the sacred 
shell no longer sounded at sun-rise ; the Brahmins vitiated their 
doctrines and learned the Mooslem creed." 

The queen w&s delivered of a boy, who received the name of Ajit. 
As soon as she was able to travel, the Rahtore contingent, with their 
infant prince, his mother, the daughters, and establishment of their late 
sovereign, prepared to return to their native land. But the unrelent- 
ing tyrant, carrying his vengeance towards Jeswunt even beyond tho 
grave, as soon as they reached Dehli,commanded that the infant should 
be suiTcndered to his custody. " Aixmg offered todivide Maroo amongst 
them if they would surrender their i)rincc ; but they replied, ' Our 
countiy is with our sinews, and these can defend both it and our 


lord.' With eyes red with rage, they left the Aum-lcJids. Their 
abode was surrounded by the host of the Shah. In a basket of 
sweetmeats they sent away the young prince, and prepared to defend 
their honour ; they made oblations to the gods, took a double portion 
of opium, and mounted their steeds. Then spoke Rinchor, and 
Govind the son of Joda, and Chundurbhan the . Damwut, and the 
son of Raghoo, on whose shoulders the sword had been married at 
Oojein, with the fearless Bharmul the Oodawut, and the Soojawut, 
Raghoonat'h. * Let us swim,' they exclaimed, * in the ocean of fight. 
Let us root up these Asuras, and be carried by the Apsaras to the 
mansions of the sun.* As thus each spoke, Soojah the bard took 
the word : ' for a day like this,' said he, * you enjoy your fiefs (puttas), 
to give in your lord's cause your bodies to the sword, and in one 
mass to gain S'werga (heaven). As for me, who enjoyed his friend- 
ship and his gifts, this day will I make his salt resplendent. My 
father's fame will I uphold, and lead the death in this day's fight, 
that future bards may hymn my praise.' Then spake Doorga son 
of Assoh : * the teeth of the Yavans are whetted, but by the light- 
ning emitted from our swords, Dehli shall witness our deeds ; and the 
flame of our anger shall consume the troops of the Shah.' As thus 
the chiefs communed, and the troops of the king approached, the 
Maj'loca* of their late lord was sent to inhabit awerga. Lance in 
hand, with faces resembling Yama,f the Rahtores rushed upon the 
foe. Then the music of swords and shields commenced. Wave 
followed wave in the field of blood. SankraJ completed his chaplet 
in the battle fought by the children of Doohur in the streets of 
Dehli. Rutna contended with nine thousand of the foe ; but his 
sword failed, and as he fell, Rembha§ carried him away. Dilloh 
the Darawut made a gift of his life ;|| the salt of his lord he mixed 
with the water of the Chundurbhan was conveyed by the 
Apsaras to Chandrapoor.** The Bhatti was cut piece-meal and lay 
on the field beside the son of Soort^n. The faithful Oodawut 
appeared like the crimson lotos ; he journeyed to Swerga to visit 
Jeswunt Sandoh the bard, with a sword in either hand, was in 
the front of the battle, and gained the mansion of the moon.-f~(- Every 
tribe and every clan peiformed its duty in this day's pilgrimage to 

* A delicate mode of naming the female part of Jeswunt*s family ; the * royal 
iMbod^ included his young daughters, sent to inhabit heaven {swerga), 

t Pluto. 

X * The lord of the shell,' an epithet of Siva, as the god of war ; his war-trump 
being a shell {saiikh) ; his chaplet (rmUd), which the Rahtore bard says was incom- 
plete until this fight, being of human sculls. 

§ Queen of the Apsaras, or celestial nymphs. 

II rope makes Sarpedon say : 

The Ufe that others pay, let us bestow, 
And give to fame what we to nature owe. 
Tie., blood. 

** * The city of the moon.' 

ft The lunar abode seems that allotted for all bards, who never mention 
BhdfUoca^ or the ' mansion of the sun ' as a pLice of reward for them. Doubt^ 
leas they could assign a reason for sucli a distinction. 


the stream of the sword, in which Doorgadas ground the foe and 
saved his honour."* 

WTien these brave men saw that nothing short of the surrender 
of all that was dear to a Rajpoot was intended by the fiend-like 
spirit of the king, their first thought was the preservation of their 
prince ; the next to secure their own honour and that of their late 
master. The means by which they accomplished this were terrific. 
The females of the deceased, together with their own wives and 
daughtei-s, were placed in an apartment filled with gunpowder, and 
the torch applied — all was soon over ! This sacrifice accomplished, 
their sole thought was to secure a niche in that immortiil temple, 
which the Rajpoot bard, as well as the great minstrel of the west, 
peoples with " youths who died, to be by poets sung." For this, 
the Rajpoot's anxiety has in all ages been so great, as often to defeat 
even the purpose of revenge, his object being to die gloriously rather 
than to inflict death ; assured that his name would never perish, 
but, preserved in " immortal rhyme" by the bard, would serve as the 
incentive to similar deeds. Accordingly, " the battle fought by the 
" sons of Doohurea-f in the streets of Dehli," is one of the many themes 
of everlasting eulogy to the Rahtores : and the seventh of Sravan, 
S. 1736 (the second month of the Monsoon of A.D. 1680), is a sacred 
day in the calendar of Maroo. 

In the midst of this furious contest, the infant prince was saved. 
To avoid suspicion the heir of Maroo, concealed in a basket of sweet- 
meats, was entrusted to a Mooslem, who religiously executed his 
trust and conveyed him to the appointed spot, where he was joined 
by the gallant Doorgadas with the survivors who had cut their way- 
through all opposition, and who were doomed often to bleed for the 
prince thus miraculously preserved. It is pleasing to find that, if to 
" the leader of the faithful," the bigoted Arungz^, they owed so much . 
misery, to one (and he of humble life), of the same faith, they owed the 
preservation of their line. The preserver of Ajit lived to witness his 
manhood and the redemption of his birth-right, and to find that 
princes are not always ungrateful ; for he was distinguished at court, 
was never addressed but as Kaka, or uncle, by the prince ; and to the 
honour of his successors be it told, the lands then settled upon him 
are still enjoyed by his descendants. 

With the sole surviving scion of Jeswunt, the faithful Doorga and 
a few chosen friends repaired to the isolated rock of Aboo, and placed 
him in a monastery of recluses. There the heir of Maroo was reared 
in entire ignoiunce of his birth. Still rumours prevailed, that a son 
of Jeswunt lived ; that Doorga and a few associates were his guar- 
dians ; and this was enough for the loyal Rajpoot, who, confiding in 

* This is but a short transcript of the poetic account of this battle, in which 
the deedij, name, and tribe of every warrior who fell, are related. The heroes 
of Thermopylae had not a more brilliant theme for the bard. 

t Hero 18 another instance of the ancient patronymic being brought in by 
the bardH, and it is thus they preserve the names and deeds of the worthies of 
puat days. Rao Doohur was one of the earliest liahtore kings of Marwar. 


the chieftain of Droonara, allowed the mere name of * DhunnV (lord) 
to be his rallying-word in the defence of his rights. These were soon 
threatened by a host of enemies, amongst whom were the Eendos, 
the ancient sovereigns of Maroo, who saw an opening for the redemp- 
tion of their birth-right, and for a short time displayed the flag of 
the Purihars on the walls of Miindore. While the Eendos were rejoic- 
ing at the recovery of their ancient capital, endeared to them by tra- 
dition, an attempt was made by Rutna, the son of Umra Sing (whose 
tragical death has been related), to obtain the seat of power, Jodpoor. 
This attempt, instigated by the king, proved futile ; and the clans, 
faithful to the memory of Jes wunt and the name of Ajit, soon expel- 
led the Eendos from Mundore, and drove the son of Umra to his 
castle of Nagore. It was then that Arungz^b, in person, led his army 
into Maroo ; the capital was invested ; it fell and was pillaged, and 
all the great towns in the plains, as Mairtea, Deedwana, and Rohit, 
shared a similar fate. The emblems of religion were trampled under 
foot, the temples thrown down, mosques were erected on their site, 
and nothing short of the compulsory conversion to the tenets of Islam 
of every Rajpoot in Marwar, would satisfy his revenge. The conse- 
quences of this fanatical and impolitic conduct recoiled not only upon 
tiie emperor but his whole race, for it roused an opposition to this 
iron yoke, -which ultimately broke it in pieces. The emperor pro- 
mulgated that famous edict, the * Jezeya,* against the whole Hindu 
race, which cemented into one compact union all who cherished either 
patriotism or religion. It was at this period of time, when the Rah- 
tores and Seesodias united against the tjrrant, that Rana Raj Sing 
indited that celebrated epistle, which is given in a preceding part of 
this work.* 

" Seventy thousand men," says the bard,-f " under Tyber Khan 

* Vol. I, p. 322. 

t It may be well to exhibit the manner in which the poetic annalist of Raj- 
pootana narrates such events, and to give them in his own lau^age rather than 
in an epitome, by which not only the pith of the original would be lost, but the 
events themselves deprived of half their interest. The character of historic 
fidelity will thus be preserved from suspicion, which could scarcely be withheld 
if the narrative were exhibited in any but its native garb. This will also serve 
to sustain the Annals of Marwar, formed from a combination of such materials, 
and dispose the reader to acknowledge the impossibility of reducing such ani- 
mated chronicles to the severe style of history. But more than all, it is with 
the design to prove what in the preface of this work, the reader was compelled 
to take on credit ; that the Rajpoot kingdoms were in no ages without such 
chronicles ; and if we may not compare them with Froissart, or with Monstre- 
let, they may be allowed to compete with the Anglo-Saxon chronicles, and 
they certainly surpass those of Ulster. But we have stronger motives than 
even legitimate curiosity, in allowing the bard to tell his own tale of the thirty 
years' war of Rajpootana ; the desire which has animated this task from its 
commencement, to give a correct idea of the importance of these events, and 
to hold them up as a beacon to the present governors of these brave men. How 
well that elegant historian, Orme, appreciates their importance, as bearing on 
our own conduct in power, the reader will perceive by reference to his Frag- 
ments (p. 165}, where he says, '^ there are no states or powers on the continent 
^ of ludia, with whom our nation has either connexion or concern, which do not 



were commanded to destroy the Rajpoots, and Arung followed in 
person to Ajmer. The Mairtea clan assembled, and advanced to 
Pooshkur to oppose him. The battle was in front of the temple of 
Varaha, where the swords of the Mairteas, always first in the fight, 
played the game of destruction on the heads of the Asuras. Here 
the Mairteas were all slain on the 11th Bhadoon, S. 173G." 

" Tyber continued to advance. The inhabitants of Moordhur fled 
to the mountains. At Goorah the brothers Roopa and Koombo took 
post with their clan to oppose him ; but they fell with twenty -five 
of their brethren. As the cloud pours water upon the earth, so did 
Arung pour his barbarians over the land. He remained but five days at 
Ajidoorg (Ajm^r) ; and marched against Cheetore. It fell I it appeared 
as if the heavens had fallen. Ajit was protected by the Eana, and 
the Rahtores led the van in the host of the Seesodias. Seeing the 
strength of the Yavans, they shut up the young prince, like a fiamo 
confined in a vessel. Dehli-pat (the king of Dehli)came to Debarri,* at 
whose pass he was opposed by Koombo, Oogursen, and Oodoh, all 
Eahtores. While Arungzdb attacked Oodipoor, Azim was left at Chee- 
tore. Then the king learned that Doorgadas had invaded Jhalore ; he 
abandoned his conquest, and returned to Ajmdr, sending Mokurra 
KJian to aid Beharri at Jhalore ; but Doorga had raised contributions 
(dind), and passed to Jodpoor, alike forced to contribute ; for the 
son of Indur Sing, on the part of the king, now commanded in 
Tricijta {triple-peaked mount), Arung Shah measured the heavens ; 
he determined to have but one faith in the land. Prince Akber was 
sent to join Tyber Khan. Rapine and conflagration spread over the 
land. The country became a waste ; fear stalked triumphant. Provi- 
dence had willed this afliiction. The Eendos were put in possession 
of Jodpoor ; but were encountered at Kaitapoor and put to the sword 
by the Champawuts. Once more they lost the title of Raos of 
Moordurdas, and thus the king's intentions of bestowing sovereignty 
on the Purihars were frustrated on the 13th day of Jeit, S. 1736. 

" The Aravulli gave shelter to the Rahtores. From its fastnesses 
they issued, and mowed down entire harvests of the Mooslem, piling 
them in kuUas.f Arung had no repose. Jhalore was invaded by 
one body, Sewanoh by another of the faithful chiefs of Ajit, whose 
dnl daily increased, while Arung's was seldom invoked. The king 
gave up the war against the Rana to send all his troops into Maroo ; 

** owe the origin of their present condition to the reign of Arungz^b, or its influ- 
" ence on the reigns of his successors." It behoves us, therefore, to make our- 
selves acquainted with the causes, as well as the characters of those who occa- 
sioned the downfall of our predecessors in the sovereignty of India. With 
this object in view, the bard shall tell his own tale from the birth of Ajit, in 
S. 1737, to 1767, wnen he had vanquished all opposition to Arungz^b, and re- 
gained the throne of Maroo. 

* The Cenotaph of these warriors still marks the spot where they fell, on 
the i^ht on entering the portals. 

t The heaps of grain thrashed in the open field, preparatory to being divided 
and housed, are termed kullas, 

X Oath of allegiance. 


but the Rona, who provoked the rage of Arung from gmnting refuge 
to Ajit, sent his troops under his own son, Bheem, who joined the 
Rahtoi*es, led by Indurbhan and Doorgadas in Godwar. Prince 
Akber and Tyber Khan advanced upon them, and a battle took place 
at Nadole. The Seesodias had the right. The combat was long and 
bloody. Prince Bheem fell at the head of the M^warees : he was a 
noble bulwark to the Rahtores.* Indurbhan was slain, with Jait 
the Oodawut, performmg noble deeds; and Soning Doorga did 
wonders on that day, the 14th Asoj, S. 1737," (the winter of A.D. 

The gallant bearing of the Rajpoots in this imequal combat, their 
desperate devotion to their country and prince, touched the soul of 
Prince Akb^r, who had the magnanimity to commiserate the suffer- 
ings he was compelled to inflict, and to question the policy of his 
father towards these gallant vassals. Ambition came to the aid of 
compassion for the sufierings of the Rahtores, and the persecution of 
the minor son of Jeswunt. He opened his mind to Tyber Khan, 
and exposed the disgrace of bearing arms in so unholy a warfare, 
and in severing from the crown such devoted and brave vassals as the 
Rahtores. Tyber was gained over, and an embassy sent to Doorgadas 
offering peace, and expressing a wish for a conference. Doorga 
convened the chiefs, and disclosed the overture ; but some suspected ' 
treachery in the prince, others, selfish views on the part of Doorga. 
To prevent the injurious operation of such suspicions, Doorga 
observed, that if assent were not given to the meeting, it would be 
attributed to the base motive of fear. " Let us proceed in a body," 
said he, " to this conference ; who ever heard of a cloud being 
" caught ?" They met ; mutual views were developed ; a treaty 
was concluded, and the meeting ended by Akber waving the umbrella 
of regality over his head. He coined in his own name ; he estab- 
lished his own weights and measures. The poisoned intelligence 
was poured into Arung's ear at Ajm^r ; his soul was troubled ; he 
had no rest ; he plucked his beard in grief when he heard that 
Doorga and Akber had united. Every Rahtore in the land flocked 
to Akber s standard. The house of Dehli was divided, and Govindf 
again supported the Hindu faith. 

The dethronement of the tyrant appeared inevitable. The scourge 
of the Rajpoots was in their power, for he was almost alone and 
without the hope of succour. But his energies never forsook him ; 
he knew the character of his foes, and that on an emergency his 
grand auxiliary, stratagem, was equal to an army. As there is some 
variation both in the Mogul historian's account of this momentous 

* The M4war chronicle claims a victory for the combined Rajpoot army, 
and relates a singular stratagem by which they gained it ; but either I have 
overlooked it>^or the Bey Vulas does not specify that Prince Bheem, son of the 
heroic Raua lUg, fcU on this day, so glorious in the annals of hoth states. See 
Vol. I, p. 328. 

t Cnshna 


ti*ansaction, and in the annals of Mewar and Marwar^ wc present the 
latter verbatim from the chronicle. 

" Akber, with multitudes of Rajpoots, advanced upon Ajmer. But 
while Arung prepared for the storm, the prince gave himself up to 
women and the song, phicing everything in the hands of Tyber 
Khan. We are the slaves of fate ; puppets that dance as it pulls 
the strings. Tyber allowed himself to dream of treason ; it was 
whispered in his ear that if he could deliver Akbdr to his father, 
high rewards would follow. At night he went privily to Arungzeb, 
and thence wrote to the Rahtores : * I was the bond of union betwixt 
you and Akber, but the dam which separated the watei*s has broken 
down, father and son again are one. Consider the pledges, given 
and received, as restored, and depart for your own lands.' Having 
sealed this with his signet, and despatched a messenger to the 
Rahtores, he appeared before Arungzeb to receive the fi*uit of his 
service. But his treason met its reward, and before he could say, 
the imperial orders were obeyed, a blow of tlie macefroTti the haivi 
of tlie monarch sent his soul to hell. At midnight the Derv^ish 
messenger reached the Rahtore camp ; he put the letter into their 
hand, which stated father and son were united ; and added from 
himself that Tyber Khan was slain. All was confusion ; the Rah- 
tores saddled and mounted, and moved a coss from Akber s camp. 
The panic spread to his troops, who fled like the dried leaves of 
the sugar-cane when carried up in a whirlwind, while the prince 
was attending to the song and the wiles of the wanton." 

This narrative exemplifies most strongly the hasty unreflecting 
chaiucter of the Rajpoot, who always acts from the impulse of the 
moment. They did not even send to Akber's camp, although close 
to their own, to inquire the truth or falsehood of the report, but 
saddled and did not halt until they were twenty miles asunder. It 
is true, that in these times of peril, they did not know in whom to 
confide ; and being headed by one of their own body, they could not 
tell how far he might be implicated in the treachery. 

The next day they were undeceived by the junction of the prince, 
who, when made acquainted with the departure of his allies, and the 
treason and death of Tyber Khan, could scarcely collect a thousand 
men to abide by his fortunes. With these he followed his panic- 
struck allies, and threw himself and his family upon their hospitality 
and protection : — ^an appeal never made in vain to the Rajpoot. 
The poetic account, by the bard Kurnidhan, of the reception of the 
prince by the chivalry of Maroo, is remarkably minute and spirited : 
— the warriors and senators enter into a solemn debate as to the 
conduct to be pursued to the prince now claiming sima (sanctuary), 
when the bard takes occasion to relate the pedigree and renown of 
the chiefs of every clan. Each chief delivers his sentiments in a 
speech full of information respecting their national customs and 
manners. It also displays a good picture of " the power of the swans^ 
" and the necessity of feeding tliem with pearls',' to enable them to 


sing witli advantage. The council breaks up with the declaration 
of its determination to protect Akb^r at all hazards, and Jaita, the 
brother of the head of the Champawuts, is nominated to the charge 
of protector of Akber s family. The gallant Doorga, the Ulysses of 
the Rahtores, is the manager of this dramatic convention, the details 
of which are wound up with an eulogy, in true oriental hyperbole, 
in the Doric accents of Maroo : 

" Eh ! McUa pool esa jin 
Jesaa Dooi^gcL-dds 
Band Moordra raklteo 
Bin fhamba dklida. 

" Oh, mother ! produce such sons as Doorga-das, who firat supported 
" the dam of Moordra, and then propped the heavens." 

This model of a Rajpoot, as wise as he was brave, was the saviour 
of his country. To his suggestion it owed the preservation of its 
prince, and to a series of heroic deeds, his subsequent and more 
difficult salvation. Many anecdotes are extant recording the dread 
Arungzeb had of this leader of the Rahtores, one of which is amus- 
ing. The tyrant had commanded pictures to be drawn of two of the 
most mortal foes to his repose, Sevaji and Doorga: ''Seva was 
" drawn seated on a couch ; Doorga in his ordinary position, on 
'* horseback^ toasting bhawties, or barley-cakes, with the point of 
" his lance, on a fire of maize-stalks. Arungzeb, at the first glance, 
" exclaimed, * I may entrap that feUow (meaning Sevaji), but this 
" dog is bom to be my bane.' " 

Doorga at the head of his bands, together with young Akb6r, 
moved towards the western extremity of the state, in hopes that 
they might lead the emperor in pursuit amongst the sand-hills of 
the Looni ; but the wily monarch tried other arts, and first attempted 
to corrupt Doorga. He sent him eight thousand gold mohurs.* 
which the Rajpoot instantly applied to the necessities of Akber, who 
was deeply affected at this proof of devotion, and distributed a 
portion of it amongst Doorga's retainers. Arungzeb, seeing the 
futility of this plan, sent a force in pursuit of his son, who, knowing 
he had no hope of mercy if he fell into his father's hands, was 
anxious to place distance between them. Doorga pledged himself 
for his safety, and relinquished aU to ensure it. Making over the 
gnardianship of young Ajit to his elder brother, Soning,and placing 
himself at the head of one thousand chosen men, he turned towards 
the south, llie bard enumerates the names and families of all the 
chieftains of note who formed the body-guard of prince Akber in 
this desperate undertaking. The Champawuts were the most 
numerous, but he specifies several of the home clans, as the Joda 
and Mairtea, and amongst the foreign Rajpoots, the Jadoon, Chohan, 
Bhatti, Deora» Sonigurra, and Mangulea. 

* The Mewar chronicle says forty thousand. 



" The king followed tlieir retreat : his troops surrounded the Rah- 
tores ; but Doorga with one thousand chosen men left the north on 
their backs, and with the speed of the winged quitted the camp. 
Arung continued the pursuit to Jhalore, when he found he had been 
led on a wrong scent ; and that Doorga, with the prince, keeping 
Guzzerat on his right, and Chuppun on his left, had made good his 
retreat to the Nerbudda. Eage so far got the better of his religion, 
that he threw the Koran at the head of the Almighty, In wrath, 
he commanded Azim to exterminate the Rahtores, but to leave Oodi- 
poor on one side,* and every other design, and first secure his brother. 
The deeds of Camunda-f removed the troubles of Mewar, as the wind 
disperses the clouds which shade the brightness of the moon. In ten 
days after Azim marched, the emperor himself moved, leaving his 
garrisons in Jodpoor and Ajmer. Doorga*s name was the chaim 
which made the hosts of locusts quit their ground.J Doorga was the 
sea-serpent; Akber the mountain with which they churned the ocean 
Arung, and made him yield the fourteen gems, one of which our 
religion regained, which is Lacshmi, and our faith, which is Dhu- 
nuntra the sage. 

" In fidelity who excelled the Kheechees Seo Sing and Mokund, 
who never left the person of Ajit, when his infancy was concealed in 
the mountains of Arbood ? to them alone, and the faithful Sonigurra, 
did Doorga confide the secret of his retreat. The vassals of the 
Nine Castles of Maroo knew that he was concealed ; but where or 
in whose custody all were ignorant. Some thought he was at Jes- 
sulmer ; others at Beekumpoor ; others at Sirohi. The eight divisions 
nobly supported the days of their exile ; their sinews sustained the 
land of Mord*hur. Raos, Raias, and Ranas applauded their deeds, for 
all were alike enveloped in the net of destruction. In all the nine 
thousand [towns] of Mord*hur, and the ten thousand of M^war,§ inha- 
bitants there were none. Enayet Khan was left with ten thousand 
men to preserve Jodpoor ; but the Champawut is the Soom^r of 
Maroo, and without fear was Doorga's brother, Soning. With Khem- 
kum the Kurnote, and Subhul the Joda, Beejmal the Mahecha, Jait- 
mal Soojote, Kesuri Kurnote, and the Joda brethren Seodan and 
Bheem, and many more collected their clans and kin, and as soon 
as they heard that the king was within four coss of Ajmer, they 
blockaded the Khan in the city of Joda; but twenty thousand 
Moguls came to the rescue. Another dreadful conflict ensued at the 
gates of Jodpoor, in which the Jadoon Kesore, who led the battle, 
and many other chiefs were slain, yet not without many hundreds 
of the foe ; the 9th Asar, S. 1737. 

" Soning carried the sword and the flame into every quarter. 

* That is, dropped all schemes against it at that moment. 

t The Camd'huj ; epithet of the Rahtores. 

X Channs and incantations, with music, are had recourse to, in order to 
cause the flight of these destructive insects from the fields thev light on. 

§ The number of towns and villages formerly constituting the arondissement 
of each state. 


Arung could neither advance nor retreat He was like the sei'pent 
seizing the musk-iut, which, if liberated, caused blindness ; but if 
swallowed, was like poison. Humdt and Kana Sing took the road 
to Sojut They surrounded and drove away the cattle, which brought 
the Asoors to the rescue. A dreadful strife ensued ; the chief of 
the Asoors was slain, but the brothers and all their kin bedewed the 
land with their blood. This, the saca of Sojut, was when 1737 
ended and 1738 commenced, when the sword and the pestilence 
(mu'n'i*) united to clear the land. 

" Soning was the Roodra of the field ; Agra and Dehli trembled 
at his deeds ; he looked on Anmg as the waning moon. The king 
sent an embassy to Soning ; it was peace he desired. He offered 
the munsub of Sdfh Hazari for Ajit, and what dignities he might 
demand for his brethren — the restoration of Ajmer, and to make 
Soning its governor. To the engagement was added, * the jmnja Is 
affixed in ratification of this treaty, witnessed by God Almighty.'"f 
The Dewan, Asud Khan, was the negociator, and the ArcTndiX who 
-was with him, solemnly swore to its maintenance. The treaty con- 
cluded, the king, whose thoughts could not be diverted from Akber, 
departed for the Dekhan. Asud Khan was left at Ajm^r, and 
Soning at Mairta. But Soning was a thorn in the side of Aining- 
zeb ; he bribed the Brahmins, who threw pepper into the h/mui 
(burnt sacrifice) and secured for Soning a place in Socnuj Mandala 
(the mansion of the sun). The day following the treaty, by the 
incantations of Arunga, Soning was no more.§ Asoj the 6th, S. 1738. 

* Murrt, or * death! personified, is the name for that fearful scourge the 
spasmodic choitra morbus, which has caused the loss of so many lives for the 
last thirteen years throughout India. It appears to have visitea India often, 
of which we nave given a frightful record in the Annals of M6war in the reign 
of Rana Raj Sing (See Vol. I, p. 332), in S. 1717 or AD. 1661 (twenty years 
prior to the period we treat of) : and Orme describes it as raging in the 
Dekhan in A.I). 1684. They had likewise a visitation of it within the memory 
of many individuals now living. 

Regarding the nature of this disease, whether endemic, epidemic, or conta- 
irious, and its cure, we are as ignorant now as the first day of our experience. 
There have been hundreds of conflicting opinions and hynotheses, but none 
satisfactory. In India, nine medical men out of ten, as well as those not pro- 
fessional, deny its being contagious. At Oodipoor, the Rana's only son, lier- 
metically sealed in the pisdace against contact, was the first seized with the dis- 
order : a nretty strong proof that it was from atmospheric communication. He 
was also tne last man in his father's dominions likely, from predisposition, to 
be attacked, being one of the most athletic and prudent of his subjects. I saw 
him through the disorder. We were afraid to administer remedies to the last 
heir of Bappa Rawul, but I hinted to Amurji. who was both bard and doctor, 
that strong doses of musk (12 grs. each) mignt be beneficial. These he had, 
and I prevented his having cola water to drink, and also checking the insen- 
sible perspiration by throwing off the bed-clothes. Nothing but his robust 
and youth made him resist this tremendous assailant. 

t See VoL I, p. 330, for an explanation of the punja — and the treaty which 
preceded this, made by Rana Raj Sing, the fourth article of which stipulates 
for terras to the minor son of Jeswunt. 

X I know not what ofliccr is meant by the Aremdi, sent to swear to the good 
faith of the king. 

§ His death was said to be effected by incantations, most probably poison. 


" Asud sent the news to the king. This terror being removed, the 
king withdrew his punja from his treaty, and in joy departed for 
the Dekhan. The death of Soning shed gloom and giief over the 
land. Then Mokund Sing Mairtea, son of Kulian, abandoned his 
munsub and joined his country's cause. A desperate encounter 
soon followed with the troops of Asud Khan near Mairta, in which 
Ajit, the son of Beetuldas, who led the fight, was slain, with many 
of each clan, which gave joy to the Asoors, but grief to the faithful 
Rajpoot ; on the second day of the bright half of the moon of Kartik, 
S. 1738. 

" Prince Azim was left with Asud Khan ; Enayet at Jodpoor ; and 
their garrisons were scattered over the land, as their tombs (ghor) 
everyivhere attest. The lord of Chundawul, Simboo Koompawut^ 
now led the Rahtores with Oodung Sing Bukshee, and Tejsi, the 
young son of Doorga, the bracelet on the arm of MaJmdeva, with 
Futteh Sing and Ram Sing, just returned from placing Akber safely 
in the Dekhan, and many other valiant Rahtores.* They spread 
over the country even to M^wai', sacked Poor-Mandil, and slew the 
governor Kasim Khan." 

These desultory and bloody affrays, though they kept the king's 
troops in perpetual alarm and lost them myriads of men, thinned 
the ranks of the defenders of Maroo, who again took refuge in the 
AravuUi. From hence, watching every opportunity, they darted on 
their prey. On one occasion, they fell upon the garrison of Jy tarun, 
which they routed and expelled, or as the chronicle quaintly says, 
" with the year 1739 they also fled." At the same time, the post of 
Sojut was carried by Beejo Champawut, while the Jodawuts, under 
Ram Sing, kept their foes in play to the northward, and led by 
Oodi-bhan, attacked the Mirza Noor Alii at Cheraie : " the contest 
" lasted for three hours ; the dead bodies of the Yavans lay in heaps 
" in the Akhara ; who even abandoned their Nakarraa." 

" After the affair of Jytarun, when Oodi Sing Champawut, and 
Mohkim Sing Mairtea were the leaders, they made a push for Guz- 
zerat, and had penetrated to Kheiraloo, when they were attacked, 
pursued, and surrounded in the hills at Rainpoor, by Syed Moham- 
med, the Hakim of Guzzeiut. All night they stood to their arms. 
In the morning the sword rained and tilled the cars of the Apsaras. 
Kurrun and Kesuri were slain, with Gokuldas Bhatti, with all their 
civil officers, and Ram Sing himself renounced life on this day.-f- 
But the Asoors pulled up the reins, having lost many men. PalU 
was also attacked in the month of Bhadoon this year 1739 ; then 
the game of destruction was played with Noor Alii, three hundred 
Rahtores against five hundred of the king's troops, which were 
routed, losing their leader, Ufzul Khan, after a desperate struggle. 

* Many were enumerated by the bardic chronicler, who would deem it 
sacrilege to omit a single name in the page of fame. 

t He was one of the gallant chiefs who, with Doorga, conveyed prince Akb^r 
to the sanctuary with the Mahrattas. 


" Balla was the hero who drove the Yavan from this post. Oodya 
attacked the Sidi at Sojut. Jytainin was again reinforced. In 
Bysak, Mohkim Sing Mairtea attacked the royal post at Mairta, 
slew Syed Alii, and drove out the king's troops." 

The year 1739 was one of perpetual conflict, of captures and 
recaptures, in which many parties of twenty and thirty on each side 
fell. They afford numerous examples of heroic patriotism, in which 
Rahtore blood was lavishly shed ; but while to them each warrior 
was a loss not to be replaced, the despot continued to feed the war 
with fresh troops. The Bhattis of Jessulm^r came forward this 
year, and nobly shed their blood in seconding the efforts of the 
Rahtores in this patriotic warfare. 

" In S. 1740, Azim and Asud Khan joined the emperor in the 
Dekhan, and Enayet Khan was left in command at Ajmer — being 
enjoined not to relax the war in Marwar, even with the setting in of 
the rains. MairwaiTa afforded a place of rendezvous for the Rah- 
tores, and security for their families. Here eleven thousand of the 
best troops of Enayet invaded the hills to attack the united Jodas 
and Champawuts, who retaliated on Palli, Sojut, and Godwar. The 
ancient Mundore, which was occupied by a garrison under Khwaja 
Saleh, was attacked by the Mandaicha Bhatti and driven out. At 
Bagrie, a desperate encounter took place in the month of Bysak, 
when Ram Sing and Samunt Sing, both Bhatti chiefs, fell, with two 
hundred of their vassals, slaying one thousand of the Moguls. The 
Kurumsotes and Koompawuts, under Anop Sing, scoured the banks 
of the Looni, and put to the sword the garrisons of Oosturroh and 
GanganL Mohkim, with his Mairteas, made a descent on his 
patrimonial lands, and drew upon him the whole force of its 
governor, Mohammed Alii. The Mairteas met him on their own 
native plains. The Yavan proposed a truce, and at the interview 
assassinated the head of the Mairteas, tidings of whose death rejoiced 
the Shah in the Dekhan. 

** At the beginning of 1741, neither strife nor fear had abated. 
Soojdn Sing led the Rahtores in the south, while Lakha Champawut 
and Kesar Koompawut aided by the Bhattis and Chohans, kept the 
garrison of Jodpoor in alarm. When Soojdn was slain, the bard 
was sent to Singram, who held a munsub and lands from the king ; 
he was implored to join his brethren ; he obeyed, and all collected 
around Singram.* Sewanchaf was attacked, and with BhaJotra 
and Panchbadra were plundered; while the blockaded garrisons 
were unable to aid. An hour before sunset, every gate of Maroo 
was shut The Asoors had the strong-holds in their power ; but the 
plains resounded with the Anl of Ajit. Oodi-bhan, with his Joda- 
wuts, appeared before Bhadrajoon ; he assaulted the foe and captured 

* We are not informed of what clan he was, or his rank, which must have 
been high, 
t The tract so called, of which Sewanoh is the capital 
t Oath of allegiaQce. 


his guns and treasure. An attempt from Jod[X)or made to recapture 
the trophies, added to the triumph of the Joda. 

" Poordil Khan* held Sewanoh ; and Nahui- Khan Mewatti, Kunari. 
To attack them, the Champawuts convened at Mokulsir. Their 
thirst for vengeance redoubled at the tidmgs that Noor Alii had 
abducted two young women of the ti*ibe of Aasani. Rutna led the 
Rahtores ; they reached Kunari and engaged Poordil Khan, who was 
put to the sword with six hundred of his mea The Rahtores left 
one hundred in the field that day, the ninth of Cheyt. The Mirzai* 
no sooner heard of this defeat than he fled towards Thoda> with the 
Assani damsels, gazing on the mangoes as they ripened, and having 
reached Koochal, he encamped. Subhul Sing, the son of Aiskum, 
heard it ; he took his opium, and though the Mirza was surrounded 
by pillars, the dagger of Aiskum's son reached his heart ; but the 
Bhatti| was cut in pieces. The roads were now impassable ; the 
T^hanasl^ of the Yavans were reduced to great straits. 

" The year 1742 commenced with the slaughter of the king's 
garrison at Sambhur by the Lakhawuts and Assawuts ;|| while fix)m 
Godwai* the chiefs made incursions to the gates of Ajm^r. A battle 
took place at Mairta, where the Rahtores were defeated and dispersed ; 
but in revenge Singram burned the suburbs of Jodpoor, and 
then came to Dhoonara, where once more the clans assembled. They 
marched, invested JhaJore, when Beharri, left without succour, was 
compelled to capitulate, and the gate of honour (dherniadvxira) w&s 
left open to himu And thus ended 1742." 

''^ It is almost superfluous to remark, even to the mere English reader, that 
whenever he meet the title Khan, it indicates a Mahomedan ; and that of JSing 
(lion) a Rajpoot 

t Noor AUi. Mirza is a title only applied to a MoguL 

t As a Bhatti revenged this disgrace, it is probable the Assani damsels, thus 
abducted by the Mirza, were of his own race. 

§ Garrisons and Military posts. 

II These are of the most ancient vassalage of Maroo. 



Tfte clans petition to see the young Raja. — Doorjun Sal of Kotah joins tlije 
Eahtore cause, — Tliey proceed to Aboo, — A re itUroduced to AjUy wJio is conveyed 
to Ahwa^ and makes a tour to all the chieftainships, — Consternation of 
A rungzeb, — He sets up a pretender to Jodpoor. — TJie Rahtores and Haras 
drive the Imperialists from Marwar, — They carry the war abroad, — Storm of 
Poor Mandil, — The Hara Prince slain, — Doorgadas returns from the Dehhan, 
— Defeats Sefi Khan^ govenwr of Ajmer, who is disgraced by the king, — Sejl 
Khan attempts to circumvent AjU by negotiation. — His failure and disgrace, — 
Rebellion in Mewar, — The RaMores support the Rana. — Arungzeb negotiates 
for the daughter of prince Akber left in MarMoar. — Aj^U, again driven for refuge 
into the hills. — Affair at Be^poor. — Success of the Rahtores, — Arungzeb's 
apprehen»ionfor his grarid-daughter, — The Rana sends the coco-nut to AjUy 
who proceeds to Oodipoor, and marries the Rana^s niece, — Negotiations for 
peace renewed. — Terminate, — The surrender of the princess. — Jodpoor restored. 
— Magnanimity of Doorgadas, — AjU takes possession, — AjU again driven 
from his capital, — Afflictions of the Hindu race, — A son born to AjUy named 
Abhye Sitig, — His horoscope, — Battle of Droonara. — The viceroy of Lahore 
passes through Marwar to Guzzerat, — Death of Arungzeb. — Diffuses joy. — AjU 
attacks Jodpoor, — Capitulation. — Dispersion and massacre of the king's 
troops. — AjU resumes his dominions. — Azim, with the title of Bahader Shah^ 
motmts the throne, — Battle of Agra. — The king prepares to invade Marwar. — 
Arrives at Ajmer. — Proceeds to Bai Bilaru. — Sends an embassy to AjU, who 
repairs to tfie imperial camp, — Reception, — Treacherous conduct of the 
emperor, — Jodpoor surprised. — AjU forced to accompany the emperor to the 
Dekhan. — Discontent of the Rajas. — They abandon the king^ and join Rana 
Umra at Oodipoor. — Triple alliance. — AjU appears brfore Jodpoor^ which 
capitulates on honourable terms. — AjU undertakes to replace Raja Jey Sing on 
the gadi of Amber, — Battle ofSambhur^ AjU victorious. — Amber abancUmed to 
Jey Sing, — AjU attacks Bikan^. — Redeems Nagore. — The Rajas threatened by 
the king, — Again unite, — l^he king repairs to Ajmer. — The Rc^asjoin him, — 
Receive Jirmdns for their dominions. — AjU makes a pilgrimage to Ctini-kli^ta. 
— Re/lections on the thirty yeari war waged by the Rahtores against the empire 
for independence, — Eulogium on Doorgadas, 

" In the year 1743, the Champawuts, Koompawuts, Oodawuts> 
Mairteas, Jodas, Eurumsotes, and all the assembled clans of 
Maroo, became impatient to see their sovereign. They sent 
for the Eheechie Mokund, and prayed that they might but 
behold him ; but the faithful to his trust replied " He,* who confided 
him to me, is yet in the Dekhan.*' — " Without the sight of our 
Lord, bread and water have no flavour." Mokund could not with- 
stand their suit. The Hara prince Doorjun Sal, having come to 
their aid with one thousand hoi'se from Kotah,f they repaired to the 

* Meaning Doorgadas. 

tHis principal object was to marry the daughter of Siyaun Sing Champawut, 
the sister of the brave Mokund Sing, often mentioned in the chronicle. The 



hill of Aboo, when on the last day of Cheyt 1743, they saw their 
prince. " As the lotos expands at the sunbeam, so did the heart of 
each Rahtore at the sight of their infant sovereign ; they drank 
his looks, even as the papaya in the month Asoj sips drops of 
imritu (ambrosia) from the Champa* There wei-e present, Oodi 
Sing, Singram Sing, Beeji-Pal, Tej Sing, Mokund Sing, and Nahur 
son of Huree, all Champawuts. Raj Sing, Juggut Sing, Jeit Sing, 
Samunt Sing, of the Oodawuts; — Ram Sing, Futteh Sing, and 
Kesuri, Koompawuts. There was also the Oohur chief of pure 
descent,-f besides the Kheechi Mokund, the Purohit, the Purihar, and 
the Jain priest, Yati Gyan, Beejy. In a fortunate hour, Ajit became 
known to the world. The Hara Rao tirst made his salutation ; he 
was followed by all Marwar with offerings of gold, pearls, and horses. 

" Enayet conveyed the tidings to Arung Shah ; the Asoor chief 
said to the king, * if without a head, so long they had combated him, 
what could now be expected V he demanded reinforcements. 

" In triumph they conveyed the young Raja to Ahwa, whose 
chief made the hadhooX with pearls, and presented him with horaes ; 
here he was entertained, and here they prepared the teeka dour. 
Thence, taking Raepoor, Bilai-a, and Baroonda in his way, and 
receiving the homage and nuzzui-s of their chiefs, he repaired to 
Asope, where he was entertained by the head of the Koompawuts. 
From Asope he went to the Bhatti iief of Lowairoh ; thence to Reah, 
the chief abode of the Mairteas ; thence to Kewnsir, of the Kurm- 
sotes. Each chief entertained their young lord, around whom all 
the clans gathered. Then he repaired to Kaloo, the abode of Pabhoo 
Rao Dhandul,§ who came forth with all his bands ; and at length 
he reached Pokum, where he was joined by Doorgadas from the 
Dekhan, the 10th of Bhadoon 1744. 

" Enayet Khan was alarmed. He assembled a numerous array to 
quell this fresh tumult, but death pounced upon him. The king 
was afflicted thereat. He tried another stratagem, and set up a 
pretended son of Jeswimt, styled Mohammed Shah, and offered Ajit 
the munsub of five thousand to submit to his authority. The 
pretender also died as he set out for Jodpoor, and Sujait Kiian was 
made the governor of Marwar in the place of Enayet. Now the 
Rahtores and Haras united, having cleared Maroo of their foes, 
attacked them in a foreign land. The garrisons of Malpoora and 
Poor Mandil were put to the sword, and here the Hara prince was 

Kotah prince dared not, according to every R^poot maxim of gallantry, refuse 
his aid on such occasion ; but the natural bravery and high mind of Dooijun 
Sal required no stimulus. 

* The Hindoo poet says the Papaya bird becomes intoxicated with the 

t A name now lost. 

j Waving a brass vessel, filled with pearls, round his head. 

§' Pabhoo Kao Rahtore is immortalized by the aid of his lance on this occa- 
sion ; he was of the ancient chivalry of Maroo, and still held his allodial 



killed by a cannon shot in leading the storm. Here they levied 
eight thousand mohurs in contribution and returned to Marwar, 
while the civil officers and Purohitsmade collections in his country ; 
and thus passed 1744. 

" The year 1745 commenced with proposals from Sujait Khan to 
hold Marwar in farm ; he promised one-fourth of all transit duties 
if the Rahtores would respect foreign commerce : to this they agreed. 
The son of Enayet left Jodpoor for Dehli; he had reached Rainwal, 
but was overtaken by the Joda Hurnat, who released him both of 
wives and wealth. The Khan fled to the Cutchwahas for shelter. 
Sujah Beg, who left Ajmer to release him, fared no better : he was 
attacked, defeated, and plundered by Mokundas Champawut. 

" In 1747, Sefi Khan was Hakim of Ajmer : Doorga determined 
to attack him. The Hakim took post in the pass which defends the 
road ; there Doorga assailed him, and made him fly to Ajmdr. The 
" tidings reached the king ; he wrote to the Khan, if he discomfited 
" Doorgadas, he would raise him over all the khans of the empire ; if 
" he failed, he should send him bracelets,* and order Sujait from 
" Jodpoor to supersede him." Sefi, before abandoning his trust, tried 
to retain his honours by the circumvention of Ajit. He addressed a 
letter to him, saying he held the imperial sunnud for the restoration 
of his paternal domains, but that, as the king s representative, he 
must come and receive it. Ajit marched at the head of twenty 
thousand Rahtores, sending in advance Mokund Champawut to 
observe whether any treachery was contemplated. The snare 
was discovered and reported to Ajit, as he arrived at the foot 
of the pass beyond the mountains. ' Let us, however, have 
a sight of Ajidoorg as we are so near,* said the young prince, ' and 
receive the compliments of the khan.* They moved on towards 
the city, and Sefi Khan had no alternative but to pay his obeisance 
to Ajit To enjoy his distress, one said, * let us fire the city.* The 
HaVim sat trembling for its safety and his own ; he brought forth 
jewels and horses, which he presented to Ajit. 

" In 1748, the troubles re-commenced in M^war. Piince Umra 
rebelled against his father, Rana Jey Sing, and was joined by all his 
chiefs, 'file Rana fled to Godwar, and at Ganorah collected a force, 
which Umra prepared to attack The Rana demanded succour of 
the Rahtores, and all the Mairteas hastened to relieve him ; and soon 
after Ajit sent Doorgadas and Bugwan, with Rinmul Joda, and 
* the eight ranks of Rahtores' to espouse the father's cause. But the 
Chondawuts and Suktawuts, the Jhalas and Chohans, rather than 
admit foreign interference in their quarrel, thought it better to effect 
a reconciliation between father and son ; and thus the Rana was 
indebted to Marwar for the support of his throne. 

" The year 1749 passed in negotiation to obtain the daughter of 
prince Akb^r, left in charge of Doorgadas, for whose honour Arung- 

* A mark of contempt. 



The chaplet of the MooUa served to count the name of Rama, and a 
handful of gold was given to have their beards removed.* Nothing 
but the despair and flight of the * Mletcha* was heard throughout 
Moordhur. Mairta was evacuated, and the wounded Mohkim fled 
to Nagore. Sojut and Palli were i-egained, and the land returned to 
the Jodani. Jodgurh was purified from the contaminations of the 
barbarian with the water of the Ganges and the sacred Toolsi, and 
Ajit received the tiluk of sovereignty. 

Then Azim marched from the south and Moazzim from the north. 
At Agra a mighty battle tor empire took place between the two 
Asooi-s, but AUum-f prevailed and got the throne. The tidings soon 
reached the king, that Ajit had plundered his armies in Maroo and 
taken possession of the * cushion' of his fathers. 

" The rainy season of 1764 had vanished, the king had no repose ; 
he formed an army and came to Ajm^r. Then Huridas, the son of 
Bugwdn, with the Oohur and Mangalea chiefs,^ and Rutna the 
leader of the Oodawuts, with eight hundred of their <Jan, entered 
the castle and swore to Ajit, that whatever might be his intentions, 
they were resolved to maintain the castle to the death. The royal 
army encamped at Bai Bilara, and Ajit prepared for the storm ; but 
the king was advised to try peaceful arts, and an overture was made, 
and the messenger was sent back to the king accompanied by Nahur 
Khan. Tlie embassy returned bearing the royal firm&n to Ajit ; 
but before he would accept it, he said he would view the royal anny, 
and on the first day of Phalgoon he left the hill of Joda and reached 
Beesilpoor. Here he was received by a deputation from the king, 
headed by Sujait Khan, son of the Khankhanan,' accompanied by 
the Raja of Badoria and Rao Bood*hSing ofBoondi: — the place of 
meeting was Peepar. That night passed in axljusting the terms of 
the treaty. The ensuing morn he marched forward at the head of 
all the men of MLaroo ; and at Anundpoor the eyes of the king of the 
barbarians (Mletcha) fell on those of the lord of the earth. He gave 
liim the title of T^g Bahader.^ But fate decreed that the city of 
Joda was coveted by the king ; by stealth he sent Mairab Khan to 
take possession, accompanied by the traitor Mohkim. Ajit burned 
with rage when he heard of this treachery, but he was compelled to 
dissimulate and accompany Allum to the Dekhan, and to serve 
under Kambuksh. Jey Sing of Amb^r|| was also with the king, 
and had a like cause for discontent, a royal gamson being placed 
in Amb^r, and the gadi of the Raja bestowed on his younger 

* The Rajpoots gave up beards the better to distinguish them from the 

t Shah Allum, who assumed the title of Bahader Shah, on mounting the 

X The Mangalea is a branch of the Ghelotes, severed from the original stem 
in the reign of Bappa Rawul eleven centuries ago. 

§ * The warrior's sword.' 

II This is the Mina Raja, Jey Sing ;— the posterior Jey Sing had the epithet 


brother, Beejy Sing. Now the anny rolled on like a sea ovei-flow- 
ing its bounds. As soon as the king crossed the Nerbudda,* the 
Rajas executed their designs, and without saying a word, at the head 
of their vassals retrograded to Rajwarra. They repaired to Oodi- 
poor, and were received by Rana Unira with rejoicing and dis- 
tinction, who advanced to conduct them to his capital. Seated 
together, the chxwri waving over their heads, they appeared like the 
Triuna,'\' Brimhd, Vishn^ and Mah^sa. From this hour the fortunes 
of the Asoors sunk, and virtue again began to shew herself J From 
Oodipoor the two Rajas passed to Marwar. They reached Ahwa, 
and here the Champawut Singram, son of Oodibhdn, spread the foot- 
carpet (pug-milTida) for his lord. 

** The month of Sawun 1765 set in, and the hopes of the Asoor 
expired. Maii-ab was in consternation wiien he heard that Ajit had 
returned to his native land. On the 7th the hall of Joda was sur- 
rounded by thirty thousand Rahtores. On the 12th the gate of honour 
was thrown open to Mairab ; he had to thank the son of Aiskurn§ 
for his life. He was allowed an honourable retreat, and Ajit once 
more entered the capital of Maroo. 

" Jey Sing encamped upon the banks of the Soor Sagur ; but a 
prince without a country, he was unhappy. But as soon as the rains 
were passed, Ajmal, the sanctuaiy of the Cutchwaha, proposed to 
reinstate him in AmWr. When conjoined they had reached Mairta, 
Agra and Dehli trembled. When they arrived at Ajmdr its governor 
sought airna with the saint,|| and paid the contributions demanded. 
Then, like the falcon, Ajit darted upon Sambhur ; and here the vas- 
sals of Amber repaired from all quarters to the standard of their lord. 
With twelve thousand men, the Syed advanced along the edge of the 
salt lake, to encounter AjmaL The Koompawut led the charge ; a 
desperate battle ensued ; Hussein, with six thousand men, lay on the 
field, while the rest took to flight and sought refuge in the castle.lT 
His lieutenant, the Purihar, chief pandoo, here fell** into the hands 
of Ajit ; he then felt he had recovered Mundore. On intelligence of 
this history, the Asoors abandoned Amb^r, and having placed a gar- 
rison in Sambhur, in the month of Megsir, Ajit restored Jey Sing to 
Ambdr, and prepared to attack Bikan^r. Ajit committed the 
administration of all civil affairs to the faithful Raghonath Bindarri, 

• The Mooslem historian mentions in Vol. I, p. 340, that Bahader was then 
en route to Lahore. 

t Tri-angk the triple-bodied, or tri-murti. 

X The bara of Maroo passes over the important fact of the intermarriage 
wluch took place on this occasion of the Rajpoot triple alliance. See 
VoL I, p. 399. 

§ Doorfi;adas, who recommended the acceptance of the proffered capitulation. 

II The shrine of Khwaja Kootub. 

IT Although the Marwar chronicler takes all the credit of this action, it was 
fought by the combined Rajpoots of the alliance. Vol. I, p. 341-2. 
Pandoo is the squire, the shield-bearer, of the Rajpoots. 

% • 


with the title of Dewan. He was well qualified, both from his 
experience in civil affairs and from his valour as a soldier. 

*' In Bhadoon of the year 1766, Arungzeb put to death Eambuksh^* 
and Jey Sing entered into negotiations with the king. Ajit now 
went against Nagore ; but Indur Sing being without resource, came 
foi-th and embraced Ajit's feet, who bestowed Ladnoo upon him as a 
heritage. But this satisfied not him who had been the lord of Nagore, 
and Indur carried hi^ complaints to Dehli.f The king was enraged 
— his threats reached the Rajas, who deemed it safe again to re-unite. 
They met at Koleo near Didwanah, and the king soon after reached 
Ajm^r. Thence he sent his firmans and the punja as terms of friend- 
ship to the Rajas : Nahur Khan, chelah of the king, was the bearer. 
They were accepted, and on the 1st Asar both the Rajas repaired to 
Ajmer. Here the king received them gi-aciously, in the faceof the world; 
to Ajit he presented the sunnud of the Nine Castles of Maroo, and to 
Jey Sing that of Amber. Having taken leave of the king, the two 
Rajas went on the jnirhh to the sacred lake of Pooshkur. Here they 
separated for their respective domains, and Ajit reached Jodpoor in 
Savvun 1767. In this year he married a Gor Rani, and thus quenched 
the feud caused by Aijoon, who slew Umra Sing in the Aum-khas-J 
Then he went on a pilgrimage to Ciiriikh^t, the field of battle of the 
Mdhdbhdrat, and made his ablutions in the fountain of Bhisdnia.§ 
Thus 1767 passed away. 

• Kambuksh was the child of the old age of the tyrant Arungzeb, by a Rig- 
poot princess. He appears to have held hira in more aflfection than any of his 
other sons, as his letter on hLs death-bed to him testifies. See Vol. I, p. 320. 

t Indur Sing was the son of Umra, the eldest brother of Jeswunt, and the 
father of Mohkim, who, being disappointed of the government of Mairta, 
deserted to the king. 

X This is another of the numerous instances of contradictory feelings in the 
Rajp)oot character. Umra, elder brother of Jeswimt, was banished from Marwaf , 
lost his birth-right, and was afterwards slain at court, as already related. His 
son, Indur Sing, and grandson Mohkim, from Nagore, whicjfi they held in 
separate grants from the king, never forgot their title as elder branch of the 
family, and eternally contested their claim against Ajit. Still, as a Rahtore, he 
was bound to avenge the injuries of a Rahtore, even though his personal foe. — 
Singular inconsistency ! 

§ There is an anecdote regarding the fountain of this classic field of strife, 
the Troad of RajastTian, which well exemplifies the superstitious belief of the 
warlike Rajpoot. The emperor Bahader Shah was desu-ous to visit this scene 
of the exploits of the heroes of anti(juity, stimulated, no doubt, by his 
Rajpootni queen, or his mother, also of this race. He was seated under a tree 
which shaded the sacred fount, named aft^r the great leader of the CUn^y his 
queen bj'^ his side, surrounded by kandts to hide them from profane eyes, when 
a vulture perched upon the tree with a bone in its beak, wnich fallmg in the 
fountain, the bird set up a scream of laughter. The king looked up in astonish- 
ment, which was greatly increased when the vulture addressed him in human 
accents, saying, " that in a former birth she was a Jogini, and was in the field 
of slaughter of the ftreat war, whence she flew away with the dissevered arm of 
one of its mighty warriors, with which she alighted on that very tree, that the 
arm was encumbered with a ponderous golden bracelet, in which, as an amulet, 
were set thirteen brilliant symbols of Siva, and that aiter devouring the fledi, 
she dropped the bracelet, which fell into the fountain, and it was this awakened 
coincidence which had caused " the scream of laughter." We must suppose 


Here let us, for a while, susj)end the narrative of the chronicler, 
and take a retrospective glance at the transactions of the Rtihtores, 
from the year 1737, the period of Raja Jeswunt's death at Cabul, to 
the restoration of Ajit, presenting a continuous conflict of thirty 
years* duration. In vain might we search the annals of any other 
nation for such inflexible devotion as marked the Rahtore character 
through this period of strife, during which, to use their own phrase, 
" hardly a chieftain died on his pallet." Let those who deem the 
Hindu warrior void of patriotism read tl^e rude chronicle of this 
thirty years* war; let them compare it with that of any other 
country, and do justice to the magnanimous Rajpoot. This nan-ative, 
the simplicity of which is the best voucher for its authenticity, 

!)resents an uninterrupted record of patriotism and disinterested 
oyalty. It was a period when the sacrifice of these principles was 
rewarded by the tyrant king with the highest honours of the state ; 
nor are we without instances of the temptation being too strong to be 
withstood: but they are rare, and serve only to exhibit, in more pleas- 
ing colours, the virtues of the tribe which spurned the attempts at 
seduction. What a splendid example is the heroic Doorgadas of all that 
constitutes the glory of the Rajpoot ! Valour, loyalty, integrity, com- 
bined with prudence in all the difficulties which surrounded him, are 
qualities which entitle him to the admiration which his memory 
continues to enjoy. The temptations held out to him were almost 
irresistible : not merely the gold, which he and thousands of his 
brethren would alike have spumed, but the splendid offer of power 
in the proffered * munsub of five thousand,* which would at once 
have lifted him from his vassal condition to an equality with the 
princes and chief nobles of the land. Doorga had, indeed, but to 
name his reward ; but, as the bard justly says, he was ' amdlac* 

that this, the pulchara of the field of slaughter, spoke Sanscrit or its dialect, 
interpreted by his Rajpoot queen. Instantly the nioneers were commanded to 
clear the fountain, and behold the reUc of the Man^bhArat, with the symbolic 
emblems of the god all-perfect ! and so large were they, that the emperor 
remarked they would answer excellently well for * slaves of the carpet.* The 
Hindu princes then present, among whom were the Rajas Ajlt and Jey Sing, 
were shocked at this levity, and each entreated of the king one of the phallic 
svmbols. The ^lirza Raja obtained two, and both are yet at Jeipoor, one in 
the Temple of Silla Devi,(l) the other in that of Govinda. Ajlt had one, still 
preserved and worshipped at the shrine of Girdlvari at Jodpoor. My old tutor 
and friend, the Yati Gyanchandra, who told the story while he read the 
chronicles as I translated them, has often seen and made homage to all the 
three reHcs. There is one, he believed, at Boondl or Kotah, and the Rana by 
some means obtained another. They arc of pure rock crystal, and as each 
wei^^ some pounds, there must have been giants in the days of the Bhdrat, to 
have supported thirteen in one armlet. Homer's heroes were pigmies to the 
Ctirtis, whose bracelet we may doubt if Ajax could have lifted. My venerable 
tutor, thou|;h Hberal in his opinions, cud not choose to dissent from the 
general behef, for man, he said, had beyond a doubt greatly degenerated 
since the heroic ages, and was rapidly approximating to the period, the 
immediate forerunner of a universal renovation, when only dwarfs would 
creep over the land. 

(1) The goddess of arms, their Pallas. 


beyond all price, ' uiioko,' unique. Not even revenge, so dear to the 
Rajpoot, turned him aside from the dictates of true honour. The 
foul assassination of his brother, the brave Soning, effected through 
his enemies, made no alteration in Lis humanity whenever the chance 
of war placed his foe in his power ; and in this, his policy seconded 
his virtue. His chivalrous conduct, in the extrication of prince 
Akber from inevitable destniction had he fallen into his father's 
hands, was only surpassed by his generous and delicate behaviour 
towards the prince's family, which was left in his care, forming a 
marked conti-ast to that of the enemies of his faith on similar 
occasions. The virtue of the grand-daughter of Arungz^b, in the 
sanctuary (sirna) of Droonara,* was in far better keeping than in 
the trebly- walled harem of Agra. Of his energetic mind, and the 
control he exerted over those of his confiding brethren, what a proof 
is given, in his preserving the secret of the abode of his prince 
throughout the six first years of his infancy ! But, to conclude our 
eulogy in the words of their bard : he has reaped the immortality 
destined for good deeds ; his memory is cherished, his actions are 
the theme of constant praise, and his picture on his white horse, old, 
yet in vigour, is familiar amongst the collections of portraits of 

But there was not a clan, or family, that did not produce men of 
worth in this protracted warfare, which incited constant emulation ; 
and the bards of each had abundant materials to emblazon the pages 
of their chronicles. To the recollection of these, their expatriated 
descendants allude in the memorial of their hardships from the 
cruel policy of the reigning chief, the last lineal descendant of the 
prince, whose history, has just been narrated. We now resume the 
narrative in the language of the chronicle. 

♦ Doorga's fief on the Looni 




In the jenem-pcUri, or horoscope of Abhye Sing (referred to in p. 
67); the 4th, 7th, 8th, 10th, 11th and 12th houses denote the 
destinies of the heir of Ajit. In the 4th we have the monster Rdhoo^ 
the author of eclipses. Of the 7th, or house of heirs, the Moon and 
Venus have taken possession ; of the 8th, or house of strife, the Sun 
and Mercury. In the 10th is Ketoo, brother of Edhoo, both signs of 
evil poitent. Mars rides in the house of fate, while Saturn and 
Jupiter are together in the abode of sovereignty. Like that of 
every man living, the horoscope of the heir of Maroo is filled with 
good and evil : could the Jotiahi, or astrological seer, have put the 
parricidal sign in the house of destiny, he might have claimed some 
merit for superior intelligence. Those who have ever consulted any 
works on this foolish pursuit, will observe that the diagrams of the 
European astrologers are exact copies of the Hindu, in proof of 
which I have inserted this : to trace darkness as well as lignt firom 
the East ! 




AjU commanded to reduce Nahn and t/ie rebels of t fie SewcUuk mountains. — 1%€ 
emperor dies. — Civit wars. — Ajit nominated viceroy of Guzzerat. — JjU com- 
manded to send his son to coui't. — Daring attack on the chief of NagorCy who is 
slain, — Eetaliated. — Tfie king's army invades Marwar. — Jodpoor invested. — 
Terms. — Abhye Sing sent to court. — AjU proceeds to Dehli. — Coalesces vrith 
tJie Syed ministry of the king. — Gives a daughter in marriage to the emperor. — 
Betttms to Jodpoor. — Repeal of tJie Jezeya. — AjU proceeds to his viceroyalty 
of Guzzerat. — Settles the province. — Worships at Dtoarica. — Returns to Jod- 
poor. — The Syeds summon him to court. — The splendour of his train. — Leagues 
tuith the Syeds. — The emperor visits AjU. — Portents. — Husein Alii arrives 
from the Dekhan. — Consternation of the opponents of the Syeds and AjU. — 
AjU blockades the palace udth his Ra/itores, — The emperor put to death. — Sue 
cessors. — Mohammed Shah. — He marches against AmJber. — Its Raja claims 
sanctuary with AjU.— Obtains the grant of Ahmedabad. — Returns to Jodpoor. 
— AjU unites his daughter to the Prince of Amber. — The Syeds assassinated. — 
AjU warned of his danger. — Seizes on Ajmer. — Slays the governor. — Destroys 
the mosques, and re-establishes the Hindu rites. — AjU declares his independence^ 
— Coins in his own iiam^, — Establishes weigJUs and measures, and his own 
courts of justice, — Fixes the gradations of rank amongst his chiefs. — The 
Imperialists invade Marwar. — Abhye Sing heads thirty thousand Rahtores to 
oppose them. — The king's forces decline battle. — The Rahtores ravage the 
Imperial provinces. — Abhye Sing obtains the surname of *Dhoiikul,' or 
exterminator. — Returns to Jodpoor. — Battle of Samhhur. — AjU gives sanctuary 
to Choramun Jdt, founder of Bhurtpore. — The emperor puts him^selj cU the 
head of all his forces to avenge the defeat of Samhhur. — AjmJer invested. — Its 
defence. — Ajit agrees to surrender Ajmer. — Abhye Sing proceeds to the 
imperial camp. — His reception. — His arrogant bearing.— Murder of AjU by 
his son. — Infidelity of the bard. — Blank leaf of the Rig Roopaca, indicative of 
this event. — Extract from that chronicle. — Funereal rites. — Six queens and 
fifty-eight concubines determine to become Satis. — ExpostuUvtions of the NasiTj 
bards, andpurohits. — They fail. — Procession. — Rite concluded. — Reflexions on 
Aji^s life and history, 

" In 1768 Ajit was sent against Nahn and the chiefs of the snowy 
mountains, whom he reduced to obedience. Thence he went to the 
Ganges, where he performed his ablutions, and in the spring he 
returned to Jodpoor. 

" In 1769 Shah Allum went to heaven. The torch of discord was 
lighted by his sons, with which they fired their own dwelling. Azim 
Ooshawn was slain, and the umbreUa of royalty waved over the 
head of Moiz-oo-deen. Ajit sent the Bindarri Kaimsi to the presence, 
who returned with the sunnud of the vice-royalty of Guzzerat. In 
the month of Megsir 1769, he prepared an army to take possession 
of the Satra-sch^* when fresh dissentions broke out in the house of 

♦ The * seventeen thousand towns' of Guzzerat. 


the Chagitai. The Syeds slew Moiz-oo-deen, and Feroehs(3r became 
king. Zoolfecar Khan was put to death, and with him departed the 
strength of the Moguls. Then the Syeds became headstrong. Ajit 
was commanded to send his son, Abhye Sing, now seventeen years 
of age, with his contingent, to court ; but Ajit having learned that the 
traitor Mokund was there and in great favour, sent a trusty band, 
who slew him even in the middle of Dehli. This daring act brought 
the Syed with an army to Jodpoor. Ajit sent off the men of wealth ta 
Sewanoh, and his son and family to the desert of Rardurroh.* The 
capital was invested, and Abhye Sing demanded as a hostage for the 
conduct of Ajit, who was also commanded to court. To neither was 
the Raja inclined, but the advice of the Dewdn, and still more of 
Kesar the bard, who gave as a precedent the instance of Rao Ganga 
when invaded by the Lodi, Dowlut Khan, who entrusted his affairs 
to his son Maldeo, was unanimously approveAf Abhye Sing was 
recalled from Rardurroh, and maixihed with Husein AUi to Delhi, 
the end of Asar 1770. The heir of Mai*oo received the munsub of 
five thousand &om the king. 

*• Ajit followed his son to the court, then held at DehU. There 
the sight of the altars raised over the ashes of chiefs who had 

Eerished to presei-ve him in his infancy, kindled all his wrath, and 
e meditatea revenge on the whole house of Timoor. Four distinct 
causes for displeasure had Ajmdl : — 

« Isi— The NoTOza ;+ 
2d — ^The compulsory marriage of their daughters with the king ; 
3d. — The killing of kine ; 
4th. — ^The Jezeya, or capitation-tax. "§ 

Here we must interrupt the narrative, in order to supply an 
important omission of the bard, who slurs over the hardest of the 
conditioDs demanded of Ajit on the invasion of the Syed, viz., the 
giving a daughter to Ferochs^r, the important political results of 
which are already related in the first part of this work.|| This 
compulsory marriage only aggravated Ajit's desire of vengeance, and 
he entered into the views of the Syeds with the true spirit of his 
father ; obtaining meanwhile, as the price of coaUtion, the compliance 
with the specified demands, besides others of less moment, such as 
" that the bell for prayer should be allowed to toll in the quarters 
of the city allotted to the Rajpoots, and that their temples should 
be held sacred ; and last, but not least, the aggrandisement of his 
hereditary dominions." Let us again recur to the chronicle. 




* The tract west of the LoonL 

t They slur over the most important demand — a daughter to wife to the 
king— it is at this Ajit hesitates, and for which the precedent is given. 

I See Vol I, p. 290. 

$ Described in Vol. I, p. 319. 

II VoL I, p. 342. 


" In Jeit 1771, having secured ail his wishes, Ajit left the court, 
and with the renewed patent as viceroy of Quzzerat, returned to 
Jodpoor. Through Kaimsi, his minister, ihejezeya was repealed. The 
Hindu race owed eternal obligation to the Mor {crown) of Mordhur, 
the sanctuary of princes in distresa 

" In 1772, Ajit prepared to visit his government : Abhye Sing 
accompanied his father. He first proceeded to Jhalore, where he 
passed the rainy season. Thence he attacked the ' Mewasso :** first 
Neemuj, which he took, when the Deoras paid him tribute. Feroz 
Khan advanced tirom Palhanpoor to meet hint The Ran of Therfid 

Edd a lac of rupees. Cambay was invested and paid ; and the 
oli chief, Kemkum, was reduced. From Patun, Sukta the CSiam- 
pawut, with Beejo Bindarri, sent the year preceding to manage the 
province, came foilh to meet him. 

" In 1773, Ajit reduced the Jhala of Hulwud, and Jam of Noanug- 
gur, who paid aa tribute three lacs of rupees, with twenty-five choice 
steeds ; and having settled the province, he worshipped at Dwarica, 
and bathed in the Gomtee."f" Thence he returned to Jodpoor, where 
he learned that Indur Sing had regained Nagore ; but he stood not 
before Ajit. 

" The year 1774 had now arrived. The Syeds and their opponents 
were engaged in civil strife. Husein Alii was in the Dekhan, jand 
the mind of Abdoolla was alienated from the king. Paper on paper 
came, inviting Ajit. He marched by Nagore, Mairta, Posnkur, 
Marote, and Sambhur, whose garrisons he strengthened, to DehlL 
From Marote he sent Abhye Sing back to take care of Jodpoor. 
The Syed advanced from Dehli to meet the Dhunni (lord) of Marwar, 
who alighted at Aliverdi s serai. Here the Syed and Ajit formed a 
league, to oppose Jey Sing and the Moguls, while the king remained 
like a snake coiled up in a closed vessel. To get rid of their chief 
opponent, Zoolfecar Khan, was first determined. 

" When the king heard that Ajit had reached Dehli, he sent the 

Hara Rao Bheem of Kotah, and Khandowran Khan to introduce him 

to the presence. Ajit obeyed. Besides his own Rahtores, he was 

accompanied by Rao Bishen Sing of Jessulmer, and Puddum Sing of 

Derawul, with Futteh Sing, a noble of M^war, Maun Sing Rahtore, 

chief of Seeta Mho w, and the Chunderawut, Qopal of Kanipooni, 

besides Oodi Sing of Kundaila, Sukut Sing of Munohurpoor, Kishen 
"■ — —^~~^~~- — — ^ — > 

* Mewasso is a term given to the fastnesses in the mountains, which the 
aboriginal tribes, Kolis, Meenas, and Mairs, and not unfreonently the Rajpoots, 
maJke their retreats: and in the present instance the bard alludes to the 
* Mewasso' of the Deoras of Sironi and Aboo, which has annoyed the 
descendants of Ajit to this hour, and has served to maintain the independence 
of this Chohan tribe. 

t This is all in the district of Oka (Oka-mandala), where the Badhails fixed 
themselves on the migration of S^ji from Canouj. It would have been 
instructive had the bard deigned to have given us any account of the recognition 
which this visit occasioned, and which beyond a doubt caused the ' books of 
Chronicles and Kings' to be opened and referred to. 


of Kulchipoor, and many others.* The meeting took place at the 
Mooti Bagh. The king bestowed the Tunnaub of Heft Hazari 
(seven thousand horse) on Ajit, and added a crore of davia to his 
rent-roll. He presented him with the insignia of the Mahi Mcfratib, 
with elephants and horses, a sword and dagger, a diamond aigrette 
(Sirp&h) and plume, and a double string of pearls. Having left 
the presence, Ajit wept to visit Abdoolla Khan. The Syed advanced 
to meet him, and his reception, with his attendants, was distin- 
guished. They renewed their determination to stand or fall together. 
Their conference caused dismay to the Moguls, who lay in ambush to 
put Ajit to death. 

" On the second day of the bright moon of Pos, 1775, the king 
honoured Ajit with a visit. Ajit seated the king on a throne formed 
of bags of rupees to the amount of one lac,f and presented elephants, 
horses, and aJl that was precious. In the month of Phalgoon, Ajit 
and the Syed went to visit the king ; and after the conference wrote 
to Husein Alii revealing their plans, and desiring his rapid march 
to unite with them from the Dekhan. Now the heavens assumed 
portentous appearances ; the deaaX was red and fiery ; jackasses 
brayed unusually ; dogs barked ; thunder rolled without a cloud ; 
the court, late so gay, was now sad and gloomy ; all were forebodings 
of change at Dehfi. In twenty days, Husein reached Dehli ; his 
countenance was terrific ; his drum, which now beat close to the 
palace, was the knell of falling greatness. He was accompanied by 
myriads of horse. Dehli was enveloped in the dust raised by his 
hostile steeds. They encamped in the north of the city, and Husein 
joined Ajit and his brother. The trembling king sent congratula- 
tions and gifts ; the Mogid chiefs kept aloof in uieir abodes ; even 
as the quail cowers in the grass when the falcon hovers over it, so 
did the Moguls when Husein reached DehlL The lord of Amb^r 
was like a lamp left without oiL 

" On the second day, all convened at Ajft's tents, on the banks of 
the Jumna, to execute the plans now determined upon. Ajit mounted 
his steed ; at the head of his Bahtores, he marched direct to the 

Salace, and at every post he placed his own men : he looked like the 
re destined to cause pralaya.% When the sun appears darkness 
flies; when the oil fails the lamp goes out : so is it with crowns and 
kings, when good faith and justice, the oil that feeds their power, is 
-wanting. The crash which shivered the umbrella of Dehli rever- 
berated throughout the land. The royal treasuries were plundered. 
None amidst the Moguls came forward to rescue their king 
(Ferochs^r), and Jey Sing fled from the scene of destruction. Another 

* This list well exemplifies the tone now assumed by the Rahtores ; but this 
grand feudal assemblage was in virtue of his office of vicerov of Uuzzerat. 
liach and all of these cmeftainships the author is as familiar with as with the 
pen he now holds. 

t ^10,000 to ;£12,000. 

X Omen of the quarter. 

§ The final doom. 


king was set up, but in four months be was seized with a distemper 
and died. Then Dowlah* was placed on the throne. But the 
Moguls at Dehli set up Neko Shah at Agra, and Husein marched 
against them, leaving Ajit and Abdoolla with the king.-f 

" In 1776, Ajit and the Syed moved from Dehli ; but the Moguls 
surrendered Neko Shah, who was confined in Selimgurh. At this 
time the king died, and Ajit and the Syeds made another, and placed 
Mahomed Shah on the throne. Many countries were destroyed, and 
many were made to flourish, during the dethronement of kings by 
Ajit With the death of Ferochs^r Jey Sing's views were crushed, 
and the Syeds determined to punish him. The lord of Ambdr was 
like water earned in a platter.J The king reached the D^gah at 
Sikri, in progress to Amb^r, and here the chieftains sought the airna 
(sanctuary) of Ajit. They said the Khoorin was lost if he protected 
them not against the Syeds. Even as Krishna saved Arjoon in the 
Bh^rat, so did Ajit take Jey Sing under his protection. He sent the 
chiefs of the Champawuts and his minister to dispel his fears ; they 
returned with the lord of Amb^r, who felt like one who had escaped 
the doom (pralaya), Ajit placed one monarch on the throne, and saved 
another from destiniction. The king bestowed upon him the grant 
of Ahmedabad, and gave him permission to visit his home. With 
Jey Sing of Amb^r, and Bood Sing Hara of Boondi he marched for 
Jodpoor, and in the way contracted a marriage with the daughter of 
the Shekhavut chief of Munohurpoor. In the month of Ahsun, he 
reached Jodagir, when the lord of Amb^r encamped at Soor Sagur, 
and the Hara Bao north of the town. 

" The cold season had fled ; the spring (hussunt) approached. The 
peacock was intoxicated with the nectar-drops distilled from the 
sweet blossomed amha (mango) ; the rich sap exuded ; the humming- 
bees clustered round the flowers ; new leaves budded forth ; songs 
of joy resounded ; the hearts of gods, men, and women expanded 
wifii mirth. It was then the lord of Amber was bedecked in saflfron 
robes, to espouse the ' virgin of the sun' {Siirya Komari), the child 
of Ajit. On this he had consulted the Champawuts, and according 
to ancient usage, the Adr-Purdhan, or chief minister, the Koompawut : 
likewise the Bindarri Dewan, and the G^ni. But were I to dwell 
on these festivities, this book would become too large ; I therefore 
say but little ! 

" The rains of 1777 set in, and Jey Sing and Bood Sing remained 
with Ajit, when a messenger arrived with tidings that the Moguls 
had assassinated the Syeds, and were now on the watch for Ajit. 

♦ Buffeh ool Dowla. 

t This is both minutely and faithfully related, and fuUv as much so as the 
Mahomedan record of this black deed. We have already (Vol I, p. 347) 
described it, and given a translation of an autograph letter of the prmce of 
Amb^r, written on this memorable day. The importance of the transaction, as 
well as the desire to shew the Bardic version, will justify its repetition. 

t In allusion to his vacillation, for which tiie ^ Mirza naja' was notorious. 


He drew his sword, and swore he would possess himself of Ajm^r. 
He dismissed the lord of Amber. In twelve days after Ajit reached 
Mairta. In the face of day he drove the Mooslem from Ajm^r and 
made it his own. He slew the king's governor and seized on Tarra- 
gurh.* Once more the bell of prayers was heard in the temple, 
while the ba7Lgf of the Mesjid was silent. Where the Koran was 
read, the Purdn was now heard, and the Mindra took the place 
of the Mosque. The Kazi made way for the Brahmin, and the pit 
of burnt sacrifice (Jioma) was dug, where the sacred kine were slain. 
He took possession of the salt lakes of Sambhur and Didwanoh, and 
the records were always moist with inserting fresh conquests. Ajit 
ascended his own throne ; the umbrella of supremacy he waved over 
his head. He coined in his own name, established his own guz 
(measure), and seer (weight), his own courts of justice, and a new 
scale of rank for his chiefs, with nalkees and mace-bearers, nobuts 
and standards, and every emblem of sovereign rule. Ajmal in Ajmdr, 
was equal to Aspati in Dehli-J The intelligence spread over the 
land ; it reached even Mecca and Ir&n, that Ajft had exalted his own 
faith, while the rites of Islam were prohibited throughout the land 
of Maroo. 

*' In 1778, the king determined to regain Ajmdr. He gave the 
command to Mozufiur, who in the rains advanced towards Marwar. 
Ajit entrusted the conduct of this war to his son, the ' shield of 
Marco,' the 'fearless' (Ahhye), with the eight great vassals, and 
thirty thousand horse ; the Champawuts on the right, the Koompa- 
wuts on the left, while the Kurumsotes, Mairteas, Jodas, Eendos, 
Bhattis, Sonigurras, Deoras, Kheechies, Dhonduls and Gogawuts,§ 
composed the main body. At Amb^r, the Rahtores and imperialists 
came in sight ; but Mozufiur disgraced himself, and retired within 
that city without risking an encounter. Abhye Sing, exasperated at 
this display of pusillanimous bravado, determined, to punish the 
king. He attacked Shahjehanpoor, sacked Namol, levied contributions 
on ratun (Tudrtxiti) and RewarL He gave the villages to the flames, 
and spread conflagration and consternation even to Aliverdi's SeraL 

• The Skar Fort, the castle of Ajm^r. 

t The call to prayer of the Mooslem. 

X This exact imitation of the manners of the imperial court ia still strictly 
maintained at Jodpoor. The account of the measures which followed the 
possession of Ajm^r is taken from the chronicle Sdrya Prdkas; the only part 
not entirely trainslated from the Raj Roopdc Akheat Ajuial is a license of the 
poet, where it suits his rhyme, for Ajit Aspati, * lord of steeds,' is the common 
epithet applied to the em|)erors of DehH. It is, however, but the second degree 
of naramount power — Gujpati * lord of elephants,' is the first. 

f The two latter tribes are amongst the most ancient of the allodial chieftains 
of the desert ; the Dhonduls being descendants of Rao Gango : the Gogawiits, 
of the famous Goga the Chohan, who defended the Sutledge in the earUest 
Mooslem invasion recorded. Both Goga and his steed Jowaaia are immortal 
in Rajastlian. The author had a chestnut Cattiawar, called Jowadia ; he was 
perfection, and a piece of living fire when mounted, scorning every pace but the 
antelope's bounds and curvets. 


Dehli and Agra trembled with afl&ight ; the Asoors fled without their 
shoes at the deeds of Abhye, whom they styled Dhonhul, ' the exter- 
minator/ He returned by Sambhur and Ludhana, and here he 
married the daughter of the chief of the Naroocas.* 

" In 1779, Abhye Sing remained at Sambhur, which he strengthened, 
and hither his father Ajit came from Ajmer. The meeting was like 
that between * Casyapa and Surya ;' for he had broken me bow of 
Mozuffur and made the Hindu happy. The king sent his Ch/lah, 
Nahur Khan, to expostulate with Ajit ; but his l^iguage was offen- 
sive, and the field of Sambhur devoured the tiger lord (Nahur Khan) 
and his four thousand followers. The son of Choram^ the Jat,T 
now claimed sanctuary with Ajit Sick of these dissentions, the 
imhappy Mahomed Shah determined to abandon his crown, and retire 
to Mecca. But determined to revenge the death of Nahur Khan, 
he prepared a formidable army. He collected [the contingents of] 
the twenty-two SatrapsJ of the empire, and placed at their head 
Jey Sing of Amb^r, Hyder Kooli, Eradut Khan Bungush, &a In the 
month of Sawun (July), Tarragurh was invested ; Abhye Sing marched 
out and left its defence to Umra Sing. It had held out four months, 
when through the prince of Amb^r (Jey Sing), Ajit listened to terms, 
which were sworn to on the Kenyan by the nobles of the king ; and 
he. agreed to surrender Ajmer. Abhye Sing then accompanied Jey 
Sin^ to the camp. It was proposed that in testimony of hiis 
obedience he should repair to the presence. The prince of AmbSr 
pledged himself; but the Fearless (Abhye) placed his hand on his 
sword, saying, * this is my surety .'* " 

The heir of Marwar was received by the king with the utmost 
honour ; but being possessed of a double portion of that arrogance 
which forms the criief characteristic of his race, (more especia^y of 
the Rahtore and Chohan, from which he sprang), his reception n^uiy 
produced at Dehli a repetition of the scene recorded in the history of 
his ancester Umra at Agra. Knowing that his father held the first 
place on the king's right hand, he considered himself, as his repre- 
sentative, entitled to the same honour; and little heeding the 
imbending etiquette of the proudest court in the world, he uncero- 
moniously hustled past all the dignitaries of the state, and had even 
ascended a step of the throne, when, checked by one of the nobles, 
Abhye's hand was on his dagger, and but for the presence of mind 
of the monarch " who threw his own chaplet round his neck" to 
restrain him, the Divan would have been deluged with blood. 

We shall now drop the chronicles, and in recording the murder of 
Ajit, the foulest crime in the annals of EajastTian, exemplify the 
mode in which their poetic historians gloss over such events. It was 
against Ajit's will that his son went to court, as if he had a presenti-^ 

♦ One of the great clans of Amblr ; of whom more hereafter. 

t Founder of the Bhurtpore state. 

X The Byeesa, or * twenty-two' viceroys of India. 


meni of the fate whichawaitedhim, and which has been already circum- 
stantially related.* The authors from whose records this narrative 
is chiefly compiled, were too polite to suffer such a stigma to appear 
in their chronicles, * written by desire' and under the eye of the 
parricide, Ajit's successor. T^e Siirya Prakda merely says, ** at this 
" time Ajlt went to heaven ;" but affords no indication of the person 
irho sent him Aere. The Raj Roopaca, however, not bold enough 
to avow the mysterious death of his prince, yet too honest altogether 
to pass it over, has left an expressive blank leaf at this part of his 
chionide, certainly not accidental, as it intervenes between Abhye 
Sing s reception at court, and the incidents following his father's 
death, which I translate verbdtim, as they present an excellent 
picture of the results of a Bajpoot potentate's demise. 

** Abhye, a second Ajft, was introduced to the Aapnti ; his father 
heard the news and rejoiced. But this world is a fable, — a lie. 
Time will sooner or later prey on all things. What king, what Raja 
can avoid tiie path leading to extinction ? The time allotted for our 
sojourn here is predetermined ; prolong it we cannot. The decree 
penned by the hand of the Creator is engraven upon each forehead 
at the hour of birth. Neither addition nor subtraction can be made. 
Fate (honhdr) must be fulfilled. It was the command of Oovinda,f 
that Ajit (the Avatar of Indra) should obtain immortality, and leave 
his renown in the world beneath. Ajit, so long a thorn in the side 
of his foe, was removed to Purloca.l He kept afloat the fiaith of 
the Hindu, and simk the Mooslem in shame. In the face of day, the 
lord of Miuroo took the road which leads to Paradise (Vaicoonta), 
Then dismay seized the city ; each looked with dread in his neigh- 
bour's face as he said, ' our sim has set !' But when the day of YaToa-raj^ 
arrives, who can retard it ? Were not the five Pa7id/6s enclosed in 
the mansion of Hiroala ?|| Harchund escaped not the universal 
decree ; nor will gods, men, or reptiles avoid it, not even Vicrama or 
Cama ; all fall before Yarna, How then could Ajit hope to escape ? 

'' On As^, the 13th, the dark half of the moon of 1780, seventeen 
hundred warriors of the eight ranks of Maroo, for ih^ last time marched 
before their lordlT They placed lus body in a boat,** and carried him 
to the pyre,"!^ made of sandal wood and perfumes, with heaps of 
cotton, oil, and camphor. But this is a subject of grief : how can the 
bard enlarge on such a theme ? The Nazir went to the BawulaH 
and as he pronounced the words ' Mao siddde* the Chohani queen, 
with sixteen damsels in her suite, came forth : ' This day/ said she, 

* See YoL I, p. 63& t The sovereign judge of mwikiiuL 

X *" The other world ;' Ht * another plAce.' § * Lord of helL' 

U Bim * ice' and did, * an abode.' 

ir Both head and feet are uncovered in funeral processions. 

** Id est Si vehicle formed like a boat, perhaps figurative of the sail crossing 
the ' Voitama,' or Styx of the Hindu. 

ft For the mode of conveying princes to their final abode, I refer the Reader 
to a description at Vol. I. p. 152, Trans. Royal Asiatic Society. 

Xt The queen's palace, 



'is one of joy; my race shall be illustrated; our lives have passed 
together, how then can I leave him ?* 

" Of noble race was the Bhattiani queen, a scion (sac'Iia) of Jessul, 
" and daughter of Birjung. She put up a prayer to the Lord who wields 
" the discus."f- ' With joy I accompany my lord ; that my fealty (sati) 
" may be accepted, rests with thee." In like manner did the Gazelle 
(Miryavati) of Derawul,J and the Tuar queen of pure blood,§ the 
Chaora Ram,|| and her of Shekhavati, invoke the name of Herf, as 
they determined to join their lord. For these six queens death had 
no terrors ; but they w^re the affianced wives of their lord : the 
curtain wives of aflfection, to the number of fifty-eight, determined 
to offer themselves a sacrifice to Agni.^ * Such another opportunity/ 
said they, ' can never occur, if we survive our lord ; disease will seize 
and make us a prey in our apartments. Why then quit the society 
of our lord, when at all events we must fall into the hands of Yartia, 
for whom the human race is but a mouthful ? Let us leave the iron 
age (Kal-yuga) behind us.' Without our lord, even life is death,' 
said the Bhattiani, as she bound the beads of Toolsi round her neck, 
and made the tilac with earth from the Ganges. While thus each 
spoke, Nat'hoo, the Nazir,** thus addressed them : * Tliis is no amuse- 
ment ; the sandal-wood you now anoint with his cool : but will your 
resolution abide, when you remove it with the flames of Agni ? 
When this scorches your tender frames, your hearts may fail, and the 
desire to recede will disgrace your lord's memory. Reflect, and 
remain where you are. You have lived like hidrani.ff nursed in 
softness amidst flowers and perfumes ; the winds of heaven never 
offended you, far less the flames of fire.' But to all his arguments 
they replied : * The world we will abandon, but never our lord.' 
They performed their ablutions, decked themselves in their gayest 
attire, and for the last time made obeisance to their lord in ms car. 
The ministers, the bards, the family priests (Purohits), in turn, 
expostulated with them. The chief queen (Pdtrdni) the Chohanf , 
they told to indulge her affection for her sons, Abhye and Bukhta ; 
to feed the poor, the needy, the holy, and lead a life of religious 
devotion. The -queen replied : ' Koonti, the wife of Pandti, did not 
follow her lord ; she lived to see the greatness of the five h'oUiers, 
her sons ; but were her expectations realized ? This life is a vain 
shadow ; this dwelling one of sorrow ; let us accompany our lord to 
that of fire, and there close it.* 

" The drum sounded ; the funeral train moved on ; all invoked 

* This is the lady whom Ajit married in his non-age, the mother of the 
t Crishna. » 

X Ancient capital of the Bhattds. 

§ Descended from the ancient dynasty of the Hindu kings of DehlL 
II Tribe of the first dynasty of Anhulwarra Pattun. 
IF The fire. 

** The Nazir (a Mooslem epithet) has the charge of the harem, 
ft The queen of heaven. 


the name of HeH* Charity was dispensed like falling i-ain, while 
the countenances of the queens were radiant as the sun. From 
heaven Umia"f looked down ; in recompense of such devotion she 
promised they should enjoy the society of Ajit in each successive 
transmigration. As the smoke, emitted from the house of flame, 
ascended to the sky, the assembled multitudes shouted KJoaman ! 
KluxTTuiR ! * well done ! well done !* The pile flamed like a volcano ; 
the faithful queens laved their bodies in the flames, as do the celes- 
tials in the lake of Maiisui^var.\ They sacrificed their bodies to 
their lord, and illustrated the races whence they sprung. The gods 
above exclaimed, * Dhun Dhun§i Ajit I who maintained the faith, 
and overwhelmed the Asuras.* Savitri, Oori, Sarasvati, Gunga, and 
Gomti|| united in doing honour to these faithful queens. Forty-five 
years, three months, and twenty-two days, was the space of Ajits 
existence, when he went to inhabit Amrapoora, an imviortal abode P' 

Thus closed the career of one of the most distinguished piinces 
who ever pressed the * cushion* of Maroo ; a career as full of incident 
as any life of equal duration. Bom amidst the snows of Cabul, 
deprived at his birth of both parents, one from grief, the other by 
suicidal custom ; saved from the Herodian cruelty of the king by 
the heroism of his chiefs, nursed amidst the rocks of Aboo or the 
intricacies of the AravuUi until the day of danger passed, he issued 
forth, still an infant, at the head of his brave clans, to redeem the 
inheritance so iniquitously wrested from him. In the history of 
mankind there is nothing to be found presenting a more brilliant 
picture of fideUty, than that afibrded by the Rahtorc clans in their 
devotion to their prince, from his birth until he worked out his own 
and his country's deliverance. It is one of those events which 
throw a gleam of splendour upon the dark picture of feudalism, more 
prolific perhaps in crime than in virtue. That of the Rajpoots, 
indeed, in which consanguinity is superadded to the other reciprocal 
ties which bind a feudal body, wears the more engaging aspect of a 
vast fisimily. How afiecting is the simple language of these brave 
men, while daily shedding their blood for a prince whom, until he 

Crishna s]>eakjB : 

** I am the journey of the pood ; the comforter ; the creator ; the witness ; t^e 
resting-place ; the asylum ; and the friend. I am generation and dissolution ; 
the place where all things are deposited, and tne inexhaustible soul of all 
nature. I am death and immortality ; I am never-failing time ; the preserver, 
whose face is turned on all sides. I am ull grasping death ; and I am the 
resurrection of those who are about to die." 

t A name of Doorga, the Hindu Juno. 

X The sacred Uke in Thibet. 

§ Dhun is * riclies,' but is here used in the sense of glory ; so that riches and 
glory are svnonimous in term with the Hindu, as in practice in the wo?t ; the 
one may alwavs command tlie other, at least that species of it for which nine- 
tenths of mankind contend, and are satisfied with obtaining. 

11 Celestial queens. 


had attained his jseventh year, they had never beheld ! " Withoat 
" the sight of our lord, bread and water have no flavour/' And how 
successfully does the bard pourtray the joy of these stern warriors, 
when he says, '* as the lotos expands at the sun-beam, so did the 
" heart of each Bahtore at the sight of their infant sovereign ; they 
'* drank his looks even as the pepaya in the month of Asoj sips the 
" drops of amrita (ambrosia) from the Champa.'* 

The prodigality with which every clan lavished its blood, through 
a space of six-and-twenty years, may in part be learned from the 
chronicle ; and in yet more forcible language from the cenotaphs 
scattei^d over the country, erected to the TuaTiea of those who fell in 
this religious warfare. Were other testimony required, it is to be 
found in the annals of their neighbours and their conqueroi's ; while 
the traditional couplets of the bards, familiar to every Rajpoot, 
embalm the memory of the exploits of their forefathers. 

Ajit was a prince of great vigour of mind as well as of fittme. 
Valour was his inheritance ; he displayed this hereditary quality at 
the early age of eleven, when he visited his enemy in his capital, 
displaying a courtesy which can only be comprehended by a Rajpoot. 
Amongst the numerous desultorj^ actions, of which many occurred 
every year, there were several in which the whole strength of the 
Rahtores was led by their prince. The battle of Sambhur, in S. 
1765, fought against the Syeds, which ended in an union of interests, 
was one of these ; and, for the rest of Ajit's life, kept him in close 
contact with the court, where he might have taken the lead had his 
talent for intrigue been commensurate with his boldness. From this 
period until his death, Ajit's agency was recognized in all the 
intrigues and changes amon^t the occupants of Timoor's throne, from 
Ferochs^r to Mahomed. He inherited an invincible hatred to the 
very name of Mooslem, and was not scrupulous regarding the means 
by which he was likely to secure the extirpation of a race so inimical 
to his own. Viewing the manifold reasons for this hatred, we must 
not scrutinize with severity his actions when leagued with the Syeds, 
even in the dreadful catas^ophe which overwhelmed Ferochs^r, to 
whom he owed the two-fold duty of fealty and consanguinity. 

There is one stain on the memory of Ajit, which, though unnoticed 
in the chronicle, is too well ascertained to be omitted in a summary 
of his character, more especially as it illustmtes that of the nation 
and of the times, and shews the loose system which holds such 
governments together. The heroic Doorgadas, the preserver of his 
infancy, the instructor of his youth, the guide of his manhood, lived 
to confirm the proverb, " put not thy faith in princes.** He, who by 
repeated instances of exalted self-denial, had refused wealth and 
honours that might have raised himself from his vassal condition to 
an equality with his sovereign, was banished from the land which 
his integrity, wisdom, and valour had preserved. Why, or when, 
Ajit loaded himself with this indelible infamy was not known ; the 
fact was incidentally discovered in searching a collection of original 




newspapers written from the camp of BaLadoor Shah,* in one 
of which it was stated, that " Doorgadas was encamped with 
" his household retainers on the banks of the Peshola Lake at 
Oodipoor, and receiving daily five hundred rupees for his support 
from the Rana ; who when called on by the king (Bahader Shah) to 
surrender him, magnanimously refused." Imagining that Ajit had 
been compelled to this painful sacrifice, which is not noticed in the 
annals, the compiler mentioned it to a Yati deeply versed in all the 
events and transactions of this state. Aware of the circumstance, 
which is not overlooked by the bards, he immediately repeated the 
couplet composed on the occasion : 

" Doorga, dia-sd kar-jia 

" GoM, Oangani /" 

''Doorga was exiled, and Gangani given to a slave." 

Gangani, on the north bank of the Looni, was the chief town of 
the Kurnote fief, of which dan Doorga was the head. It is now 
attached to the Khxdiaa^ or fisc, but whether recently, or ever since 
Doorga, we know not. The Kurnotes still pay the last rites to 
their dead at Gaugani, where they have their cenotaphs (chektria). 
Well may we repeat, that the system of feudality is the parent 
of the most brilliant virtues and the darkest crimes ! Here, a 
long life of uninterrupted fidelity could not preserve Doorga 
firom the envenomed breath of slander, or the serpent-tooth of 
ingratitude : and whilst the mind revolts at the crime which left a 
bluik leaf in the chronicle, it is involuntarily carried back to an act 
less atrocious, indeed, than one which violates the laws of nature, 
but which in diminiBhing none of our horror for Abhye Sing, yet 
lessens our sympathy for the persecutor of Doorgadas. 

* Discovered by the Author amongst the Rana's archives. 



The pimcidal mutdrr of Ajtt, the cau« of thf desimctioR rf Marwar.^The 
jtnrrta'df, Abhy€ Sing^ inr^fted as Rcja b>f the emperors own hand. — He 
rfturns from court to Jodp*jor, — //« rteeption. — He distributts gifts to the 
bards and priests, — The hards of Kajpocttana. — Kuma, the poetic kistarian of 
Mancar, — iytudies requisite to form a BardaL — Abkye Sing reduces Xagare.— 
Bestovs it in appanage upon his brother Bukhta.— Reduces the tttrbuUni 
aUodialists.^Commanded to court.—Makes a tour of his domain, — Seised by 
the small'pojr, — Beaches the court,^BcUlli(m of the viceroy of Guzzeraty and 
of prince Junrjali in the Dekhan. Picture of the Jlogul court at this tiwte. — 
The beera of foreign service a^inst the rebels described.— Betused by the 
assembled nobles. — Accefited by the Bahtore prince. — He tisitsAJmer^ which he 
garrisons. — Meeting at Foosfd'ur with the Baja (fAmUr. — Plan the destruc- 
tion of the empire. — At JIairta isj'jined by his brother Bukht Sing, — Beaches 
Jodpx>r. — The kher, or feudal levies of Jlarvar^ assemble. — Consecration of 
the guns. — The Jleencu carry c^f the cattle of the train. — Bajpoot contingents 
enumerated. — Abhye reduces the Meaia strong-holds in SirohL — The Sirohi 
prince submits^ and gices a daughter in marriage as a peace-o/fering. — The 
Sirohi contingent jvins Abhye Sing. — Proceeds against Ahmedabad. — Suwunons 
the viceroy to surrender. — Bajpoot council of war. — Buihta claimu to lead the 
ran. — The Bahtore prince sj^riniies his chirfs with saffron- water, — Sirbullund's 
plan of defence. — His guns manned by Europeans. — His body-guard of Euro- 
pean musketeers. — The stomu — Victory gained by the Bajpoois. — Surrender of 
Sirbutlund, — He is sent prisoner to the emperor, — Abhye Sing governs 
Guserat. — Bijjpoot contingents enumerated. — Conclusion of the ckromieles, the 
Bjg Roopaca and Smya Prakis. — Abhye Sing returns toJodpoor. — The spoils 
conveyed from Guserat. 

The pairiddal murder of Ajit is accounted the germ of destnietion, 
which, taking root in the social edifice of Marwar, ultimately rent it 
asunder. Bitter has been the firuit of this crime, ' even unto the 
'' third and fourth generation" of his uimatural sons, whose issue, 
but for this crime, would in all human probability have been the 
most potent princes in India, able sinijle-handed to have stopped 
Mahratta aggrandisement. 

^ It was in 1781 (says the bard^. Ajit went to heaven. With his 
own hand did the emperor Mahomed Shah put the Ueka on the fore- 
head of Abhye Sing, girded him with the sword, bound the toorah 
on his head, placed a dagger set with gems in his girdle, and with 
Chaoris, Nobuts, and Nakarras, and many ^-aluable gifts, invested 
the young prince in all the diijnitie;? of his father. Even Nagore 
was resumed from the son of I'mra and included in his sunnud. 
With these marks of nn-al favour, he took leave of the court, and 
returned to his paternal dominions. From village to village, as he 
journeyed homeward, the kiillas was raised on the head.* When 

♦ The kullas is a brazen vessel, of hoiisehold use, A female of each family, 
filling one of the^ with water, repairs to the hou<e of the head of the villas. 


he reached Jodpoor, he distributed gifts to all his chiefs, and to the 
Bardais (bards) and Charuns, and lands to the family priests (Pu- 

A day at the court of |;he desert king, related in the phraseology 
of the chronicle, would be deemed interesting as a picture of man- 
ners. It would also make the reader more familiar with Kuma, the 
most celebrated bard in the latter days of Rajpoot independence : 
but this must be reserved for an equally appropriate vehicle,* and 
we shall at present rest satisfied with a slight sketch of the historian 
of Maroo. 

Cama-Cavya, or simply Kuma, who traced his descent from the 
last household bard of the last emperor of Canouj, was at once a 
politician, a warrior, and a scholar, and in each capacity has left 
ample proofs of his abilities. In the first, he took a distinguished 
part in all the events of the civil wars ; in the second, he was one of 
the few who survived a combat almost without parallel in the annals 
even of Rajpoot chivalry ; and as a scholar, he has left us, in the 
introduction to his work,"f the most instructive proof, not only of 
his inheriting the poetic mantle of his fathers, but of the course he 
pursued for the maintenance of its lustre. The bare enumeration of 
the works he had studied evinces that there was no royal road to 
Parnassus for the Rajpoot ' Cavfswar,'J but that, on the contrary, 
it was beset with difficulties not a little appalling. The mere no- 
menclature of works on grammar and historical epics, which were to 
be mastered ere he could hope for fame, must have often made 
Kuma exclaim, " How hard it is to climb the steeps" on which 
from afar he viewed her temple. Those who desire to see, under a 
new aspect, an imperfectly known but interesting family of the 
human race, will be made acquainted with the qualifications of 
our bardic historians, and the particular course of studies which 
fitted Kurna " to sit in the gateg of Jodagir," and add a new book 
to the chronicles of its kings. 

These festivities of the new reign were not of long duration, and 
were succeeded by warlike prepai'ations against Nagore, which, 

when, being all convened, they proceed in a body to meet the person to whom 
they render honour, singing the mhailea, or * song of joy.' The presenting 
water is a token of homage and regard, and one which the author has often had 
paid to him, especially in M^war, where every village met him in this way. 

♦ I hope some day to present a few of the works of the great bard Chund, 
with a dissertation on the Bardais, and all the ' sons of song.' 

t Entitled the ' Siirya Prakds,' of 7,500 stanzas. 

J CavUioar, or cavt/a-iswara, * lord of verse,' from cavi/a, * poesy,' and iswara^ 
• lord.' 

§ The portal of the palace appears to have been the bard's post. Pope gives 
the same position to his historic bards in * the Temple of Fame :' 

Full in the passage of each spacious gate, 
The sage historians in white garments wait ; 
Orav'd o'er the seats the form of Time was found, 
His scythe remov'd, and both his pinions bound. 


during the contentions between Ajit and the emperor, had been 
assigned to the descendant of the ancient princes of Mundore. 

" When Ajmer was invested by the collective force of the empire,* 
Eradut Khan (BungushV collector of the Je2«ya,-f took the Eendo 
by the arm, and seated nim in Nagore.^ But as soon as the HooliJ§ 
was past, the ' Avatars of Jowala-mookhi'jj were consecrated : goats 
were sacriticed, and the blood, with oil and vermilion, was sprinkled 
upon them. The tents were moved out Hearing this, Rao Indra 
produced the imperial patent, with the personal guarantee of Jey 
Sing of Amber. Abhye heeded not, and invested Nagore ; but 
Indra left his honour and his castle to the Fearleas,^ who bestowed 
it on Bukhta his brother. He received the conmratulations of M^war, 
Jessulm^r, Bikaner, and Amb^r, and returned to his capital amidst 
the rejoicings of his subjects. This was in S. 1781. 

'' In S. 1782, he was employed in restraining the turbulent 
Bhomias on the western frontiers of his dominions ; when the 
Sindils, the Deoras, the Balas, the Bords, the Bal^chas, and the Sodas 
were compelled to servitude. 

'' In S. 1783, a firmd.n of summons arrived, calling the prince to 
attend the Presence at Dehli. He put it to his head, assembled all 
his chiefs, and on his passage to court made a tour of his dominions, 
examining his garrisons, redressing wrongs, and adjusting whatever 
was in disorder. At Purbutsir he was attacked by the small-pox : 
the nation called on Jug Rani** to shield him from evil. 

" In 1784, the prince reached Dehli. Khandowran, the chief noble 
of the empire, was deputed by the emperor to conduct him to the 
capital ; and when he reached the Presence, his majesty called him 
close to his person, exclaiming, * welcome, Khooahbukkt^ff Maharaja 
RajiswariX it is long since we met ; this day makes me happy ; uie 
splendour of the Aum-khfa is redoubled.' When he took leave, the 
king sent to his quai-ters, at Abhyepoor, choice fruits of the north, 
fragrant oils, and rose-water." 

* In the original, " by the bueesd" the * twenty-two,' meaning the collective 
force of the twenty-two soobaMars, or * satraps of the provinces.' 

t Capitation-tax. 

t The poet calls it by its classic appellation, Ndgadoorga, the ' castle of the 

§ For this festival, see Vol I, p. 604. 

II Jowala-mookhi, the * mouth of flame,' the cannon, which are thus con- 
secrated before action. They are called avatars^ or * incarnations of Jowala- 
mookhi, the Etna of India, at the edge of whose crater the Hindu poet very 
properly places the temple of Jowali Hani, * the terrific' Kali-mdy the Hindu 

J Ahkye, the name of the prince, means * fearless,' from hhye^ * fear,' and 
privative prefix. 

** Jug-Rani (I write all these phrases exactly as pronounced in the western 
dialect), ' Queen of the world.' SUla Mala is the conunon name for the goddess 
who presides over this scourge of infancy. 

tt * Of happy fortune.' 

tt Maharaja- Rajeswai\ the pompous title of the kings of Maroo; * great Biga, 
lord of Rajas.' 


The prince of Maroo was placed at the head of all the nobility. 
About the end of S. 1784, Sirbullund Khan*s rebellion broke out, 
which gave ample scope for the valour of the Rahtores and materials 
for the bard, who thus circumstantially relates it : 

" The troubles in the Dekhan increased. The Slvahzada Jungali* 
rebelled, and forming an aimy of sixty thousand men, attacked the 
provincial governors of Malwa, Surat, and Ahmedpoor, slaying the 
king's lieutenants, Geerdhur Buhadoor, Ibrahim Kooli, Roostum AUi, 
and the Mogul Shujait. 

" Hearing this, the king appointed Sirbullund Khan to quash the 
rebellion. He marched at the head of fifty thousand men, having a 
crore of rupees for their subsistence ; but his advanced army of ten 
thousand men being defeated in the first encounter, he entered into 
terms with the rebels, and agreed to a partition of the country." 

It was at this time the prince of Marwar begged permission to 
retire to his hereditary dominions. The bard's dascription of the 
court, and of the emperor s distress on this occasion, though prolix, 
deserves insertion : 

" The king was seated on his throne, attended by the seventy- 
two grand Omras of the empire, when tidings reached him of 
the revolt of Sirbullund. There was the vizier Kumur-oo-Dfn 
Khan, Itim4d-oo-Doulah, Khandowran, commander-in-chief, (Meer 
Bukshee), Shumsam-oo-Doulah, the Ameer-ool-Omrah, Munsoor 
Alii, Roshan-oo-Doulah, Toora Bdz Khan, the Lord Marcher 
(Seem, Ka Bukshee) ; Roostum Jung, Afghan Khan, Khwaja Syed- 
oo-Din, commandant of artilleiy (Meer Atush) ; Saadut Khan,f 
grand chamberlain {Daroga Khowas), Boorhan-ool-Moolk, Abdool 
Summud Khan, Dellil Khan, Zuffiriah Khan, governor of Lahore, 
Dulail Khan, Meer Jumla, Kh^nkhandn ; Zufiar Jung, Eradut Khan, 
Moorshid Kooli Khan, Jaffier Khan, Aliverdi Khan,J Mozufiur 
Khan, governor of Ajmer. Such and many more were assembled in 
the Presence. 

'' It was read aloud that Sirbullund had reduced Quzzerat, and 
proclaimed his own ' dn ;' that he had ground the Kolis to dust ; 
that he had vanquished the Mandillas, the Jhalas, the Cbaurasimas, 
the Bhagails and the Gohils, and had nearly exterminated the Balas ; 
that Hallar had agreed to pay tribute, and that such was the fire of 
this Yavan, that the Bhomias of themselves abandoned their strong- 
holds to seek sanctuary with him whom the ' seventeen thousand'§ 

♦ In none of the Mohammedan histories of this period is it mentioned, that 
there was an imperial prince at the head of the first Mahratta irruption ; 
probably he was a mere tool for the purposes of others. 

t Afterwards Vizier of Oude, a state founded and maintained by consummate 

?Naw&b of Bengal, another traitor. 
This number of cities, towns, and villages, constituted the kingdom of 
Quzzerat under its ancient sovereign:!. 



now called sovereign ; that he had set himself up a king in Ahmeda- 
bad, and made a league with the * Southron/ 

" The emperor saw, that if this defection was not quelled, all the 
viceroys would declare themselves independent. Already had 
Jugureah Khan in the north, Saadut Khan in the east, and the 
MUteh Nizam-ool-Moolk in the south, shewn the blackness of their 
designs. The tup'h (verve) of the empire had fled. 

" The heera was placed on a golden salver, which the Meer Tojuk 
bore in his extended arms, slowly passing in front of the nobles 
ranged on either side of the throne, mighty men, at the sight of 
whose faces the rustic would tremble : but in vain he passed both 
lines ; no hand was stretched forth ; some looked awry ; some trem- 
bled ; but none cast an eye upon the heera. 

" The ' almighty monarch' (Purm^awar Padshah), who oould 
make the beggar an Omra of twelve thousand, and the noble of 
twelve thousand a beggar, was without resource. * Who/ said one, 

* would grasp the forked lightning, let him engage Sirbullund !* 
Another exclaimed, * who would seize the vessel, and plunge with 
her in the whirlpool, he may contend with Sirbullund.* And a third, 

* whoever dai*e seize the forked tongue of the serpent, let him engage 
Sirbullund.' The king was troubled ; he gave a sign to the Meer 
Tojuk to return the beera to him. 

" The Rahtore prince saw the monarch's distress, and as he was 
about to leave the aum-khds, he stretched forth his hand, and placed 
the beera in his turban, as he said, * be not cast down, oh king of 
the world ; I will pluck down this Sirbullund :* leafless shall be the 
boughs of his ambition, and his head {sir) the forfeit of his arrogant 
exaltation (boolundy 

" When Abhye Sing grasped the beera, the breasts of the mighty 
were ready to burst with the fulness of envy, even like the ripe 
pomegranate, as the king placed the grant of Guzzerat into the 
hands of the Rahtore. The Shah's heart was rejoiced, as he said, 

* thus acted your ancestors in support of the throne ; thus was 
quelled the revolt of Khoorm and Bheem in the time of Jehangir ; 
that of the Dekhan settled ; and in like manner do I trastthat, by 
you the honour and the throne of Mahomed Shah will be upheld.' 

" Rich gifts, including seven gems of great price, were bestowed 
upon the Rahtore ; the treasury was unlocked and thirty-one lacs 
01 coin were assigned for the troops. The guns were taken from the 
arsenals, and with the patent of the vice-royalties of Ahmedabad and 
Ajmer, in the month of Asar (1786), Abhye took leave of the king."-f 

The political arrondissement of Marwar dates from this period ; 
for the rebellion of Sirbullund was the forerunner of the disintegra- 

♦ /Sir, * the head/ hoolund, * exalted, high, arrogant.* I write the name 
Sirbullund, being tne orthography long known. 

fin the original, the emperor is called the Aspati, * lord of swords,' or 
perhaps Aswapati, ' lord of steeds.' 


tion of the empire. It was in June A.D. 1730, that the prince of 
Marwar left the eoui*t of Dehli. He had a double motive in proceed- 
ing direct to Ajmer, of which province he was viceroy ; first, to take 
possession of his strong-hold (the key not only of Marwar but of 
every state in Rajpootaia) ; and second, to consult with the prince 
of Amb^r on the affairs of that critical conjuncture. What was the 
cause of Jey Sings presence at Ajmer the chronicle says not ; but 
from circumstances elsewhere related, it may be conjectured that it 
was for the purpose of celebrating * the rites of the Pitriswara! 
(manes of his ancestor) at Pooshkur. The bard gives a most prolix 
account of the meeting, even to the pugtur, * or foot-clothes* spread 
for " the kings of the Hindus" to walk on, " who feasted together, 
** and together plotted the destiiiction of the empire :" from which we 
perceive that Kurna, the bard, had a peep behind the curtain. 

Having installed his officers in Ajm^r, Abhye Sing proceeded to 
Mairta, when he was met by his brother, Bukht Sing, on which 
occasion the grant of Nagore was bestowed upon the latter. The 
brothers continued their ix)ute to the capital, when all the chiefs 
were dismissed to their homes with injunctions to assemble their 
vassals for the ensuing campaign against Sirbullund. At the 
appointed time, the 1ch4r (feudal array) of Marwar assembled under 
the walls of Jodpoor. The occasion is a delightful one to the bard, who 
revels in all ' the pomp and circumstance of war :* from the initiatory 
ceremony, the moving out the tents, to the consecration of the 
' mighty tubes' {halwa-ndl^ the * volcanos of the field,' or, as he 
terms them, the * crocodile-mouths' {mugiiT'iiiooMtxin^ ' emblems of 
Yama,' which were sprinkled abundantly with the blood of goats 
slain under their muzzles. He describes each clan as it arrives, 
their steeds, and caparisons. 

Instead, however, of proceeding direct to the main object of the 
war, Abhye Sing took advantage of the immense army thus placed 
under his command, as viceroy of Guzzerat, to wreak his own 
vengeance upon his neighbour, the gallant prince of Sirohi, who, 
trusting to his native strength, had spumed every compromise which 
involved his independence. This resolution he maintained by his 
natural position, strengthened by alliances with the aboriginal races 
i^ho hemmed his little state on all sides, excepting that towards 

These Meeiiaa, the mountaineers of the Aravulli, had given offence 
to Abhye Sing ; for while the prince, between his arrivfd at Jodpoor 
and the assemblage of the khSr, gave himself up to indolence and 
opium, they carried off* the whole cattle of the train to the moun- 
tains. When this was reported to Abyhe Sing, he coolly said, 
*' Let them go, they knew we were short of forage, and have only 
** taken them to their own pastures in the mountains." Strange to 
say, they did return them, and in excellent condition, as soon as he 
prepared to march. When he heard of this, he observed, " Did I not 
"" tell you these Meenas were faithful subjects ?" 


The order to march was now given, when the bard enumerates the 
names and strength of the different Rajpoot princes, whose contin- 
gents formed this array, in which there were only two Mohammedan 
leaders of distinction : — " The Haras of Kotah and Boondi ; the 
Keechies of Gagrown ; the Gores of Seopoor ; the Cutchwahaa of 
AmWr, and [even] the Sodas of the desert, under their respective 
princes or chiefs, were under the command of the Marwar princa 
His native retainers, the united clans of Marwar, formed the right 
wing of the whole army, headed by his brother Bukhta^ 

" On the 10th Cheit (Sood) S. 1786, Abhye marched from Jodpoor, 
by Bhadrajoon and Malgurh, Sewanoh and Jhalore. Rewarro was 
assaulted ; the swords of the enemy showered, and the Champawut 
fell amidst heaps of slain. The Deoras abandoned the hill and fled. 
The trees were levelled to the summit ; a garrison was posted, and 
the array moved on to Possalio. Then, Aboo shook with affright 
Affliction seized Sirohi ; its prince was in despair when he heard 
Rewarro and Possalio were destroyed.* The Chohan preferred 
decking his daughter in the bridal vestments, to arraying nis army 
to oppose Abh^mal." 

Rao Narrain Das, through the intervention of a Rajpoot chieftain, 
named Myaram, of the Chaora tribe, made overtures to the Rahtore, 
proposing his niece (daughter of Maun Sing his predecessor) in 
marriage. " In the midst of strife, * the coco-nut,' with eight choice , 
steeds and the price of four elephants, were sent and accepted. 
The drum of battle ceased ; the nuptials were solenmized, and in 
the tenth month Ram Sing was bom at Jodpoor." The bard, 
however, lets us into the secret, and shews that the Rajpoots had 
* secret axticles,' as well as the more polished diplomacy of^ Europe ; 
for besides the fair Chohani, the Rao consented to pay P&hrdch*hdn%, 
a ' concealed tribute.* 

The Deora chiefs united their contingents to the royal army, for 
the subjugation of Sirbullund, and the march recommenced by Pal- 
hanpoor and Sidpoor, on the Sarasvati. Here they halted, and " an 
" envoy was despatched to Sirbullund, summoning him to surrender 
" the imperial equipments, cannons, and stores ; to account for the 
" revenues, and to withdraw his garrisons from Ahmedabad and all 

* Both these places are famous in the Mewasso, or fastnesses of Sirohi, and 

five the author, who was intrusted with its political affairs, much trouble, 
ortunately for the Deora prince, descendant of Rao Narrain Das^ the author 
knew their history, and was enabled to discriminate the claims which Jodpoor 
asserted over her in virtue of such attacks as this ; in short, between the claims 
of * the princes of Marwar,' and the king's lieutenants of Guzzerat. In these 
negotiations wherein Jodpoor advanced its pretensions to suzerainty over Sirohi, 
which as stoutly denied the right, he clearly distinguished the claims of the 
princes of Jodpoor, in their capacities of viceroys of the empire, and argued 
that claims conceded by Sirohi in that character guaranteed none to them, in 
their individual capacity, as chiefs of Marwar a distinction which they affected 
not to comprehend, but which was at length fully recognized and acted on by 
the paramount power. Sirohi is maintained in its ancient independence, which 
but for this previous knowledge must have been inevitably lost. 




" ihe strong-holds of the province." The reply was laconic and 
dignified ; ** that he himself was king, and his head was with Ahme- 
" dabad." 

A grand council of war was convened in the Rajpoot camp, which 
is described con amore by the bard. The overture and its I'eception 
were communicated, and the debates and speeches which ensued 
thereon, as to the future course of proceeding, are detailed. The 
bard is, however, satisfied with recording the speeches of ' the chiefs 
of the eight grades of Maroo/ 

" First spoke the chief of the children of Champa, Koosul, son of 
Hornat of Ahwa, whose seat is on the right of the throne. Then 
Kunn^ram of Asope, leader of the Koompawuts, whose place is on 
the left : ' let us, like the Kilkila,* dive into the waters of battle.' 
He was followed by Kesuri, the Mairtea Sirmor; — then by the 
veteran who led the Oodawuts : old and brave, many a battle had 
he seen. Then the chief of Khanwa, who led the clan of Joda, 
protested he would be the first to claim the immortal garland from 
the hand of the Apsaras ;"(• ' let us stain our garments with saffron, 
and our lances with crimson, and play at ball with this SirbuUund.'J 
Futteh the Jaitawut, and Kumavat Abhi-mal, re-echoed his words. 
All shouted ' battle !' * battle !' while some put on the coloured 
garments, determined to conquer Bhanloca, Kurna, the Champawut, 
said aloud, * with sparkling cup the Apsaras will serve us in the 
mansion of the sun.'§ Every clan, every chief, and every baid, 
re-echoed * battle !' 

^ Then Bukhta stood up to claim the onset, to lead the van in 
battle against SirbuUund, while his brother and prince should await 
ihe result in his tents. A jar of saffron- water was placed before the 

■— — — ■ - — 

• The kilkila is the bird we call the kingfisher. 

t The maids of war, the VcUkyria of Rajpoot mythology. 

X Another jeu-de-mois on the name Sirbulluud, witn whose head {sir) the 
Joda chief proposes to play at ball. 

§ The young chieftain of Saloombra, the first of the nobles of M^ar, was 
sitting with me, attentively listening as I was translating the war a^;ainst 
Sirbimmid, read by my old tutor. His family possess an her^tary aversion to 
** the cup," which is under solemn prohibition from some cause wluch I forget, 
and so far did his grandfather carry his antipathy, that a drop falling upon him 
at an entertainment, he cut out the contaminated part with his dagger. Aware 
of this, I turned round to the young chief and said ; " Well, Rawut-ji, would 
yon accept the cup from the hand of the Apsara, or would you refuse the 
fmMwdr (pledge) T ** Certainly I would take it ; these are very different cups 
•* from ours ;" was his reply. " Then you believe that the heavenly fair cany the 
souls of those who fall in battle to the mandal of Surya T " Who dare doubt 
** it t When my time comes, I will take thai cup !" a glorious creed for a soldier ! 
He sat for hours listening to my old tutor and friend ; for none of their bards 
expounded like him the bhqjunga (serpentine verse) of the poet. I have rated 
the Rawut for being unable to repeat the genealocy of his house from Chonda to 
himself ; but the family bard was dead and left no progeny to inherit his 
mantle. This young chief is yet (AD. 1820) but twenty-two, and promises to be 
better prepared. 


prince, with which he sprinkled e€wh chief, who shouted, * they would 
people Umrapoor/ "* 

The bard then describes the steeds of the Rajpoot chivalry, in 
which the Beemmt'halli of the Dekhan takes precedence ; he is 
followed by the horses of Dhat and Rardurro in Marwar, and the 
E^ttiawar of Saurashtra. 

Sirbullund 8 plans of defence are minutely detailed. At each gate 
he posted two thousand men and five guns, " manned by Europeans," 
of whom he had a body of musketeers round his person. The 
cannonade had been kept up three days on both sides, in which the 
son of Sirbullund was killed. At length, Bukhta led the storm, 
when all the otes and awuts performed prodigies of valour. The 
Champawut Koosul was the first to be carried to the " immortal 
" abode ;" but though " the sun stood still to see the deeds of the 
*' son of Hurnat," we cannot particularize the bard's catalogue of 
heroes transferred to Stiralocaf on this day, when the best blood of 
Rajpootana was shed on the walls of Ahmedabad. Both the princely 
brothers had their share in " the play of swords," and each slew 
more than one leader of note. Umca, who had so often defended 
Ajm6r, slew five chiefs of the grades of two and three thousand horse. 

" Eight ghuiTies of the day remained, when Sirbullund fled ; but 
Ulyar, the leader of his vanguard, made a desperate resistance, until 
he fell by the hand of Bukht Sing. The drum of victory sounded. 
The Nawab left his pani in the Rincoond.l The " would-be-king" 
was wounded ; his elephant shewed the speed of the deer. Four 
thousand four hundred and ninety-three were slain, of whom one 
hundred were Palki Nuaheens, eight Hati Nuaheens,^ and three 
hundred entitled to the Tazeein on entering the Diwdn Aum.|| 

" One hundred and twenty chieftains of note, with five hundred 
horse, were slain with Abhye Sing, and seven hundred wounded. 

" The next morning, Sirbullund surrendered with all his effects. 
He was escorted towards Agra, his wounded Moguls dying at every 
stage ; but the soul of the * Fearless' was sad at the loss of his kin.lT 

♦ * The city of immortality.' 

t The abode of heroes, the Valhalla of the Rajpoot mythology. 

X Rincoond is the * fountain of battle,' andjoani is applied, as we use the word 
water, to the temper or spirit of a sword ; a play on swords. 

§ Chiefs entitled to ride in pallds and on elephants. 

II A long list of names is pveu, which would only fatigue the reader : but 
amongst them we select a singular one, JSolakh Khan Anglez^ * NoliJm the 

IF The bard enumerates with the meed of praise each vassal who fell, whether 
Rahtore or of the contingents of the other principalities serving under the 
prince of Marwar. The Champawuts bore the brunt, and lost Kumm of Pally, 
iLishen Sing of Sindri, Gk)rdhan of Jhalore, and Kulian. The Koompawuts lost 
also several leaders of clans, as Nursing, Soortau Sing, Pudma, son of Dooriun. 
The Joda tribe lost three leaders, viz., Heatmul, Qoman, and Jogidas. The 
brave Mairteas also lost three : Bhom Sing, Koosul Sing, and (jolab. son of 
HattL The allodial chieftains, the Jadoons, the Soni^rras, the Dnonduls, 
and Kheechies, had many brave men " carried to Bhauloca," and even bards 
and purohits were amongst the slain. 


Abhi-Mal iniled over the seventeen thousand towns of Guzzerat, and 
the nine thousand of Marwar, besides one thousand elsewhere. The 
princes of Edur, of Booj, of Parkur, of Sinde, and of Sirohi, the 
Chalook Ban of Futtehpoor, Jhoojoonoo, Jessulmer, Nagore, Donger- 
poor, Bhanswarra, Lunawarra, Hulwad, every morning bowed the 
head to Abhi-MaL 

" Thus, in the enlightened half of the moon, on the victorious 
tenth* (S. 1787, A.D. 1731), the day on which Ramachundra captured 
Lanka, the war against Sirbullund, an Omra (lord) of twelve 
thousand, was concluded.**f 

Having left a garrison of seventeen thousand men for the duties 
of the capital and province, Abhye Sing returned to Jodpoor with 
the spoils of Guzzerat, and there he deposited four crores of rupees, 
and one thousand four hundred ^uns of all calibres, besides military 
stores of every description. Wiui these, in the declining state of the 
empire, the desert king strengthened his forte and garrisons, and 
determined, in the general scramble for dominion, not to neglect his 
own interests. 


Mutual jealousies of the brothers,— Abhye Sing dreads the military fame of 
Bukhta, — His policy. — Prompted by the bard Kuma, who deserts Jodpoor for 
Nagore. — Scheme laid by BvJchta to thivart his brother. — Attack ofBikaner by 
Abhye Sing. — Singular conduct of his chiefs, who afford supplies to the besieged, 
— Bukhta*s scheme to embroil the Amber Prince wiHi his brother. — His overture 
and advice to attack Jodpoor in the absence of his brother. — Jey Sing of 
Amb^, — His reception of this advice, which is discussed and rejected in a full 
council of the nobles of Amber. — The envoy of Bukhta obtains an audience of 
the Prince of Amber. — Attains his object. — His insulting letter to Rc^a Abhye 
Sing. — The latter^s laconic reply. — Jey Sing calls out the Kh^r, or feudal army 
of Amber. — Obtains foreign allies. — One hundred thousand men muster under 
the walls of his capital. — March to the Marwar frontier. — Abhye Sing raises 
the siege ofBikaner. — Bukhta's strange conduct. — Swears his Vassals. — Marches 
with his personal retainers only to combcU tfie host of Amber. — Battle of 
Gangaria. — Desperate onset of Bukhta Sing. — Destruction of his band.— With 
sixty men charges the Amber Prince, who avoids him. — Eulogy of Bukhta by 
the Amber bards. — Kuma the bard prevents a third charge. — Bukhta^s distress 
at the loss of his men. — The Rana mediates a peace. — Bukhta loses his tutelary 
divinity. — Restored by the Amber Prince. — Death of Abhye Sing. — Anecdotes 
illustrcUing his character. 

The tranquillity which for a while followed the campaign in Guz^ 
zerat was of no long duration. The love of ease and opium, which 

♦ Vifya daswd. 

t With this battle the Raj Roopaca and Svlrya Prdkas terminate. 


increased with the years of Abhye Sing, was disturbed by a per- 
petual apprehension of the active courage and military genius of his 
brother, whose appanage of Nagore was too restricted a field for 
his talents and ambition. Bukhta was also aware that his daring 
nature, which obtained him the suffrages, as it would the swords, of 
his turbulent and easily excited countrymen, rendered him an object 
of distrust, and that without great circumspection, he would be 
unable to maintain himself in his imperium, %n imperio, the castle 
and three hundred and sixty townships of Nagore. He was too 
discreet to support himself by foreign aid, or by fomenting domestic 
strife ; but with the aid of the bard, he adopted a line of policy, the 
relation of which will develope new traits in the Rajpoot character, 
and exemplify its peculiarities. Kuma, after finishing his historical 
chronicle, concluding with the war against Sirbullund, abandoned 
" the gate of Jodpoor, for that of Nagore." Like all his tribe, the 
bard was an adept in intrigue, and ms sacred character forwarded 
the secret means of executing it. His advice was to embroil their 
common sovereign with the prince of Amb^r, and an opportunity 
was not long wanting. 

The prince of BIkaner, a junior but independent branch of Marwar, 
had offended his yet nominal suzerain Abhye Sing, who, taking 
advantage of the weakness of their common liege lord the emperor, 
determined to resent the affront, and accordingly invested Bikandr, 
which had sustained a siege of some weeks, when Bukhta determined 
to make its release subserve his designs ; nor could he have chosen 
a better expedient. Although the prince of Marwar had led his 
united vassalage against Bika^^r, they were not only lukewarm as 
to the success of their own arms, but, anomalous as it must appear 
in the annals even of feudal Warfare, they furnished the besieged with 
the means of defence, who, but for the supplies of opium, salt, and 
ammunition, would soon have been compelled to surrender. We can 
account for this : Bikaner was of their own kin, a branch of the great 
tree of which Se6ji was the root, and to which they could cling in 
emergency; in short, Bikaner balanced the power between them- 
selves and their head. 

The scheme being approved, its execution and mode of develop- 
ment to Jey Sing were next canvassed. " Touch his pride," said 
Kuma ; *' tell him the insult to Amber, which your ancestor invested, 
has never been balanced, and that he will never find a time like the 
present to fling a few shot at Jodpoor." 

Bukhta addressed a letter to Jey Sing, and at the same time sent 
instructions to the envoy of Bikaner at his court how to act 

The prince of Amb^r, towards the close of his career, became par- 
tial to * the cup ;' but, aware of the follies it involved him in, an edict 
prohibited all official intercourse with him while he was under its 
influence. The direct overture of Bukhta was canvassed, and all 
interference between the kindred belligerents was rejected in a full 



council of the chiefs of Amber. But tlio envoy had a friend in the 
famous Vidyadhur,* the chief civil minister of the state, through 
whose means he obtained permission to make * a verbal report, stand- 
ing/ " Bikaner," he said, " was in peril, and without his aid must 
' fell, and that his master did not consider the sovereign of Mai'war, 
but of Amber, as his suzerain." Vanity and wine did the rest. The 
prince took up the pen and wrote to Abhye Sing, " That they all 
•* formed one great family ; to forgive Bikaner and raise his batteries :" 
and as he took another cup, and curled his moustache, he gave the 
letter to be folded. " Mahraja," said the envoy, " put in two more 
" words : * or, my name is Jey Sing.'" They were added. The overjoyed 
envoy retired, and in a few minutes the letter was on transit to its 
destination by the swiftest camel of the desert. Scarcely had the 
envoy retired, when the chief of Bhansko, the Mentor of Jey Sing, 
entered. He was told of the letter, which *' would vex his Sagga."f 
The old chief remonstrated ; he said, " unless you intend to extin- 
" guish the Cutchwahas, recall this letter." Messenger after messenger 
was sent, but the envoy knew his duty. At the dinner hour, all the 
chiefe had assembled at the {Rusora) banquet-hall, when the spokes- 
man of the vassalage, old Deep Sing, in reply to the communication 
of his sovereign, told him he had done a cruel and wanton act, and 
that they must all suffer for his imprudence. 

The reply, a laconic defiance, was brought back with like celerity ; 
it was opened and read by Jey Sing to his chiefs : " By what right 
"do you dictate to me, or interfere between me and my servants ? If 
" your name Ls * the Lion of Victory' (Jey Sing), mine is * the Lion 
" without Fear' (Abhye Sing)."^ 

The ancient chief. Deep Sing, said : *' I told you how it would be ; 
" but there is no retreat, and our business is to collect our friends.'* 
The Kh^% or * levy eii viasse/ was proclaimed ! Every Cutchwaha 
was commanded to repair to the great standard planted outside the 
capital. The home-clans came pouring in, and aid was obtained from 
the Haras of Boondi, the Jadoons of Kerowli, the Seesodias of Shah- 
pooi-a, the Kheechies, and the Jats, until one hundred thousand men 
were foimed beneath the castle of Ambt?r. This formidable array 
proceeded, march after march, until they reached Gangwani, a village 
on the fnmtier of Marwar. Here they encamped, and, with all due 
courtesy, awaited the arrival of the * Fearless Lion.' 

They were not long in suspense. Mortally offended at such wanton 
interference, which cumi)elled him to relinquish his object on the very 

* Vid3radhur was a Brahmin of Bengal, a scholar and man of science. The 
plan of the modern city of Amb^r, named Jeipoor. was his : a city as regular as 
Darmstadt He was also the joint compiler of the celebrated genealogical 
tables which appear in the first Volume of this work. 

t Sagga is a term denoting a connexion by marriage. 

X I write the names as pronounced, and as famihar to the readers of Indian 
history. Jya^ in Sanscrit, is * victory,* A'tmhyCy * fearless/ 




died in S. 1806 (A-D. 1750), at Jodpoor. His courage, which may 
be termed ferocious, was tempered only by his excessive indolence, 
regarding which they have preserved many amusing anecdotes ; one 
of these will display the exact character of the man. The chronicle 
says : " When Ajit went to marry the Chohani, he found two lions 
" in his path — the one asleep, the other awake. The interpretation 
" of the sooguni' (augur) was, that the Chohani would bear nim two 
" sons ; that one would be a sooti khan (sluggard), the other an active 
" soldier." Could the augur have revealed that they would imbrue 
their hands in a father's blood, he might have averted the ruin of his 
country, which dates from tliis black deed. 

The Eahtores profess a great contempt for the Cutchwahas as 
soldiers ; and Abhye Sing's was not lessened for their prince, because 
he happened to be father-in-law to the prince of Ambdr, whom he 
used to mortify, even in the " Presence," with such sarcasm as, " You 
are called a Cutchwa, or properly Cuswa, from the Cusa ; and your 
sword will cut as deep as one of its blades :" alluding to the grass 
thus called Irritated, yet fearing to reply, he formed a pkm to 
humble his arrogance in his only vulnerable point, the depreciation 
of his personal strength. While it was the boast of Jey Sing to 
mingle the exact sciences of Europe with the more ancient of India, 
Abhye's ambition was to be deemed the first swordsman of Bajwarra. 
The scientific prince of Amb^r gave his cue to Kirparam, the pay- 
master-general, a favourite with the king, from his sKill at chess, and 
who had often the honour of playing with him while all the nobles 
were standing. Kirparam praised the Rahtore prince's dexterity in 
smiting oflf a buffalo's head ; on which the king called out, " Bajeswar, 
" I have heard much of your skill with the sword." — " Yes, Huzrit, 
" I can use it on an occasion." A huge animal was brought into the 
area, fed in the luxuriant pastures of Heriana. The court crowded out 
to see the Rahtore exhibit ; but when he beheld the enormous bulk, 
he turned to the king and begged permission to retire to his post, 
the imperial guard-room, to refresh himself Taking a double dose 
of opium, he returned, his eyes glaring with rage at the trick played 
upon him, and as he approached the buffalo they fell upon Jey Sing, 
who had procured this monster with a view to foil him. The Ambdr 
chief saw that mischief was brewing, and whispered his majesty not 
to approach too near his son-in-law. Grasping his sword in both 
hands, Abhye gave the blow with such force that the buffalo's head 
" dropped upon his knees," and the Raja was thrown upon his back. 
All was well ; but, as the chronicle says, " the king never asked the 
" Raja to decollate another buftalo." 

It was during the reign of Abhye Sing, that Nadir Shah invaded 
India; but the summons to the Rajpoot princes, to put forth their 
strength in support of the tottering throne of Timoor, was received 
with indifference. Not a chief of note led his myrmidons to the 
plains of Kumal ; and Dehli was invested, plundered, and its monarch 
dethi-oncd, without exciting a sigh. Such was their apathy in the 


cause, when the imbecility of Mahommed Shah succeeded to the 
inheritance of Arungz^b, that with their own hands these puppets of 
despotism sapped the foundations of the empire. 

Unfortunately for Rajpootana, the demoralization of her princes 
prevented their turning to advantage this depression of the empire,* 
in whose follies and crimes they participated. 

With the foul and monstrous murder of the Raja Ajit (A.D. 1750) 
commenced those bloody scenes which disgrace the annals of Marwar ; 
yet even in the history of her crimes there are acts of redeeming 
virtue, which raise a sentiment of regret that the lustre of the one 
should be tarnished by the presence of the other. They serve, 
however, to illustrate that great moral truth, that in every stage of 
civilization, crime will work out its own punishment ; and grievously 
has the parricidal murder of Ajit been visited on his race and coimtry. 
We shall see it acting as a blight on that magnificent tree, which, 
transplanted fix)m the native soil of the Ganges, took root and 
flourished amidst the arid sands of the desert, affording a goodly 
shade for a daring race, who acquired fresh victories with poverty — ^ 
-we shall see its luxuriance checked, and its numerous and widely- 
spread branches, as if scorched by the Ughtnings of heaven, wither 
and decay ; and they must utterly perish, unless a scion, from the 
uncontaminated stem of Edur * be grafted upon it : then it may 
I'evive, and be yet made to yield more vigorous fruit. 


Mam Sing succeeds. — His impetuosity of temper. — Hi^ uncle , Bukhta Siiiffy absents 
hi m ad ffrom the rile of inauguration. — Sends his nurse as proxy. — Construed hy 
Ram Sing as an insult. — He resents it, and resumes the fief of Jhalore. — Confidant 
of Ram Sing. — The latter insults t/ie chief of the ChampaunUSy who withdraws 
frtym the court. — His interview with the chief hard. — Joins BuJchta Sing. — Hie 
chief hard gives his suffrage to BuklUa. — Civil war. — Battle of Mavrta. — Ram 
Sing defeated. — Bukht Sing assumes the sovereignty. — 77ie Bagri chieftain girds 
him with the sword. — Fidelity of the Purohit to the ex-prince, Ram Sing. — He 
proceeds to the Dekhan to ohtain aid of the Mahrattas. — Poetical correspondence 
between Raja Bukhta and the Purohit. — Qualities^ mental and personal, of 
Bukhta. — The Mahrattas threaten Marwar. — All the clans unite round Bukhta. — 
He advances to give hattle. — Refused hy the Mahrattas. — He takes post at the pass 
of Ajm6r. — Poisoned hy the queen of Amh&. — Bukhta* s character. — Reflections on 
the Rajpoot character. — Contracted milh that of the European nohles in the dark 
ages, — Judgment of the hards on crimes. — Improvised stanza on the princes of 
Jodpoor and Amh^r. — Anathema of the Sati, wife of Ajit. — Its fulfilment. — 
Opinions of the Rajpoot of such iTispirations. 

Ram Sing succeeded at that dangerous age, when parental control is 
most required to restrain the turbulence of passion. Exactly twenty 

♦ The Heir of Edur is heir presumptive to the gadi of Marvvar. 


years had elapsed since the nuptials at Sirohi, when Hymen extin* 
guished the torch of discord, and his mother was the bearer of the 
olive branch to Abhye Sing, to save her house fix)m destruction. 
The Rajpoot, who attaches everything to pedigree, has a right to 
lay an interdict on the union of the race of Agni* with the tOready 
too fiery blood of the Eahtore. Ram Sing inherited the arrogance 
of his father, with all the impetuosity of the Chohans; and the 
exhibition of these qualities was simultaneous with his coronation. 
We are not told why his uncle, Bukht Sing, absented himself from 
the ceremony of his prince's and nephew's installation, when the 
whole kin and clans of Maroo assembled to ratify their aUegifince by 
their presence. As the first in blood and rank, it was his duty to 
make the first mark of inauguration on the forehead of his prince. 
The proxy he chose on the occasion was his dhxid, or ' nurse,' a 
personage of no small importance in those countries. Whether by 
such a representative the haughty warrior meant to insinuate that 
his nephew should yet be in leading strings, the chronicle afibrds us 
no hint ; but it reprehends Ram Sing's conduct to this venerable 
peraonage, whom, instead of treating, according to usage, with the 
same respect as his mother, he asked, " if his uncle took him for an 
" ape, that he sent an old hag to present him with the tedca ?" and 
instantly despatched an express desiring the surrender of Jhalore. 
Ere his passion had time to cool, he commanded his tents to be 
moved out, that he might chastise the insult to his dignity. Despis- 
ing the sober wisdom of the counsellora of the state, he had given 
his confidence to one of the lowest grade of these hereditary officers, 
by name Umiah, the 7iakarchiy\ a man headstrong like himsel£ 
The^ old chief of the Champawuts, on hearing of this ai3t of madness, 
repaired to the castle to remonstrate ; but scarcely bad he taken his 
seat before the prince assailed him with ridicule, desiring " to see 
*' his frightful face as seldom as possible." " Young man," exclaimed 
the indignant chief, as with violence he dashed Ins shield reversed 
upon the carpet, " you have given mortal oflence to a Rahtore, who' 
" can turn Marwar upside down as easily as that shield." With eyes 
darting defiance, he arose and left the Presence, and collecting his 
retainers, marched to Mooiidhiavar. This was the residence of the 
Pdt-Bardaiy or ' chief bard,' the lineal descendant of the Barud 
Roera, who left Canouj with S^oji. The esteem in which his sapred 
office was held may be appreciated by his estate, which equalled that 
of the first noble, being one lac of rupees, (£10,000) of revenue. 

The politic Bukhta, hearing of the advance of the chief noble of 
Maroo on the border of his territory, left Nagore, and though it was 
midnight, advanced to welcome him. The old chief was asleep ; 
Bukhta forbade his being disturbed, and placed himself quietly 
beside his pallet. Ajs he opened his eyes, he called as usual for his 

* The Deora of Sirohi is a branch of the Chohans, one of the four AgtUculaSj 
a race sprung from Jire. See VoL I. 

t The person who summons the nobles by beat of the state ndkarra^ or 
'great kettle-drum/ 


pipe (hooka), when the attendant pointing to the prince, the old 
chief scrambled up. Sleep had cooled his rage, and the full force of 
his position rushed upon him ; but seeing there was now no retreat, 
that the Rubicon was crossed, " Well, there is my head," said he ; 
" now it is yours." The bard, who was present at the interview, was 
sounded by being i-equested to bring the chiefs wife and family from 
Ahwa to Nagore ; and he gave Iiis assent in a manner characteristic 
of his profession : "farewell to the gate of Jodpoor," alluding" to the 
station of the bard. The prince immediately replied, " there was no 
"difference between the gate of Jodpoor and Nagore ; and that while 
** he had a cake of bajra he would divide it witb the bard." 

Bam Sing did not allow his uncle much time to collect a force ; 
and the first encounter was at Kheyrlie. Six actions rapidly fol- 
lowed ; the last was at Loonawas, on the plains of Mairta, with 
immense loss of life on both sides. This sanguinary battle has been 
already related,* in which Ram Sing was defeated, and forced to seek 
safety in flight ; when Jodpoor was surrendered, and Bukhta invested 
with the Rajtilac and sword by the hands of the Jaitawut chief of 
Bagri, whose descendants continue to enjoy this distinction, with 
the title of Marwar ca bar K4wdr, ' the bar to the portal of Mar war.' 

With the possession of the seat of Government, and the support 
of a great majority of the dans, Bukht Sing felt secure against all 
attempts of his nephew to regain his lost power. But although his 
popularity with his warlike kindred secured theii* suffi-ages for his 
maintenance of the throne which the sword had gained him, there 
were other opinions which Bukht Sing was too politic to overlook. 
The adhesion of the hereditary oflScers of the state, especially those 
personal to the sovereign, is requisite to cloak the crime of usurpa- 
tion, in which light only, whatever the extent of provocation, 
Bukhta's conduct could be regarded. The military premier, as well 
as the higher civil authorities, were won to his cause, and of those 
^whose sacred ofBce might seem to sanctify the crime, the chief bard 
had already changed his post " for the gate of Nagore." But there 
^was one faithful servant, who, in the general defection, overlooked 
the follies of his prince, in his adherence to the abstract miles of 
fidelity ; and who, while his master found refuge at Jeipoor, repaired 
to the Dekhan to obtain the aid of the Mahrattas, the mercenaries of 
Rajpootana. Jaggo was the name of this person ; his office, that of 
Purohit, the ghostly adviser of his prince and tutor to his children. 
Bukhta, at once desirous to obtain his suffrage, and to arrest the 
calamity of foreign invasion, sent a couplet in his own hand to the 
PoTohit : 

" The flower, Oh bee, whose aroma regaled you. has been assailed 
by the blast ; not a leaf of the rose-tree is left ; why longer cling to 
the thorns ?" 

The reply was in character : '' In this hope does the bee cling to 

♦ See Vol I, p. 639, et seq. 



** the denuded rose-tree ; that spring may return, and fresh flowers 
*' bnd foi-th."* 

Bukhta, to his honour, approved the fidelity which rejected hLs 

Tiiere was a joyousness of soul about Bukhta which, united to an 
intrepidity and a liberality alike unbounded, made him the veiy 
model of a Rajpoot. To these qualifications were superadded a 
majestic mien and Herculean frame, with a mind versed in all the 
literature of his country, besides poetic talent of no mean order ; ajid 
but for that one damning crime, he would have been handed down 
to posterity as one of the noblest princes Raj warm ever knew. 
These qualities not only rivetted the attachment of the household 
clans, but secured the respect of all his exterior relations, so that 
when the envoy of the expatriated prince obtained Sindia's aid for 
the restoration of Ram Sing, the popularity of Bukhta formed an 
army which appalled the '' Southron," who found arrayed against 
him all the choice swords of Rajwarra. The whole allodial power of 
the desert, " the sons of Seoji" of every rank, rose to oppose this 
first attempt of the Mahrattas to interfere in their national quairels, 
and led by Bukhta in person, advanced to meet Madaji, the Pat6L. 
But the Mahratta, whose object was plunder rather than glory, satis- 
fied that he had little chance of either, refused to measure his lance 
{birchi) with the sang and sirohif of the Rajpoot. 

Poison effected what the sword could not accomplish. Bukhta 
detennined to remain encamped in that vulnerable point of access to 
his dominions, the passes near Ajmer. Hither, the Rahtore queen 
of Madhu Sing, prince of Ambdr, rej^aired to compliment her relative, 
and to her was entrusted the task of removing the enemy of her 
nephew. Ram Sing. The mode in which the deed was effected, as 
well as the last moments of the heroic but criminal Bukhta, have 
been already related .J He died in S. 1809 (A.D. 1753), leaving a 
disputed succession, and all the liorroi*s of impending civil strife, to 
his son, Beejy Sing. 

During his three years of sovereignty, Bukhta had found both 
time and resources to strengthen and embellish the strong-holds of 
Marwar. He completed the fortifications of the capital, and greatly 
added to the palace of Joda, from the spoils of Ahmedabad. He 
retaliated the injuries on the intolerant Islamite, and threw down 
his shrines and his mosques in his own fief of Nagore, and with the 
wrecks restored the edifices of ancient days. It was Bukhta also 
who prohibited, under pain of death, the Islamite's call to prayer 
throughout his dominions, and the order remains to this day 

* That beautiful simile of Ossian, or of Macpherson, borrowed from the 
canticles of the Royal Bard of Jerusalem, will be brought to mind in the reply 
of the Purohit — ' I was a lovely tree in thy presence, Oscar, with all my 
branches around me ;" <fec. 

t Sariff is a lance about ten feet long, covered with plates of iron about four 
feet above the spike. The siro/d is the sword made at the city, whence its 
name, and famous for its temper. % See VoL I, p. 643. 


unrevoked in Alarwar. Had lie been spared a few years to direct 
the storm then accumulating, which transferred power from the 
haughty Tatar of Dehli to the peasant soldier of the Kistna, the 
probiibility was eminently in favour of the Rajpoots resuming their 
aDcient rights throughout India. Every principality had the same 
motive for union in one common cause, the destruction of a power 
inimical to their welfare : but crimes, moral and political, rendered 
an opportunity, such as never occurred in their history, unavailing 
for their emancipation from temporal and spiritual oppression. 

We will here pause, and anticipating the just horror of the reader, 
at finding crime follow crime — one murder punished by another — 
prevent his consigning all the Rajpoot dynasties to infamy, because 
such foul stains appear in one part of their annals. Let him cast 
his eyes over the page of western history ; and commencing with the 
period of Se6ji s emigration in the eleventh century, when the curtain 
of darkness was withdrawn from Europe, as it was simultaneously 
closing upon the Rajpoot, contrast their respective moral charac- 
teristics. The Rajpoot chieftain was imbued with all the kindred 
virtues of the western cavalier, and far his superior in mental 
attainments. There is no period on record when these Hindu princes 
could not have signed their names to a charter ; many of them 
could have drawn it up, and even invested it, if required, in a poetic 
garb ; and although this consideration perhaps enhances, rather 
than palliates, crime, what are the instances in these states, we may 
ask, compared to the wholesale atrocities of the ' Middle Ages' of 
Europe ? 

The reader would also be wrong if he leaped to the conclusion, 
that the bardic chronicler passed no judgment on the princely 
criminal His ** empoisoned stanzas" (viswa sloca), transmitted to 
posterity by the mouth of the peasant and the prince, attest the 
reverse. One couplet has been recorded, stigmatizing Bukhta for 
the murder of his father ; there is another of the chief bard, improvised 
while his prince Abhye Sing, and Jey Sing of Amber, were passing 
the period devoted to religious rites at the sacred lake of Poshkur. 
These ceremonies never stood in the way of festivity; and one 
evening, while these princes and their vassals were in the height of 
merriment, the bard was desired to contribute to it by some extempo- 
raneoos effusion. He rose, and vociferated in the ears of the horror- 
struck assembly the following quatrain : 

" Jodpoor, aur Amber, 
" Doono tkdp oo^hdp ; 
" Koormd rndrd deekro, 
" Kamd'hnJ mdrd bdp." 

*' [The princes of] Jodpoor and Amb^r can dethrone the enthroned. 
But the Koorma* slew his son ; the Kamd^hujf murdered his father." 

* Koorma or C*Uch%oa (the tribe of the princes of Amb6r), slew his son, Sec 

f Kamdhuj^ it must be remembered, is a titular appellation of the Rahtore 
kingB, which they brought from Canouj. 



The words of the poetic seer sank into the minds of his hearers, 
and passed from mouth to mouth. They were probably the severest 
vengeance either pridce experienced in this world, and will continue 
to circulate down to the latest posterity. It was the effusion of the 
same undaunted Euma, who led the charge with his prince against 
the troops of Amb6r. 

We have also the anathema of the prophetic Sati, wife of Aj£t, 
who, as she mounted the pyre with her murdered lord, pronounced 
that terrific sentence to the ears of the patriotic Rajpoot : " May the 
" bones of the murderer be consumed out of Maroo !"* In the value 
they attach to the fulfilment of the prophecy, we have a commentary 
on the supernatural power attached to these self-devoted victims. 
The record of the last moments of Bukhta, in the dialogue with his 
doctor,f is a scene of the highest dramatic and moral interest ; and, 
if further comment wei-e required, demonstrates the operations of 
the hell within, as well as the abhorrence the Rajpoot entertains for 
such crimes. 


AcceMwn o/Beejy Shig. — Receives at Mairta the homage of his Chiefs, — Proceeds to 
the capital. — The ex-prince Ram Sing forms a treaty with the Jfahrattas and the 
CtUchwahas. — Junction of the Confederates. — Beejy Sing assembles the Clans an 
the plains of Mairta. — Summoned to surrender the gadi. — His reply. — BcUtU. — 
Beejy Sing defeated. — Destruction of the Rahtore Cuirassiers. — Ruse de guerre. — 
Bee;y Sing left alone. — His flight. — Eulogies of the Bard. — Fortresses surrender to 
Ram Sing. — Assassination of the Mahratta commander. — Compensation for the 
murder. — Ajm& surrendered. — THbute or Chout'h estcMished. — MahraUae 
abandon the cause of Ram Sing. — Couplet commemorative of this event. — Cenotaph 
to Jey Appa. — Ram Sing dies. — His character. — Anarchy reigns in Marwar, — The 
Rahtore oligarchy. — La^os of adoption in the caee of Pokumfef — Insolence of its 
Chief to his Prince, who entertains mercenaries. — This innovation accelerates the 
decay of feudal principles. — The Raj a plans the diminution of the Aristocracy. — 
The Nobles confederate. — Oordhan Kheechie. — His advice to the Prince, — 
HumUiating treaty between the Raja and his vassals. — Mercenaries disbanded, — 
Death of the Princess giini or priest. — His prophetic words. — Kerea^carma cr 
funeral rites, mode the expedient to entrap the chiefs, who are condemned to death, 
— Intrepid conduct of DM Sing of Pokum. — His last words. — Reflections on 
their dsfetitive system of government. — Sacrifice of the law of primogeniture. — Its 
eonaequenoes, — Subhul Sing arms to avenge his father's death, — Is slam. — Power 
of the nobles checked. — They are led against the robbers of the desert. — Amerisote 
seized from Sinde. — Oodwar taJken from M4war. — Marwar and Jeipoor wnite 
ctgainst the Mahraltas, who are defeated at Tonga. — DeBoign^s first appearance. 
— Ajm4r recovered by the Rahtores. — Battles of Patun and Mairta. — Ajmir 
surrenders. — Suicide of the governor. — Beejy Sing's concubine adopts Mown Sing^ 
— Her insolence alienates the Nobles, who plan the deposal of the Ra^a. — Murder 
of the concubine. — Beejy Sing dies. 

Beejy Sing, then in his twentieth year, succeeded his father, Bukhta. 
His accession was acknowledged not only by the Emperor, but by 

♦ See Vol. I, p. 643. t See Vol I, p. 642. 


all the princes around him, and he was inaugurated at the frontier 
town of Marote, when proceeding to Mairta, where he passed the 
period of TTUitum or mourning. Hither the independent branches of 
his family, of Bikaner, Kishengurh, and Roopnagurh, came simul- 
taneously with their condolence and congratulations. Thence he 
advanced to the capital, and concluded the rites on death and acces- 
sion with gifts and charities which gi'atified all expectations. 

The death of his uncle aflforded the ex-prince, Ram Sing, the 
chance of redeeming his birthright; and in conjunction with the 
prince of Amb^r, he concluded a treaty* with the Mahrattas, the 
stipulations of which were sworn to by their leaders. The 
" Southrons'* advanced by Kotah and Jeipoor, where Ram Sing, with 
his personal adherents and a strong auxiliary band of Amb^r, united 
their forces, and they proceeded to the object in view, the dethrone- 
ment of Beejy Sing. 

Beejy Sing was prepared for the stonn, and led his native chivalry 
to the plains of Mairta, where, animated with one impulse, a deter- 
mination to repel foreign interference, they awaited the Mahrattas, 
to decide the rival claims to the throne of the desert. The bard 
delights to enumerate the clans who mustered all their strength ; 
and makes particular allusion to the allodial Pattawuta, who were 
foremost on this occasion. From Poshkur, where the combined army 
halted, a summons was sent to Beejy Sing " to surrender the gadi of 
•* Maroo." It was read in full convention and answered with shouts 
of " Battle ! Battle !" " Who is this Happa,f thus to scare us, when, 
" were the firmament to fall, our heads would be pillars of support 
*• to preserve you ?" Such is the hyperbole of the Rajpoot when 
excited, nor does his action fall far short of it. The numerical odds 
were immense against the Rahtores ; but they little esteemed the 
CatchwahaA, and their courage had very different aliment to sustain 
it, from the mercenary Southron. The encounter was of the most 
desperate description, and the bard deals out a full measure of 
justice to all. 

Two accidents occurred during the battle, each sufficient to turn 
victory from the standard of Beejy Sing, on the very point of frui- 
tion. One has elsewhere been related,^ namely, the destruction of 
the ** Sillehposhians," or cuirassiers, the chosen cohort of the Rahtores, 
when returning from a successful charge, who were mistaken for the 
foe, and mowed down with discharges of grape-shot. This error, at 
a moment when the courage of the Mahrattas was wavering, might 

* This treaty is termed huldi, or hul patra, * a strong deed.' The names of 
the chiefs who signed it were Jankoji Smdia, Santoji Bolia, Danto PateL Rana 
Borteo, Atto-Jeswunt Rae, Kano, and Jewa, Jadoons ; Jeewa Powar, Pelooji 
and 8utwa, Sindia Malji, Tantia Cheetoo, Kaghii Pagia, Ghosulia Jadoon, 
31oolla Yar AUi, Feeroz Khan ; all great leaders amongst the ^ Southrons' of that 

T The A , to the Rajpoot of the north-west, is as great a Shibboleth as to the 
Cockney : — thus Appa becomes Happa. 

X See Vol I, p. 644. 


have been retrieved, notwithstanding the supei-stitious converted the 
disaster into an omen of evil. Sindia had actually prepared to quit 
the field, when another turn of the wheel decided the event in his 
favour : the circumstance exhibits forcibly the versatile character of 
the Rajpoot. 

The Eaja of Kishengurh had deprived his relative of Roopnagurh 
of his estates ; both were junior branches of Marwar, but held direct 
from the emperor. Sawunt Sing, chieftain of Roopnagurh, either fix)m 
constitutional indifference or old age, retired to the sanctuary of 
Vindrabun on the Jumna, and, before the shrine of the Hindu Apollo, 
poured foi'th bis gratitude for " his escape from Hell,'' in the loss of 
his little kingdom. But it was in vain he attempted to inspire 
young Sirdar with the like contempt of mundane glory ; to his 
exhortations the youth replied, " It is well for you. Sire,* who have 
enjoyed life, to resign its sweets so tranquilly ; but I am yet a 
stranger to them." Taking advantage of the times, he determined 
to seek a stronger auxiliaiy for the recovery of his rights than the 
poetic homilies of Jydeva. Accordingly, he joined the envoy of Ram 
Sing, and returned with the Mahratta anny, on whose successful 
opei-ations his hope of reconquering his patrimony rested. It was at 
that moment of doubt, that Appa, the Mahratta commander, thus 
addressed young Sirdar : " Your star, young man, is united to Ram 
" Sing's, which fortune does not favour ; what more is to be done 
" before we move off?" Inexperienced as he was. Sirdar knew his 
countrymen, and their vacillation when touched by superstition ; 
and he obtained permission to try a ru«6, as a last resort. He des- 
patched a horseman of his own clan to the division which pressed 
them most, who, coming up to the Mainote minister, as if of his own 
party, asked " what they were fighting for, as Beejy Sing lay dead, 
" killed by a cannon-shot in another part of the field ?" Like the 
ephe^leral tribe of diplomacy, the Mainote saw his sun was set. He 
left the field, followed by the panic-struck clans, amongst whom the 
report circulated like wild-fire. Though accustomed to these stra- 
tagems, with which their annals teem, the Rajpoots are never on 
their guard against them ; not a man inquired into the truth of the 
report, and Beejy Sing, — who, deeming himself in the very career 
of victory, was coolly performing his devotions amidst the clash of 
swords, — was left almost alone, even without attendants or horses. 
The lord of Marwar, who, on that morning, commanded the lives of 
one hundred thousand Rajpoots, was indebted for his safety to the 
mean conveyance of a cart and pair of oxen.-f* 

Every clan had to erect tablets for the loss of their best waniors ; 
and as in their civil wars each strove to be foremost in devotion, 

* Baup-JL 

t The anecdote is related in Vol. T, p. 646. The Beejtf Vulds states that the 
prince rewarded the peasant with five hundred beegas of land in perpetuity, 
which his descendants enjoy, saddled with the petite serjanterie of " curas and 
" ba^ira cakes," in remembrance of the fare the Jat provided for his prince 
on that emergency. 


most of the chieftains of note were amongst the slain.* The bard 
metes out a fair measure of justice to their auxiliaries, especially the 
Suktawuts of Mewar, whose swords were unsheathed in the cause 
of the son-in-law of their prince. Nor is the lance of the Southron 
passed over without eulogy, to praise which, indeed, is to extol 

With the loss of this battle and the dispersion of the Rahtores, 
ihe strong-holds rapidly fell. The cause of Ram Sing was triumph- 
ing, and the Mahrattas were spreading over the landofMaroo, when 
foul assassination checked their progress. f But the death of Jey 
Appa, which converted his hordes from auxiliaries to principals in 
the contest, called aloud for vengeance, that was only to be appeased 
by the cession of Ajm^r, and a tixed triennial tribute on all the lands 
of Maroo, both feudal and fiscal. This arrangement being made, the 
Mahrattas displayed the virtue common to such mercenary allies : 
they abandoned Ram Sing to his * evil star,* and took possession of 
this strong-hold, which, placed in the veiy heart of Rajast'han, per- 
petuated their influence over its princes. 

With this gem, thus rudely torn from her diadem, the indepen- 
dence of Marwar from that hour has been insecure. She has strug- 
gled OD, indeed, through a centiuy of invasions, rebellions, and 
crimes, all originating, like the blank leaf in her annals, from the 
murder of Ajit. In the words of the Doric stanza of the hostile 
bards on this memorable chastisement, 

" Edd ghuniid din doai 

** Hdppd wdld hel 

" Bhdgd tin-d bu-pati 

" Mdl kazdnd niel.'* 

'* For many a day will they remember the time (h^l) of Appa, 
" when the three sovereigns fled, abandoning their goods and trea- 
•* sures :" alluding to the princes of Marwar, Bikaner, and Kishen- 
gorh, who partook in the disasters and disgrace of that day. ^ 

The youthful heir of Roopnagurh claimed, as he justly might, the 
victory to himself ; and going up to Appa to congratulate him, said, 
in the metaphorical language of his country, " You see I sowed 

♦ Rae Sing, chief of the Koompawuts, the second noble in rank of Marwar ; 
Lfdll Sing, head of the Seesaw uts, with the leader of the Keetawuts, are 
especially singled out as sealing their fidelity with their blood ; but all the otes 
and avmts of the country come in for a share of glory. 

t This occurrence has been related in the Personal Narrative, Vol. T, p. 647, 
bat it Lb more amply narrated in the chronicle, the Beejt/ VuldSy from which 1 
am now compiling. In this it is said that Jey Appa, during the siege, having 
faUen sick, the Rah tore prince sent his own physician, Soorajmul, to attend 
him ] that the doctor at first refused the mission, saying, " You may tell me to 
** poison him, and I will not obey ;" " On the contrary," said his prince, " let your 
** akill cure in two days what would take you four, and I shall favour you ;" but 
what was far more strange, Appa objected not, took the medicines of the bed, 
and recovered. 


** mustard-seed in my hand as I stood :" comparing the prompt success 
of his stratagem to the rapid vegetation of the seed. But Sirdar 
wiis a young man of no ordinary promise ; for when Sindia, in 
gratitude, offered immediately to put him in possession of Roopnagurh, 
he answered, " No ; that would be a retrograde movement/' and told 
him to act for his master Eam Sing, " whose success would best 
" insure his own." But when treachery had done its worst on Jey 
Appa, suspicion, which fell on every Rajpoot in the Mahratta camp, 
spared not Sirdar : swords were drawn in every quarter, and even 
the messengers of peace, the envoys, were everywhere assailed, and 
amongst those who fell ere the tumult could be appeased, was Rawut 
Kobeer Sing, the premier noble of M^war, then ambassador from the 
Rana with the Mahrattas.* With his last breath, Jey Appa protected 
and exonerated Sirdar, and enjoined that his pledge of restoration 
to his patrimony should be redeemed. The body of this distinguished 
commander was burned at the Tads-sir, or * Peacock pool,' where a 
cenotaph was erected, and in the care which the descendants even of 
his enemies pay to it, we have a test of the merits of both victor 
and vanquished. 

This was the last of twenty-two battles, in which Ram Sing was 
prodigal of his life for the recovery of his honours. The adversity 
of his later days had softened the asperity of his temper, and made 
his early faults be forgotten, though too late for his benefit. He died 
in exile at Jeipoor, in A.D. 1773. His person was gigantic ; his 
demeanour affable and courteous ; and he was generous to a fault. 
His understanding was excellent and well-cultivated, but his capricious 
temperament, to which he gave vent with an unbridled vehemence, 
disgusted the high-minded nobles of Maroo, and involved him in 
exile and misery till his death. It is universally admitted that, 
both in exterior and accomplishments, not even the great Ajit could 
compare with Ram Sing, and witchcraft, at the instigation of the 
chieftain of Asope, is assigned to account for his fits of insanity, 
which might be better attributed to the early and immoderate use 
of opium. But in spite of his errors, the fearless courage he displayed, 
against all odds, kept some of the most valiant of the clans constant 
to his fortunes, especially the brave Mairteas, under the heroic Shere 
Sing of R^ah, whose deeds can never be obliterated from the recol- 
lections of the Rah tore. Not the least ardent of his adherents was 
the allodial chief Roop Sing, of the almost forgotten clan, Pattawut ; 
who held out in Filodi against all attempts, and who, when provisions 
failed, with his noble associates, slew and ate their camels. The 
theme is a favourite one for the Kamrea minstrel of Maroo, who 
«ings the fidelity of Roopa and his band to the notes of his rhehdb, 
to their ever attentive descendants. 


* I have many original autograph letters of this distinguished Rajpoot on the 
transactions of this period ; for it was he who negotiated the treaty between 
Raja Madhu Sing, of Jeipoor, the ' nephew of M^war/ and the Mahrattas. At 
this time, his object was to induce Jey Appa to raise the siege of Nagore. 


We may sum up the chai-acter of Ram Sing in the words of the 
bard, as he contrasts him with his rival. *' Fortune never attended 
" the stirrup of Beejy Sing, whenever gained a battle, though at the 
" head of a hundred thousand men ; but Ram Sing, by his valour 
" and conduct, gained victories with a handful." 

The death of Ram Sing was no panacea to the griefs of Marwar 
or of its prince. The Mahrattas, who had now obtained a point- 
iTcuppui in Rajwarra, continued to foster disputes which tended to 
their advantage, or when opportunity offered, to scour the country 
in search of pay or plunder. Beejy Sing, young and inexperienced, 
was left without resources ; ruinous wars and yet more ruinous 
negotiations had dissipated the hoards of wealth accumulated by 
his predecessors. The crown-lands were uncultivated, the tenantry 
dispersed ; and commerce had diminished, owing to insecurity and 
the licentious habits of the nobles, who everywhere established 
their own imposts, and occasionally despoiled entire caravans. 
While the competitor for the throne was yet living, the Raja was 
compelled to shut his eyes on these inroads upon his proper power, 
which reduced him to insignificance even in his own palace. 

The aristocracy in Mai'war has always possessed more power than 
in any of the sister principalities around. The cause may be traced 
to their iirsl settlement in the desert ; and it has been kept in action 
by the peculiarities of their condition, especially in that protracted 
straggle for the rights of the minor Ajit, against the despotism of 
the empire. There was another cause, which, at the present juncture, 
had a very unfortunate influence on the increase of this prepon- 
derance, and which arose out of the laws of adoption. 

The fief of Pokum, the most powerful (although a junior) branch 
of the Champawut clan, adopted a son of Raja Ajit as their chief; 
bis nama was Ddvi Sing. The right of adoption, as has been already 
explained, rests with the widow of the deceased and the elders of the 
dan. Why they exercised it as they did on this occasion does not 
appear; but not improbably at the suggestion of the dying chief, who 
wished to see his sovereign's large family provided for, having no sons 
of his own : or, the immediate claimants may not have possessed the 
qualities necessary to lead a clan of Maroo. Although the moment such 
adoption takes place, when '' the turban of the late incumbent 
" encircled the new lord of Pokum," he ought to forget he had any 
other father than him he succeeded, yet we can easily imagine that, in 
tbe present case, his propinquity to the throne, which under other 
circomstances he might soon have forgotten, was continually forced 
upon his recollection by the contentions of his parricidal brothers 
and their ofi'spring for the ' cushion* of Marwar. It exemplifies 
another feature in Rajpoot institutions, which cut off this son 
(guiltless of all participation in the treason) from succession, because 
he was identified with the feudality ; while the issue of another, and 
junior brother, at the same period adopted into the independent 


house of Edur,* were heirs presumptive to Marwar; nay, must 
supply it with a ruler on failure of heirs, though they should have 
but one son and be compelled to adopt in his room.-f 

The Champawuts determined to maintain their influence over the 
sovereign and the countiy ; and D^vi Sing leagued with Ahwa and 
the other branches of this clan to the exclusion of all competitors. 
They formed of their own body a guard of honour for the person of 
the prince, one half remaining on duty in the castle, the other half 
being in the town below. While the Raja would lament the dis- 
tracted state of his country, the inroads of the Hill tribes, and the 
depredations of his own chiefs, D^vi Sing of Pokum would reply, 
" why trouble youiself about Marwar ? it is in the sheath of my 
** dagger." The young prince used to unburthen his griefs to his 
foster-brother Jaggo, a man of caution and experience, which quali- 
ties he instilled into his sovereign. By dissimulation, and an appa- 
rent acquiescence in their plans, he not only eluded suspicion, put, 
availing himself of their natural indolence of character, at length 
obtained leave not only to entertain some men of Sinde as guards for 
the town, but to provide supplies for their subsistence : the first 
approximation towards a standing mercenary force, till then unknown 
in their annals. We do not mean that the Rajpoot princes never 
employed any other than their own feudal clans ; they had foreign 
Rajpoots in their pay, but still on the same tenure, holding lands for 
service ; but never till this period had they soldiers enteiiained on 
monthly stipend. These hired bands were entirely composed of 
infantry, having a slight knowledge of European tactics, the supe- 
riority of which, even over their high-minded cavaliers, they had so 
severely experienced in their encounters with the Mahrattas. The 
same causes had operated on the courts of Oodipoor and Jeipoor to 
induce them to adopt the like expedient ; to which, more than to 
the universal demoralization which followed the breaking up of the 
empii'e, may be attributed the rapid decay of feudal principles 
throughout Rajpootana. These guards were composed either of 
PoorbdaJ Rajpoots, Sindies, Arabs, orRohillas. They received their 
orders direct from the prince, through the civil officers of the state, 
by whom they were entrusted with the execution of all duties of 
importance or despatch. Thus they soon formed a complete barrier 
between the prince and his vassals, and consequently became objects 
of jealousy and of strife. In like manner did all the other states 
make approaches towards a standing army ; and though the motive 
in all cases was the same, to curb, or even to extinguish, the strength 
of the feudal chiefs, it has failed throughout, except in the solitary 
instance of Kotah, where twenty well-disciplined battalions, and a 
hundred pieces of artillery, are maintained chiefly from the feudal 

* It will be remembered that Edur was conquered by a brother of S^ji's, 
t We shall explain this by a cutting of the genealogical tree : it may be found 
useful should we be called on to arbitrate in uiese matters. 
X Poorbeas, * men of the east,' as the Mugrabies are * of the west.' 


To retuiTi : the Dhabhae, having thus secured a band of seven 
hundred men, and obtained an aid (which we may term scutage) 
from the chiefs for their maintenance, gradually transferred them 
firom their duties above to the gates of the castle. Somewhat 
released from the thraldom of faction, the Raja concerted with his 
foster-brother and the Ddwan, Futteh Chund, the means of restor- 
ing prosperity and order. So destitute was the prince of resources, 
that the Dhabhae had recourse to threats of suicide to obtain 
50,000 rupees from his mother, acquired as the nurse {dha4) of his 
sovereign ; and so drained was the country of horses, that he was 
compelled to transport his cavaliers (who were too proud to walk) 
on care to Nagora There, under the pretence of curbing the 
hill tribes, he formed an army, and dismounting the guns from the 
walls of the town, marched an ill-quipped force against the border- 
mountaineers, and being successful, he attacked on his return 
the castle of Seel-Bukri. This was deemed a sufficient indication of 
his views ; the whole feudality of Maroo took alarm, and united for 
mutual safety at Birsilpoor, twenty miles east of the capital 

There was a foreign Rajpoot, whose valour, fidelity, and conduct 
had excited the notice and regard of Bukht Sing, who, in his dying 
hour, recommended him to the service of his son. To Gordhun, the 
Keechie, a name of no small note in the subsequent history of this 
reign, did the young Raja apply in order to restrain his chiefs from 
revolt In the true spirit oi Kajpoot sentiment, he advised his prince 
to confide in their honour, and, unattended, to seek and remonstrate 
with them, while he went before to secure him a good reception. At 
day-break, Gordhun was in the camp of the confederates ; he told 
them that their prince, confiding in their loyalty, was advancing to 
join them, and besought them to march out to receive him. Deaf, 
however, to entreaty and to remonstrance, not a man would stir, and 
the prince reached the camp uninvited and unwelcomed. Decision 
and confidence are essential in all transactions with a Rajpoot. 
Oordhun remained not a moment in deliberation, but instantly earned 
his master direct to the tent of the Ah wa chief, the premier noble of 
Marwar. Here the whole body congregated, and silence was broken 
by the prince, who demanded why his chiefs had abandoned him ? 

Mahraja,*' replied the Champawut, " our bodies have but one 
pinnacle; were there a second, it should be at your disposal." A 
teidious discussion ensued; doubts of the i'utui^e, recriminations 
respecting the past ; till wearied and exhausted, the prince demanded 
to know the conditions on which they would return to their alle- 
giance, when the following articles were submitted : 

Ist. — To break up the force of the Dhabhae ; 

2d. — To surrender to their keeping the records of fiefs (puttd- 
bvJiye) ; 

3d — That the court should be transferred from the citadel to the 




There was no alternative but the renewal of civil strife or 
compliance ; and the fii*st article, which was a sine quA Tion, the 
disbanding of the obnoxious guards, that anomalous appendage to 
a Rajpoot prince's person, was carried into immediate execution. 
Neither in the first nor last stipulation could the prince feel surprize 
or displeasui'e ; but the second sapped the verj' foundation of his 
rule, by depriving the crown of its dearest prerogative, the power of 
dispensing favour. This shallow reconciliation being effected, the 
malcontent nobles dispersed, some to their estates, and the 
Chondawut oligarchy to the capital with their prince, in the hope of 
resuming their former influence over him and the coimtry. 

Thus things remained, when Atmaram, the gnirii or 'ghostly 
comforter,' of Beejy Sing, ifell sick, and as he sedulously attended him, 
the dying priest would tell him to be of good cheer, for when he 
departed, he " would take all his troubles with him." He soon died, 
and his words, which were deemed prophetic, were interpreted by 
the Dhabhae. The Raja feigned immoderate grief for the loss of his 
spiritual friend, and in order to testify his veneration, an ordinance 
was issued commanding that the kereacarma, or ' rites for the dead,' 
should be performed in the castle, while the queens, on pretence of 
paying their last duty to his remains, descended, caiTying with them 
the guards and retainers as their escort. It was an occasion on 1 
which suspicion, even if awake, could not act, and the chiefs ascended 
to join in the funereal rites to the saint As they mounted the steps 
cut out of the rock which wound round the hill of Joda, the mind of 
D^vi Sing suddenly misgave him, and he exclaimed, that " the day 
" was unlucky ;" but it passed off with the flattering remark, " you are 
" the pillar of Maroo ; who dare even look at you ?" They paced 
slowly through the various barriers, until they reached the ciUirum 
gate* It was shut ! " Treachery !" exclaimed the chief of Ahwa, as 
ne drew his sword, and the work of death commenced. Several were 
slain ; the rest were overpowered. Their captivity was a sufficient 
presage of their fate ; but, like true Rajpoots, when the Dhahhae told 
them they were to die, their last request was, '' that their souls 

might be set at liberty by the sword, not by the unsanctified ball of 

the mercenaiy." The chronicle does not say whether this wish was 
gratified, when the three great leaders of the Champa wuts, with Jaet 
Sing of Ahwa ; Ddvi Sing of Pokum ; the lord of Hursola ; Chuttur 
Sing, chief of the Koompawuts ; K^suri Sing of Chandrain ; the heir 
of Neemaj ; and the cluef of Raus, then the principal fief of the 
Oodawuts, met their fate. The last hour of D($vi Sing was marked 
with a distinguished peculiarity. Being of the royal line of Maroo, 
they would not spill his blood, but sent him his death-warrant in a 
]ar of opium. On receiving it, and his prince's command to make 
his own departure from life, " What !" said the noble spirit, as they 

* The nakara dunoaza, where the grand kettle-drum is stationed, to ffive the 
alarm or summons to the chieftains to repair to the Presence. To this gate 
Fi^a Maun advanced to meet the Author, then the representative of the 
Oovemor-Oeneral of India. 


presented the jai\ '' shall D^vi Sing take his umul (opiate) out of an 
'* earthen vessel ? Let his gold cup be brought, and it shall be wel- 
'* come." This Ifiist vain distinction being denied, he dashed out his 
brains against the walls of his prison, before he thus enfranchised 
his proud spirit, some ungenerous mind, repeating his own vaunt, 
demanded, '' where was then the sheath of the dagger which held the 
** fortunes of Marwar ?" " In Subbula's girdle at Pokuma," was 
the laconic reply of the undaunted Chondawut. 

This was a tremendous sacrifice for the maintenance of authority, 
of men who had often emptied their veins in defence of their country. 
But even ultra patriotism, when opposed to foreign aggression, can 
prove no palliative to treason or mitigate its award, when, availing 
themselves of the diminished power of the prince, an arrogant and 
imperious oligarchy presumes to enthral their sovereign. It is the . 
mode in which vengeance was executed, at which the mind recoils, 
and which with other instances appears to justify the imputation of 
perfidy, amongst the traits of Rajpoot character. But if we look 
deeply into it, we shall find reason to disti*ust such conclusion. The 
Rajpoot abhoi-s, in the abstract, both perfidy and treason ; but the 
elements of the society in which he lives and acts, unfortunately too 
often prompt the necessity of sacrificing principles to preservation : 
but this proceeds from their faulty political constitution; it is 
neither inculcated in their moral code, nor congenial to their moral 

The perpetual struggle between the aristocracy and the sovereign, 
which is an evil inherent in all feudal associations, was greatly 
aggravated in Marwar, as well as in Mdwar, by the sacrifice of that 
comer-stone even of constitutional monarchy, the rights of primo- 
geniture. But in each case the deviation from custom was a volun- 
tary sacrifice of the respective heirs-apparent to the caprices of 
parental dotage. In no other countiy in the world could that 
article of the Christian decalogue, " Honour thy father and thy 
" mother," be better illustrated than in Rajpootana, where, if we 
have had to record two horrid examples of deviation from, we have 
also exhibited splendid proofs of, filial devotion, in Chonda of M^war, 
and Champa of Marwar, who resigned the " rods" they were born to 
wield ; and served, when they should have swayed, to gratify their 
fathers' love for the fruit of their old age. These are instances of 
self-denial hardly to be credited ; from such disinterested acts, their 
successors claimed an importance which, though natural, was totally 
unforeseen, and which the extent of compensation contributed to 
foster. They asserted the right, as hereditary premiers of the state, 
to be the advisers, or rather the tutors, of their sovereigns, more 
especially in non-age, and in allusion to this surrender of their birth- 
right, arrogantly applied the well-known adage, Pat ca iiialik myn 
ho. Raj ca rualik ooa, * He is sovereign of the state, but I am the 
master of the throne ;' and insisted on the privilege of being con- 
sulted on every gift of land, and putting their autograph symbol to 


the deed or grant.* These pretensions demanded the constant 
exertions of the sovereign to resist them ; for this purpose, he excited 
the rivahy of the less powerful membera of the federated vassalage, 
and thus formed a kind of balance of power, which the monarch, if 
skilful, could always turn to account. But not even the jealousies thus 
introduced would have so depreciated the regal influence in Marwar, 
nor even the more recent adoption of a son of the crown into the 
powerful fief of Pokuma, had not the parricidal sons of Ajit degraded 
the throne in the eyes of their haughty and always overreaching 
vassals, who, in the civil strife which followed, were alternately in 
favour or disgi'ace, as they adhered to or opposed the successful 
claimant for power. To this foul blot, every evil which has since 
overtaken this high-minded race may be traced, as well as the extir- 
pation of that principle of devoted obedience which, in the anterior 
portion of these annals, has been so signally recorded. To this hour 
it has perpetuated dissensions between the crown and the oligarchy, 
leading to deposal and violence to the princes, or sequestration, 
banishment, and death to the nobles. To break the bonds of this 
tutelage, Ram Sing s intemperance lost him the crown, which sat 
uneasy on the head of his successor, who had no other mode of 
escape but by the severity which has been related. But though it 
freed him for a time, the words of the dying chief of Pokurna con- 
tinued to ring in his ears ; and " the dagger left in the girdle of his 
" son" disturbed the dreams of his rest throughout a long life of 
vicissitudes, poisoning the source of enjoyment until death itself 
was a relief 

The nuncupatoiy testament of the Champawut was transmitted 
across tlie desert to his son at Pokuma, and the rapidity of its trans- 
mission was only equalled by the alacrity of Subbula, who at the head 
of liis vassals issued forth to execute the vengeance thus bequeathed. 
First, he attempted to bum and pillage the mercantile town of Pallv ; 
— foiled in which, he proceeded to another wealthy city of tne 
lisc, Bilwarra on the Looni ; but here terminated both his life and 
his revenge. As he led the escalade, he received two balls, which 
hurled him back amongst his kinsmen, and his ashes next morning 
blanched the sandy bed of the Looni. 

For a time, the feudal interest was restrained, anarchy was allayed, 
commerce again flourished, and general prosperity revived: to 
use the words of the chronicle, " the subject enjoyed tranquillity, 
" and the tiger and the lamb drank from the same fountain." Beejy 
Sing took the best means to secure the fidelity of his chiefs, by find- 
ing them occupation. He carried his arms against the desultory 
hordes of the desert, the Khosas and S^ihraes, which involved him in 
contests with the nominal sovereign of Sinde, and ended in the con- 
quest of Amerkote, the key to the valley of the Indus, and which is 
now the most remote possession of Marwai*. He also cuilailed the 
tenitories of Jessulmer, on his north-west frontier. But more im- 

♦ See Vol. I, p. 686. 


portant than all was tiie addition of the rich province of Godwar, 
from the Rana of Me war. This tract, which nearly equals in value 
the whole fiscal domain of Maroo, was wrested from the ancient 
princes of Mundoi*e, prior to the Rahtores, and had been in the pos- 
session of the Seesodias for nearly five centuries, when civil dissen- 
sion made the Rana place it for security under the protection of 
Raja Beejy Sing ; since which it has been lost to M^war. 

Marwar had enjoyed several years of peace, when the rapid strides 
made by the Mahrattas towards universal mpine, if not conquest, 
compelled the Rajpoots once more to form an union for the defence 
of their political existence. Pertdp Sing, a prince of energy and 
enterprize, was now on the gadi of Amber. In S. 1843 (A. D. 1787), 
he sent an ambassador to Beejy Sing, proposing a league against the 
common foe, and volunteering to lead in pei*son their conjoined 
forces against them. The battle of Tonga ensued, in which Rahtore 
valonr snone forth in all its glory. Despising discipline, they charged 
through the dense battaUons of DeBoigne, sabring his artillery -men 
at their guns, and compelling Sindia to abandon not only the field, 
but all his conquests for a time.* Beejy Sing, by this victory, 
redeemed the castle of Ajm^r, and declared his tributary alliance 
null and void But the genius of Sindia, and the talents of De 
Boigne, soon recovered this loss ; and in four years the Mahratta 
marched with a force such as Indian warfare was stranger to, to 
redeem that day's disgrace. In S. 1847 (A. D. 1791), the murderous 
batUes of Patun and Mairta took place, in which Rajpoot courage 
was heroically but fruitlessly displayed against European tactics 
and unlimited resources, and where neither intrigue nor treason was 
wanting. The result was the imposition of a contribution of sixty 
lacs of rupees, or £600,000 ; and as so much could not be drained 
from the coimtiy, goods and chattels were everywhere distrained, 
and hostages given for the balance. 

Ajmer, which had revolted on the short-lived triumph of Tonga, 
was once more surrendered, and lost for ever to Marwar. When 
invested by DeBoigne, the faithful governor, Dumraj, placed in the 
dilemma of a disgraceful surrender, or disobedience to his prince's 
summons, swallowed diamond-powder. " Tell the Raja," said this 
faithful servant, " thus only could I testify my obedience ; and over 
" my dead body alone could a Southron enter Ajmdr."'!' 

The paramount influence which the morals and manners of a 
court exert upon a nation, is everywhere admitted. In constitu- 
tion^ governments, there is a barrier even to court influence and cor- 

♦ See Vol. I, p. 650, for the details of this battle. 

t Dumraj was .uot a Rajpoot, but of the iSingtvi tribe, one of the civil officers ; 
though it IS a curious and little-known fact, that almost all the mercantile 
tribes of Western India are of Rajpoot origin, and sank the name and profession 
of arms when they became proselytes to Jainwm^ in the reign of Il^a Bheem 
Pramar. The Cheetore inscription (see Vol. I, p. 740, and note 3). records the 
name of this prince. He was ancestor of Raja Maun, whose date S. 770, (A.D. 
714), allows us to place this grand conversion prior to A.D. 650. 



ruption, in the vast portion of wealth and worth which cannot be 
engulphed in their voi-tex. But in these petty sovereignties, no 
such check is found, and the tone of virtue and action is given from 
the throne. The laws of semi-barbarous nations, which admit of 
licentious concubinage, has ever been peculiar to orientals, from the 
days of the wise king of the Jews to those of Beejy Sing of Mar- 
war ; and their political consequence has been the same, the sacri- 
fice of the rights of lawful inheritance to the heirs of illicit affection. 
The last years of the king of Maroo were engrossed by sentimental 
folly with a young beauty of the Oswal tribe, on whom he lavished 
all the honours due only to his legitimate queens. Scandal affirms 
that she frequently returned his passion in a manner little becoming 
royal dignity, driving him from her presence with the basest of mis- 
siles — her shoes. As the effects of this unworthy attachment com- 
pleted the anarchy of Marwar, and as its consequences on deviat- 
ing from the established rules of succession have entailed a per- 
petuity of crime and civil war, under which this imfortunate state 
yet writhes, we shall be minute, even to dullness, in the elucida- 
tion of this portion of their annals, to enable those who have now 
to arbitrate these differences to bring back a current of imcontami- 
nated blood to sway the destinies of this still noble race. 

Raja A jit had fourteen sons : 

Abhye Sing, Bukht Sing, Anund Sing, 

adopted into the 
Edur house. 
Ram Sing. Beejy Sing. 

adopted into 
(in Malwa). 

DIvl Sing, 

adopted into 



Sing, died 

of smaU- 

pox in- 



ZalimSing, Sawunt 

by a Sing, 

priocess of 
the right- 
ful heir of Soor Sing. 
Beejy Sing. 

ShereSing, BhomSing, 

Maun Sing. Bheem 




I I 

Gomin Sirdar Sing, 

Sing, killed by 


Maun Sing. 

So infatuated was Beejy Sing with the Pdsbdni concubine, that on 
losing the only pledge of their amours, he * put into her lap,* (adopted) 
his own legitimate grandchild, Maun Sing. To legalize this adoption, 
the chieftains were ordained to present their nuzzurs and congratula- 
tions to the declared heir of Marwar; but the haughty noblesse 
refused * to acknowledge the son of a slave* as their lord, and the 
Raja was compelled to a fresh adoption to ensure such token c^ 


sanction. Content at having by this method succeeded in her wishes, 
the Pdsbdni sent oflF young Maun to the castle of Jhalore ; but 
fearing lest the experience of Shere Sing, his adopted father, might 

f)rove a hindrance to her control, he was recalled, and her own creatures 
eft to guide the future sovereign of Marwar. The dotage of Beejy 
Sing, and the insolence of his concubine, produced fresh discord, and 
the dans assembled at Malkasuni to concert his deposal. 

Recollecting the success of his former measures to recall them to 
their duty, Beejy Sing proceeded to their camp ; but while he was 
negotiatii^, and as he supposed successfully, the confederates wrote 
to the chieftain of Raus, whose tour of duty was in the castle, to 
descend with Bheem Sing. The chief acquainted the Pdsbdni that 
her presence was required at the camp by the Raja, and that a guard 
of honour was ready to attend her. She was thrown off her guard, 
and at the moment she entered her litter, a blow from an imseen 
hand ended her existence. Her effects were instantly confiscated, 
and the chief of Raus descended with Bheem, whose tents were 
pitched at the Nagore barrier of the city. If, instead of encamping 
there, they had proceeded to the camp of the confederates, his arrivad 
and the dethronement of Beejy Sing would have been simultaneous : 
but the Raja received the intelligence as soon as the chiefe. Hastening 
back, he obtained the person of the young aspirant, to whom, to 
reconcile him to his disappointment, he gave in appanage the districts 
of Sojut and Sewanoh, and sent him off to the latter strong-hold ; 
while to restrain the resentment of his eldest son, Zalim Sing, whose 
birth-right he had so unworthily sacrificed, he enfeofied him with 
the rich district of Godwar, giving him private orders to attack his 
brother Bheem, who, though apprised of the design in time to make 
head against his uncle, was yet defeated and compelled to fly. He 
found refuge at Pokuma, whence he went to Jessidmer. 

In the midst of this conflict, his dominions curtailed, his chiefs in 
rebellion, his sons and grandsons mutually opposed to each other, 
and the only object which attached him to life thus violently torn 
from, him, Beejy Sing died, in the month Asar S. 1850, after a reign 
of thirty-one y eara 



liaja Bheeni seizes upon the gadl. — Discomfiture of his competitor, Zalim Sing. — 
Bheem destroys ail the other claimants to succession, excepting Maun Sing. — 
Blockaded in Jhalore. — Sallies from the garrison for supjdies. — Prince Maun 
heads one of them. — Incurs the risk of capture. — Is preserved by the Ahore 
chief — Raja Bheem offends his nobles. — They abandon Marwar. — Thefirf qf 
Neemaj attacked. — Jhalore reduced to the point of surrender. — Sudden and 
critical death of Raja Bheem. — Its probable cause. — The Vedyas, or * cunning- 
men^ who surround the prince. — Accession of Raja Maun. — Rebellion of 
Sowae Sing of Pokum. — Consjpiracy of Champasuni. — Declaration of the 
pregnancy of a queen of Raja Bheem. — Convention with Raja Maun. — 
Posthumous births. — Their evil consexpiences in Rajwarra. — A child bom, — 
Sent off by stealth to Pokum, and its birth kept a secret. — Named Dhonkul. — 
Raja Maun evinces indiscreet partialities. — Alienates the ChampaunUs. — 
Birth of the posthumous son of Raja Bheem promulgated. — The chiefs call an 
Raja Maun to fulfil the terms of the convention. — The mother disclaims the 
child. — The Pokurii chi^ sends the infant Dhonkul to the sanctuary of Abhye 
Sing of Khetri. — Sowae opens his underplot — Embroils Raja Maun with the 
courts of Amber and Mewar. — He carries the Pretender Dhonkul toJeipoor, — 
Acknowledged and proclaimed as Raja of Marwar. — The majority of the chiefs 
support the Pretender. — The Bikuner prince espouses his cause. — Armiee called 
in the field, — Baseness of Holcar, who deserts Raja Maun, — The armies 
approach. — Raja MaurHs chiefs abandon him. — He attempts suicide. — Is 
persuaded to fly. — He gains Jodpoor, — Prepares for defence. — Becomes sus. 
picious of all his kin. — Refuses them the honour of defending the castle, — The^ 
join the allies, who invest Jodpoor, — Th^ city taken and plundered. — Distress of 
the besiegers. — Meer KharCs conduct causes a division. — His flight from 
Marwar. — Pursued by the Jeipoor commander. — Battle. — Jeipoor force 
destroyed, and the city invested. — Dismay of the Raja. — Breaks up the siege of 
Jodpoor. —Pays £200,000 for a safe passage to Jeipoor. — The spoils of Jodpoor 
intercepted by the Rahtores, and wrested from the Cutchwahas. — Meer Khan 
formally accepts service with Raja Maun, and repairs to Jodpoor with the 
four RahUyre chiefs. 

The intelligence of Beejy Sing's death was conveyed by express to 
his grandson Bheem, at Jessulmer. In '* twenty-two hours" he was 
at Jodpoor, and ascending directly to the citadel, seated himself upon 
the gadl, while his rival, Zalim Sing, the rightful heir, little 
expecting thiw celerity, was encamped at the Mairta gate, awaiting 
the " lucky hour" to take possession. That hour never arrived ; and 
the first intelligence of Bheem being on " the cushion of Joda," was 
conveyed to the inhabitants by the nakarras of his rival on his 
retreat from the city, who was pui-sued to Bhilam, attacked, defeated, 
and forced to seek shelter at Oodipoor, where, with an ample 
domain from the Rana, he passed the rest of his days in literary' 
pursuits. He died in the prime of life : attempting to open a vein 


"With his own hand, he cut an ai*tory and bled to death. He was a 
man of great personal and mental qualifications ; a gallant soldier, 
and no mean poet* 

Thus fiu* successful, Raja Bheem determined to dismiss "com- 
" punctious visitings," and be a king de facto if not dejure. Death 
had carried ofi' three of his uncles, as well as his father, previous to 
this event ; but there were still two othei-s, Shere Sing, his adopted 
fiEither, and Sirdar Sing, who stood in his way : the last was put to 
death ; the former had his eyes put out ; and, soon after, the unfortu- 
nate prince released himself from life by dashing out his brains. 
Soor Sing, the favourite of all Beejy Sing's descendants, remained. 
His superior claims were fatal to him and his life fell a sacrifice with 
the others. 

A single claimant alone remained of all the blood royal of Maroo 
to disturb the repose of Bheem. This was young Maun, the adopted 
son of the concubine, placed beyond his reach within the walls of 
Jhalore. Could Bheem s dagger have reached him, he would have 
stood alone, the last surviving scion of the panicide, 

" With none to bless him, 

" None whom he could bless :" 

an instrument, in the hand of divine power, to rid the land of an 
accursed stock. Then the issue of Abhyc Sing would have utterly 
perished, and their ashes might have been given to the winds, and no 
memorial of them left. Edur must then have supplied an heir,-t" and 
the doubtful pretensions of Dhonkul,:J: the posthumous and reputed 

♦ My own venerable tutor, Yati Gyanchandra^ who was with me for ten 
yeara, said he owed all his knowledge, especmlly his skill in reciting poetry (in 
which he surpassed all the bards at Uoclipoor), to Zalim Sing. 

t Amon^t the numerous autograph correspondence of the princes of Ilaj- 
pootana with the princes of M6war, of which 1 had the free use, I selected one 
letter of fc5. 1784, A.D. 1728, written conjointly by Jey Sing of Amb<5r and 
Abkye Sing of Jodpoor, regarding Edur, and wliich is so ciuious, that I give a 
verbaiim translation in the Appendix (No. I). I little thought at the time how 
completely it would prove Abhye Sing's determination to cut off all but his 
own parnddal issue from the succession. An inspection of the genealogy 
(p. 118), will shew that Anund Sing of Edur, who was not to be allowed ** to 
*• escape alive," was his younger brother, adopted into that house. 

X Dnonkul Suig, the posithumous issue of Bheem, the last of the parricidal 
line, whether real or suppositious, must be set aside, and the pure current of 
Rahtore blood, derived from S66ji, Joda, JcsAvunt, and Ajft, be brought from 
Edur, and installed on " the gadi of Joda." This course of proceeding would 
meet universal aj)probation, with the exception of some selfish miscreants about 
the person of this pretended son of Bheem, or the chieftain of Pokurn, in 
fuitherailcc of his and his grandfather's yet unavenged feud. A sketch of the 
events, drawn from their own chronicles, and accompanied by reflections, 
exposing the miseries springing from an act of turi)itude. would come home to 
all, and they would shower blessings on the power whicn, while it fulfilled the 
duties of protector, destroyed the germ of internal dis^sension, and gave them 
a prince of their own pure blood, whom all parties could honour and obey. 
It a doubt remained of the probable unanimity of such i)olicy, lot it be previ- 
ously submitted to a puncndet. composed of the princes of tlu; land, r<r., of 
M^m'ar, Amb^r, Kotan, Boonnf, Jessnlmcr, ^i:c., Icaviug out whichever may be 
influenced by marriage couucxiuu;5 with Dhoukul >'Sing. 



Hon of the wholesale assassin Bheem, to sit upon the gadi of Ajii, 
would never have been brought forward to excite another murderous 
contest amongst the sons of Joda. 

Having sacrificed all those within his reach who stood between 
him and the throne, Bheem tried to secure the last sole claimant in 
Jhalore. But the siege of ^uch a strong-hold with his feudal levies, 
or loose mercenary bands, was a tedious operation, and soon 
became an imperfect blockade, through which young Maun not 
imfrequently broke, and by simaJ foi-med a junction with his 
adherents, and plundered the fiscal lands for support One of 
these excursions, however, an attempt to plimder ralli, had nearly 
proved fatal fo him ; they were attacked on their return, and young 
Maun, whose secluded education had confined him more to mentfu 
than to personal accomplishments, was unhorsed, and would have 
been captured, but for the prowess of the chief of Ahore, who took 
him up behind him and bore him oflf in safety. Nothing but the 
turbulence of the chiefs who supported Raja Bheem saved young 
Maun's life. A disputed succession has always produced an odious 
faction ; and Bheem, who was not disposed to bend to this oligarchy, 
appears to have had all the imprudence of the dethroned Ram Sing : 
he threatened those entrusted with the siege to give them " oxen to 
" ride instead of horses." The chiefs fii'od at the insult, and retired 
to Ganorah, the principal fief in Godwar ; but, disgusted with both 
parties, instead of obeying the invitation of young Maun, they 
abandoned their country altogether, and sought an asylum in the 
neighbouring states. Many fiefs were sequestrated, and Neemaj, the 
chief seat of the Oodawuts, was attacked, and after a twelvemonths* 
defence, taken ; its battlements were ignominiously destroyed, and 
the victors, chiefly foreign mercenaries, reinforced the blockade of 

With the exile of his partisans and daily diminishing resources, 
when the lower town was taken, there appeared no hope for young 
Maun. A small supply of millet-flom* was all the provision left to 
his half-famished garrison, whose surrender was now calculated upon, 
when an invitation came from the hostile commander for Maun to 
repair to his camp, and adding '' }ie was now the master ; it was his 
" duty to serve." On that day (the 2d Kartik S. 1860, Dec 1804), 
after eleven years of defence, his means exhausted, his friends banished, 
and death from stai-vation or the sword inevitable, intelligence came 
of Raja Bheem's demise I This event, as imlooked-for as it was 
welcome, could scarcely at first be credited ; and the tender of the 
homage of the commander to Maun as his sovereign, though accom- 
paniea by a letter from the prime minister Induraj, was disregarded 
till the guru Deonatli returned from the camp with confirmation of 
the happy news, that " not a moustache was to be seen in the camp."* 
Thither the prince repaired, and was hailed as the head of the 

* This mark of mourning is common to all India. Where this evidence of 
manhood is not yet visible, the hair is cut oflf; often both. 


It 18 said that the successor of the gu/riL Atmaram, " who carried 
" all the troubles of Beejy Sing with him to heaven," had predicted 
of young Maun Sing, when at the very zero of adversity, iliat " his 
" fortunes would ascend." What were the means whereby the 
ghostly comforter of Raja Bheem influenced his political barometer, 
■we know not ; but prophetic grii?ii«, bards, astrologers, physicians, 
and all the Vidy&& or ' cunning-men,** who beset the persons of 
princes, prove dangerous companions when, in addition to the office 
of compounders of drugs and expounders of dreams, they are invested 
■with the power of realizing their own prognostications. 

On the 5th of Megsir, 18G0 (A,D. 1804), Raja Maun, released from 
his perils, succeeded to the honours and the feuds of Beejy Sing. He 
had occupied the ' cushion of Maioo' but a very short period, when 
the Pokuma chief " took offence," and put himself in hostility to his 
sovereign. The name of this proud vassal, the first in power though 
only of secondary rank amongst the Champawuts, was Sowa^ Sing, 
vitii whom now remained " tne sheath of the dagger which held the 
" fortunes of Maroo." If the fulfilment of vengeance be a virtue, 
Sowa^ was the most virtuous son on earth. The dagger of D^vi 
Sing, bequeathed to Subbula, was no imaginary weapon in the hands 
of his grandson Sowa^, who held it suspended over the head of Raja 
Maun from his enthronement to his death-hour. Soon after Raja 
Maun*8 accession, Sowae retired with his partizans to Champasimi, a 
spot about five miles from the capital, where the conspiracy was 
prepared He told the chiefs that the wife of Raja Bheem was 
pregnant, and prevailed on them to sign a declaration, that if a son 
was bom, he should be installed on the gadi of Joda. They returned 
in a body to the capital, took the pregnant queen from the castle, 
and placed her in a palace in the city, under their own protection. 
Moreover, they held a council, at which the Raja was present, who 
agreed to recognize the infant, if a male, as the heir-apparent of 
Maroo, and to enfeoff him in the appanage of Nagore and Sewanoh ; 
and that if a female, she should be betrothed to a prince of Dhoondar. 

Posthumous births are never-failing germs of discord in these 
states ; and the issue is inevitably branded by one party with the 
title of ' suppositious' It is likewise a common saying, almost 
amounting to a proverb, that a male child is the uniform result of 
such a position. In due course, a male infant was bom ; but, alarmed 
for its safety, the mother concealed both its birth and sex, and 
placing it in a basket, conveyed it by a faithful servant from the city, 
whence it soon reached Sowae Sing at Pokuri). He bestowed upon 
it the inauspicious name of ' Dhonkul/ that is, one born to tumult 
and strife. It is said that, during two years he kept the birth a 
profound secret, and it is even added, that it might have remained 
80, had Raja Maun forgot the history of the past, and dispensed 
even-handed justice. Wanting, however, the magnanimity of the 

* Fitiira, or ' science :' the term is also used to denote cunning, magic, or 
knowledge of whi^ver kind. 


Fourth Henry of France, who scorned " to revenge the wrongs of the 
" Prince of Navarre," he reserved his favours and confidence for those 
who supported him in Jhalore, whilst he evinced his dislike to 
others who, in obedience to their sovereign, served against him. Of 
these adherents, only two chiefs of note were of his kin and clan ; 
the others were Bhatti Rajpoots, and a body of those religious mili- 
tants called Biaheiiswamis, under their Mehunt, or leader, ELaimdaa* 

At the expiration of two years, Sowa^ commimicated the event to 
the chiefs of his party, who called upon Raja Maun to redeem 
his promise and issue the grant for Nagore and Sewanoh. He pro- 
mised compliance if, upon investigation, the infant proved to be the 
legitimate offspring of his predecessor. Personal fear overcame 
maternal affection, and the queen, who remained at Jodpoor, dis- 
claimed the child. Her reply being communicated to the chiefs, 
it was for a time conclusive, and the subject ceased to interest 
them, the more especially as her concealed accouchement had never 
been properly accounted for. 

Though Sowa^, with his party, apparently acquiesced, his determi- 
nation was taken ; but instead of an immediate appeal to arms, he 
adopted a deeper scheme of policy, the effects of which he could not 
have contemplated, and which involved his own destruction, and with 
it the independence of his country, which was transferred to strangers, 
their very antipodes in mannei-s, religion, and every moral quality. 
His first act was to procure a more powerful protection than fokum 
afforded ; and under the guarantee of Chutter Sing Bhatti, he was 
sent to the sirna (sanctuary) of Abhye Sing of KhetrLf Having 
BO far succeeded, he contrived an underplot, in which his genius for 
intrigue appears not below his reputation as a soldier. 

The late prince Bheem had made overtures to the Rana of M^war 
for the hand of his daughter, but he died before the preliminaries 
were adjusted. This simple circumstance was deemed sufficient by 
the Champawut for the ground- work of his plot. He contrived to 
induce the voluptuous Juggut Sing, the prince of Jeipoor, to put 
himself in the place of Raja Bheem, and to propose for the fair hand 
of Eishna. This being accomplished, and nuptial presents, under a 
guard of four thousand men, being despatched to Oodipoor, Sowa^ 
intimated to Raja Maun that he would be eternally disgraced if he 
allowed the prince of Ambdr to carry off " the betrothed ;" that " it 
" was to the throne of Maroo, not its occupant, she was promised." 
The bait was greedily swallowed, and the summons for the khA* (or 

* They follow the doctrines of Vishnii (Bishen). They are termed go^^M^ 
well as the more numerous class of church militants, devoted to Siva. Both 
are c^libcUaires^ as gos4n imports, from mastery («^) over the sense (^). They 
occasionally come in contact, when their sectarian i)rinciple8 end in furious 
combats. At the celebrated place of pilgrimage, Heridwar (Hurdwar), on the 
Ganges, we are obliged to have soldiers to keep the peace, since a battle 
occurred, in which they fought almost to extirpation, about twenty years ago. 
They are the Tem^ra of Rajast'han. 

t One of the prmcipal chiefs of the Shekhawut confederation. 


levy en masse) of the Rahtores was immediately proclaimed. Maun 
instantly assembled three thousand horse, and joining to them the 
mercenary bands of Heera Sing, then on the frontier of Mewar, he 
intercepted the nuptial gifts of Amb^r. Indignant at this outrage, 
Joggut Sing took to aitns, and the muster-book was declared ojien 
to all who would serve in the war which was formally declared 
against Maroo. 

Having thus opened the drama, Sowa^ threw off the mask, and 
repaired to Khetri, whence he conveyed the Pretender, Dhonkul, to 
the court of Juggut Sing at Jeipoor. Here his legitimacy was 
established by being admitted ' to eat from the same platter' with 
its prince ; and his claims, as the heir of Mai'war, were publicly 
acknowledged and advocated, by his ' placing him in the lap of his 
aunt/ one of the wives of the deceased Raja Bheem. His cause 
thus espoused, and being declared the nephew of Amb^r, the nobles 
of Marwar, who deemed the claims of the Pretender superior to 
those of Raja Maun, speedily collected around his standard. 
Amongst these was the prince of Bikan^r, whose example (he being 
the most powerful of the independents of this house) at once 
sanctioned the justice of Dhonkul's cause, and left that of Raja 
Maun almost without support. Nevertheless, with the heredi- 
tary valour of his race, he advanced to the frontiers to meet his 
foes, whose numbers, led by the Jeipoor prince and the Pretender, 
exceeded one hundred thousand men ! This contest, the ostensible 
object of which was the princess of M^war, like the ciiisades of 
ancient chivalry, brought allies from the most remote parts of India. 
Even the cautious Mahratta felt an unusual impulse in this rivalry, 
beyond the stimulants of pay and plunder which ordinarily rouse 
him, and corps after corps left their hordes to support either cause. 
The weightier purse of Jeipoor was the best argument for the justice 
of his cause and that of the Pretender ; while Raja Maun had only 
the gratitude of Holcar to reckon upon for aid, to whose wife and 
fSunuy he had given sanctuary when pursued by Lord Lake to the 
Attoa But here Sowa^ again foiled him ; and the Mahratta, then 
only eighteen miles from Maun, and who had promised to join him 
nert day, made a sudden movement to the south. A bribe of 
XIOO^OOO, in bills upon Kotah, to be paid on Holcar's reaching that 
dty, effected this desertion ; which being secured, Juggut Sing and 
the Pretender advanced to overwhelm their antagonist, nvho was 
posted at Geengoll As the armies approached each other, Raja 
Mann's chie& r^e up to salute him, preparatory, as he thought, to 
head their clans for tne combat ; but it was their farewell obeisance. 
The cannonade opened, they rallied under the standard of the Pre- 
tender, and on Sowae advancing on the right of the allied line, so 
entire was the defection, that even the Mairtea clan, whose virtue 
and boast it is "to adhere to the throne, whoever is the occupant,"* 
deserted, with the Champawute, Jaitawuts, and minor chiefs. Four 
chieftains alone abided the evil hour of Raja Maun, namely, Koq- 
chamun, Ahore, Jhalore, ajnd Neemaj ; and with their quotas alone, 


and the auxiliary bands of Boondi, he would have rushed into the 
battle. Hindered fi^om this, he attempted his own life : but the 
design was frustrated by Seonath of Koochamun, who dismounted 
him from his elephant, and advised his tiiisting to the fleetness of 
his steed, while they covered his flight. The Raja remarked, he 
was the first of his race who ever disgraced the name of Rahtore by 
showing his back to a Cutchwaha. The position he had taken that 
morning was favourable to retreat, being a mile in advance of the 
pass of rarbutsir : this was speedily gained, and nobly defended by 
the battalions of Boondi, and those of Hundall Khan, in the pay of 
Raja Maun, which retarded the pursuit, headed by the Kao of 
Ooniara. Raja Maun reached Mairta in safety; but deeming it 
incapable of long resistance, he continued his flight by Peepar to the 
capital, which he reached with a slender retinue, including the four 
chiefs, who still shared his fortunes. The camp of Raja Maun was 
pillaged. Eighteen guns were taken by Balla Rao Inglia, one of 
Sindia's commanders, and the lighter effects, the tents, elephants, and 
baggage, were captured by Meer Khan ; while Parbutsir^ and the 
villages in the neighbourhood, were plundered. 

Thus far, the scheme of Sowa^ and the Pretender advanced with 
rapid success. When the allied army reached Mairta, the prince of 
Jeipoor, whose object was the princess of M^war, proposed to Sowa£ 
to follow up their good fortune, while he lepaired to Oodipoor, and 
solemnized the nuptials. But even in the midst of his revenge, 
Sowa^ could distinguish '' between the cause of Maun Sing and the 
" gad{ of Marwar ;" and to promote the success of Jeipoor, though 
he had originated the scheme to serve his own views, was no part 
of his plan. He was only helped out of this dilemma by anouier, 
which he could not anticipate. Not dreaming that Raja Maun 
would hold out in the capital, which had no means of defence, but 
supposing he would fly to Jhalore, and leave Jodpoor to its £site and 
to the Pretender, Sowa^, desirous to avoid the further advance of 
the allies into the coimtry, halted the army for three days at Mairta. 
His foresight was correct : the Raja had reached BirsUpoor in full 
flight to Jhalore, when, at the suggestion of Gaenmul Singwi, a civil 
ofiicer in his train, he changed his intention. '' There, said the 
Singwi " lays Jodpoor only nine coss to the right, while Jhalore is 
'' sixteen further ; it is as easy to gain the one as the other, and if 
" you cannot hold out in the capiUtl, what chance have you else- 
*' where ? while you defend your throne your cause is not loet" 
Raja Maun followed the advice, reached Jodpoor in a few hours, and 
prepared for his defence. This unexpected change, and the halt o£ 
the allied army, which permitted the dispersed bands to gain the 
capital, defeated the schemes of Sowa^. 

With a body of three thousand men, selected from Hundall 
Khan's brigade, the corps of Bishenswamis, under Kaimdas» 
and one thousand foreign Rajpoots, consisting of Chohans, Bhatti8> 
and Eendos (the ancient lords of Mundore), Raja Maun formed 
a garrison of five thousand men, on whom he could depend 


So ample did he deem this number, that he despatched strong 
garrisons from Hiindall's brigade, with some Deora Rajpoots, to 
garrison Jhalore, and preserve the distant castle of Amerkote from 
surprise by the Sindies. Having thus provided against the storm, 
he fearlessly awaited the result But so alienated was his mind 
from his kindred, that he would not even admit to the honour of 
defending his throne the four faithful chieftains who, in the general 
desertion, had abided by his foiiunes. To all their entreaties to be 
received into the castle, that " they might defend the kangras (battle- 
** ments) of Joda," he replied, they might defend the city if they 
pleased ; and disgusted with such a return for their fidelity, they 
increased the train of his opponents, who soon encompassed Jodpoor. 

The town, little capable of defence, was taken and given up to 
unlicensed plunder ; and with the exception of Filodi, which was 
gallantly defended for three months, and given to Bikandr as the 
reward of its alliance, the tin of the Pretender was proclaimed 
throughout Mai'war, and his allies only awaited the fall of the 
capital, which appealed inevitable, to proclaim him king. But a 
circumstance occuiTcd, which, awakening the patiiotism of the 
Rahtores, thwai-ted these fair prospects, relieved Raja Maun from his 
peril, and involved his adversaries in the net of destruction which 
they had woven for him. 

The siege had lasted five months without any diminution of the 
ardour of uie defenders ; and although the defences of the north-east 
angle were destroyed, the besiegers, having a pei-pendicular rock of 
eighty feet to ascend before they could get to the breach, were not 
nearer their object, and, in fact, without shells, the castle of Joda 
would laugh a siege to scorn. The numerous and motley force under 
the banners of Jeipoor and the Pretender, became clamorous for pay ; 
the forage was exhausted, and the partizan horse were obliged to 
bivouac in the distant districts to the south. Availing himself of 
tiieir separation from the main body. Ameer Khan, an apt pupil of 
tiie Manratta school, began to mise contributions on the fiscal lands, 
and Palli, Peepar, Bhilara, with many others, were compelled to 
accede to his demands. The estates of the nobles who espoused the 
cauae of the Pretender, fared no better, and they complained to the 
Xerxes of this host of the conduct of this unprincipled commander. 

The protracted defence h<aving emptied the treasury of Amb^r, the 
arch-intriguer of Pokuin was called upon to contribute towards satis- 
fying the clamour of the troops. Having exhausted the means of 
his own party, he applied to the four chieftains who had been 
induced to join the cause of the Pretender by the suspicions of Baja 
Haon, to advance a sum of money. This appeal proved a test of 
their seal They abandoned the Pretender, and proceeded direct to 
the camp of Ameer Khan. It required no powerful rhetoric to 
detach him from the cause and prevail upon him to advocate that of 
Raja Haun ; nor could they have given him better counsel towards 
Ihis end^ than the proposal to cairy the war into the enemy's 


country : to attack and plunder Jeipoor, now left unguarded. At 
this critical moment, the Jeipoor prince, in consequence of the 
representation of the Mai'wai* chiefs, had directed his commander-in- 
chief, Seolall, to chastise Meer Khan for his lawless conduct Seolall 
put a stop to their deliberations, attacked and drove them across the 
Looni, surprised them at Govingurh, again in a night attack at 
Hursoori, and pursued the Khan to Phaggi, at the very frontier of 
Jeipoor. Astonished at his own success, and little aware that the 
chase was in the dii-ection projected by his enemy, Seolall deemed he 
had accomplished his ordei-s in driving him out of Marwar; halted, 
and leaving his camp, repaired to Jeipoor to partake of its festivities. 
The Khan, who with his allies had reached Peeploo neai' Tonk, no 
sooner heard of this, than he called to his aid the heavy brimdes of 
Mahomed Shah Khan and Raja Buhader (then besieging fserdoh), 
and availed himself of the impiiident absence of his foe to gain over 
the Hydrabad Rdsdla, a legion well-known in the predatory wars of 
that period. Having effected this object, he assailed the Jeipoor 
force, which, notwithstanding this defection and the absence of its 
commander, fought with great valour, the battalions of Heera Sing 
being neai'ly cut to pieces. The action ended in the entire defeat of 
the Jeipooreans, and the capture of their camp, guns, and equipage. 
Prompted by the Rahtore chieftains, whose valour led to this result, 
Meer Khan rapidly followed up his success, and Jeipoor was dis- 
mayed by the presence of the victor at her gates. The generalship 
of the Khan was the salvation of Raja Maun ; it dissolved the 
confederacy, and fixed the doom of Sowa^, its projector. 

The tempest had been some time gathering ; the Rajas of Bikan^r 
and Shapoora had already withdrawn from the confederacy and 
marched home, when, like a clap of thunder, the efieminate 
Cutchwaha, who had in the outset of this crusade looked to a foil 
hai-vest both of glory and of love, learned that his aimy was 
Annihilated, and his capital invested by the Khan and a handful of 
Rahtores. Duped by the representations of Sowae, Rad Chund, 
D^ivdn or prime minister of Jeipoor, concealed for some days these 
disasters from his sovereign, who received the intelligence by a 
special messenger sent by the queen-mother. Enraged, perplexed, and 
alarmed for his personal safety, he broke up thesiege,and sending on in 
advance the spoils of Jodpoor (including forty pieces of cannon;, with 
his own chieftains, he sent for the Mahratta leaders,* and ofiE&red 
them £120,000 to escort him in safety to his capital ; nay, he secretly 
bribed, with a bond of £90,000 more, the author of his disgrace, 
Ameer Khan, not to intercept his retreat, which was signally igBo- 

* Bapoo Sindia, Balla Rao Inglia^ with the brigade of J ean Baptists all 
Sindia's dependents. This was early in 1806. The author was then in Sindia's 
camp and saw these troops marched oflf ; and in 1807, in a geographical tour, 
he penetrated to Jeipoor, and witnessed the wrecks of the Jeipoor army. The 
sands round the capital were white with the bones of horses, and the ashes of 
their riders, who nad died in the vain expectation of getting their arrears 
of pay. 



minious, burning his tents and equipage at every stage, and at length 
^ih his own hand destroying his favourite elephant, which " wanted 
" speed for the rapidity of his flight." 

But the indignities he had to suffer were not over. The chieftains 
"whose sagacity and valour had thus diverted the storm from Raja 
Maun, determined that no trophies of Rahtore disgi-ace should enter 
Jeipoor, united their clans about twenty miles east of Mairta, on the 
line of retreat, appointing Induraj Singwi their leader. This person, 
"who had held the ofiice of D^wdn under two predecessors of Raja 
Maun, was driven to a temporary defection from the same suspicions 
i^hieh made the chiefe join the Pretender. But they resolved to w£ish 
away the stain of this brief alienation from Raja Maun with the 
blood of his enemies, and to present as the token of returning fidelity 
the recaptured trophies. The encounter took place on the joint 
frontier. It was snort, but furious ; and the Cutchwahas, who could 
not withstand the Rahtores, were defeated and dispei-sed, and the 
spoils of the spoiler, including the forty cannon, were safely lodged 
in Kochamun. Flushed with success, the victors addressed the Raja 
of Kishengurh, who, though a Rahtore, had kept aloof, to advance 
funds to secure the continuance of Meer Khan's aid. Two lacs of 
rupees (£20,000) effected this object ; and the Khan, pledging him- 
8eliF to continue his support to Raja Maun, repaired to Jodpoor. The 
four chiefs who had thus signalized themselves, preceded him, and 
WOT8 received with open arms : their offences were forgiven, and 
their estates restored, while Indui-aj was appointed Bukshee or com- 
maoder of the forces. 




Meer Khan's reception cU Jodpoor. — Engages to extirpate Sowars /action,'- 
Interchanges turbans with the Raja. — The Khan repairs to Nagore, — Inter- 
view with Sotoai, — Swears to support the Pretender, — Massacre of the Rc^poot 
chiefs, — Pretender flies, — The Khan plunders Nagore, — Receives £100flQO 
from Raja Maun, — Jeipoor over-run. — Bikaner attacked, — Meer Khan obtains 
the ascendancy in Marwar, — Garrisons Nagore tvith his PaJChans. — Parti- 
tions lands amongst his chi^s.— Commands Hie salt lakes ofNowah and Sam- 
bhur. — The minister Induraj and high priest Deona£h assassinated, — Raja 
MauTLs reason affected, — His sednswn, — Abdication in favour of his son 
Chuttur Sing, — He falls tlie victim of illicit pursuits. — Madness of Rqfa 
Maun increased, — Its causes, — Suspicions of the Rqja having sacrificed 
Indwraj, — The oligardi,y^ headed by Salim Sing of Pokum, son ofSowae^ 
assumes the cliarge of the government. — Epoch of British universal supremacy, 
— Treaty with Marwar framed during the regency of Chuttur Sing. — T%e 
oligarchy, on hie death, offer the gadi of Marwar to the Jiouse of Edur, — Re- 
jected. — Reasons. — Raja Maun entreated to resume tlic reins of power. — Evi- 
dence that his madness was feigned, — The Raja dissatisfied with c&rtain stipu- 
lations of the treaty. — A British officer sent to Jodpoor. — Akhi Chund chief cf 
the civil administration. — Salim Sing of Pokw^i chief minister, — Opposition 
led by Futteh Raj. — British troops offered to be placed at the Rajahs disposal, 
— Offer rejected. — Reasons, — British a^ent returns to Ajmer. — Pemumewt agent 
appointed to the court of Raja Maun. — Arrives at Jodpoor. — Condition of 
t/tc capital. — Intervieivs with the Raja. — Objects to be attained described. — 
Agent leaves Jodpoor. — General sequestrations of tfic fiefs. — Raja Maun appa- 
rently relapses into his old apathy, — His deep dissimulation. — Circumvenis 
and seizes the faction. — Tlieir u^alth sequestrated. — Their ignominious death, 
— Immense resources derived from sequestrations. — Raja Maun's thirst for 
blood. — Fails to entrap the chiefs. — Tlie Neemqj chief attacked. — His gcUlant 
cUfence. — Slain. — The Pokurn chief escapes. — Futteh Raj becomes minister. — 
Rqja Maun!s speech to him. — Neemaj attacked. — Surrender, — Rqja Maun's 
infamous violation of his pledge. — Noble conduct of the mercenary commander, 
— Voluntary exile of the whole aristocracy of Marwar. — Received by the 
neighbouring princes.— Maun* s gross ingratitude to Anar Sing, — The exiled 
chiefs apply to the British Government, which refuses to mediate, — Rqja Maun 
loses the opportunity affixing the constitution of Marwar, — Reflexions, 

Ameer Khan was received by Raja Maun with distinguished 
honours ; a palace in the castle was assigned as his residence ; valu- 
able gifts were presented to him and great rewards held in perspec- 
tive, if, through his agency, the rebellion should be completely sub- 
dued. He swore to extirpate Sowad's faction, and in token of iden- 
tity of views with Raja Maun, he was admitted to the honour of 
that last proof of devotion to his cause, " an interchange of turbans," 
with an advance of three lacs, or £30,000, for the immediate payment 
of his bonds. 


On the raising of the siege of Jodpoor, Sowae conducted the 
Pretender to the appanage of the heirs of Marwar, the city 
of !Nagore. There they were deliberating as to their future 
plans, when a message was brought from Ameer Khan from Moon- 
cihiawur, ten miles distant, begging peimission to perform his 
devotions at the shrine of the Mooslem saint, Peer Tarkeen, the sole 
relic of the Islamite wliich Bukht Sing had spared. His request 
l>eing complied with, he with a slight cavalcade left his camp, and 
Iiaving gone through the mununeries of devotion, paid his respects 
to Sowa^. When about to take leave, he threw out hints of Raja 
Maiin's ungrateful return for his services, and that his legions might 
luive been better employed. Sowa^ greedily caught at me bait ; he 
desired the Khan to name his terms, and offered £200,000 on the day 
tliat Dhonkul should passess the gadi of Jodpoor. The Khan 
accepted the conditions and ratified the engagement on the Kordn, 
and to add to the solemnity of the pledge, he exchanged turbans 
^^writh Sowa^. This being done, he was introduced to the Pretender, 
^received the usual gifts, pledged his life in his cause, took leave, and 
returned to his camp, whither he invited the prince and his chiefs on 
"tiie following day to accept of an entertainment 

On the morning of the 19th of Cheit, S. 1864 (A.D. 1808), Sowae, 

^ittended by the chief adherents of the Pretender and about five 

3iiindred followers, repaired to the camp of the Khan, who had made 

^veiy preparation for the more effectual prcpetration of the bloody 

mnd perfidious deed he meditated. A spacious tent was pitched in 

the centre of his camp for the reception of his guests, and cannon 

'were loaded with grape ready to be turned against them. The visitors 

"irere received with the most distinguished courtesy ; turbans were 

agmin exchanged ; the dancing-girls were introduced, and nothing 

but festivity was apparent The Khan arose, and making an excuse 

to bis guests for a momentary absence, retired. The dancing continued, 

wben at the word " dugga" pronounced by the musicians, down sunk 

the tent upon the imsuspicious Rajpoots, who fell an easy prey to 

the ferocious Pat'hans. Foity-two chieftains were thus butchered 

in the very sanctuary of hospitality, and the heads of the most 

distinguished were sent to Raja Maun. Their adherents, taken by 

surprise, were slaughtered by the soldiery, or by cannon charged 

wiUi grape, as they fled. The Pretender escaped from Nagore, which 

was plundered by the Khan, when not only all the property of the 

party, but the immense stores left by Bukht Sing, mctuding three 

hundred pieces of cannon, were taken, and sent to Sambhur and 

other strong-holds held by the Khan. Having thus fulfilled his 

instructions, he repaired to Jodpoor, and received ten lacs or 

£100,000, and two large towns, Moondhiawur and Koochildwas, of 

thirty thousand rupees annual rent, besides one hundred rupees daily 

for table-allowance, as the reward of his signal infamy. 

Thus, by the murder of Sowae and his powerful partizans, the 
confederacy against Raja Maun was extinguished ; but though the 


Raja hail thus. iniracuUmsly as it were, defeated the gigantic schemes 
ioriiiod against him, the mode by which it was effectiMl entailed upon 
him and upon his country unexampled miseries. The destruction of 
the i>arty of the Pretender was followed by i-etaliation on the various 
members of the league. Tlie Jeipoor territory was laid waste by the 
tnK)p8 of &Iecr Khan, and an expedition ^^as planned against Bikaner. 
An aniiy consisting of twelve thousand of Raja Maun*s feudal levies, 
under the eonmiand of Induraj, with a brigade of MeerKhan,and that of 
Hundall Khan with thirty-tive ^ns, marched against the chief of 
the independent Ralitores. The JBikaner Raja formed an army little 
inferior in numbers, and gave his suzerain the meeting at Bapri ; but 
after a ivartial encvninter. in which the former lost two hundred men, 
lie foil oaok ujHm his capital, pursued by the victors, who halted at 
iiujnair. Hero tonus wore offered ; two lacs as the expenses of 
the war. and tho surrender of the bone of contention, the town of 
FiKHli, which had lH.H.*n assigned to Bikaner as the price of joining 
the ciuiftHloracy. 

Tho Khan was now tho arbiter of Marwar. He stationed Qhufoor 
Khiui with a garriik^u in Nai:^>n.\ and partitioned the lands of Mairta 
amongst his followors. Ho Uko^-ise placed his garrison in the castle 
of Nowah. which g;iYo hiui tho cvnnmand of the salt-lakes of Nowah 
and Siuubhur. Indunij aiul tho high-priest Deonat'h were the only 
iHMUisolloiN of R*-ya Maun, and all tho oppressions which the chief- 
tains sutloixnl thrvmi:h this predominant foreign interference, were 
altrilnUisl to thoir ad\iox\ To cut them off, the chiefs in their turn 
appliovl to Amivr Khaiu who for seven lacs (£70,000), readily 
i\»iis%^utiHl t^» rid thorn of thoir onomios. A plot was laid, in which 
Muuo of Ins I'i^tluins. under {^a^tonco of quarrelling with J^duraj for 
thoir arn^rs* put tliis uiinistor and tho liigh-priest to death. 

Tho Uvsfii K\f l\\^twt h ap^vartnl to affect the reason of Raja Maun. 
I lo shut lums^^lf up in his ajwtmonts, refused to communicate with 
auv xnu\ aiul svvn ouutt^xi ovory duty, whether political or 
ivl\i:U*us. until at loixgth ho was roconunended to name his only 
^^^xn V'hxUtur 8ii\g as his successor. To this he acceded, and 
%\ah hw own Iwuul u\ado the mark of inauguration on his fore- 
h^>ad l^it wHuh and l>aso j^andors to his pleasures seduced him 
rt>\m his dutuw aiul ho di^\l. s^mie say, the victim of illicit pursuits, 
\xthois t\\MU a wv^uid given by the hand of one of the chieftains, 
\Hh*vxo vUt^^htor ho attomptini to seduce. 

Tho iv\vu\atun^ \U'«ih of his only son, before he had attained the 
\\>«^\> \Nl uvANnttv, ^till mon.^ alienated the mind of Raja Maun from 
hU Nt^'^U' atu^^rs^^ Mul his suspicions of treacherous attempts on his 
I^^imm^ o\tou>U>i oYou to his wife. He refused all food, except that 
%\hwh N^as I'^xH^ht by one faithful menial. He neglected his ablu- 
tuN*\v alJ^*^^\^^ his faoo to Iv cvnoroii with hair, and at length either 
waH o^ atRvt^nl to Iv insane. Ho spoke to no one, and listened with 
tho x'^iviiKv ^4' an idiot to tho c^nnmunications of the ministers, who 
%\v*v CN^wiH^''*"^' ^^* ^^*'>* ^'" ^^^' g^wermuent. By many it is firmly 


believed that the part he tlms acted was feigned, to escape the 
siiai-es laid for his life ; while others think that it was a melancholy 
mania, arising from remorse at having consented to the murder of 
Induraj, whicn incidentally involved that of the Guru* In short, 
his alliance with the atrocious Khan exposed him to the suspicion 
of a participation in his crimes, which the bent of his policy too 
much favoured. In this condition — ^tho government being managed 
by an oligarchy headed by Salim Sing (son of Sowde) — did Raja 
liaun remain, until the tide of events carried the arms of Britain 
even to the desert of Maroo. 

When, in 1817, we invited the Rajpoots to disunite from the pre- 
datory powers, and to join us in establishing order throughout India, 
the young son of Raja Maun, or rather his ministers, sent envoys to 
Dehli. But ere the treaty was ratified, this dissipated youth was 
no more. On this event, the Pokum faction, dreading Raja Maun's 
resumption of the government, made an application to Edur for a 
son to adopt as their sovereign. But splendid as was the oflfer, the 
Raja, who had but one son, rejected it, unless the demand were sus- 
tiuned by the unanimous suffrages of the nobles. Unanimity being 
unattainable, the faction had no alternative save the restoration of 
Raja Maun ; but it was in vain they explained the new position of 
Marwar, the alliance with the English, which awaited his sanction, 
and the necessity that he, as the last prop of the royal family, should 
resume the reins of power. He listened to all with tiie most apathetic 
indifference. But although he saw in this new crisis of the political 
condition of his country, motives for effecting his escape from bond- 
age, his mind was so tutored by bitter experience that he never for 
an instant betrayed its workings. When at length he aUowed 
himself to comprehend the frill nature of the changes which made 
even the faction desire his egress from solitude, so far from expres- 
sing any joy, he even disapproved of paii; of the treaty, and espe- 
^ally the article relating to the armed contingent of his vassals to be 
at the disposal of the protecting power, in which he wisely saw the 
germ of discord, from the certwity of interference it would lead to. 

It was in December 1817 that the treaty*!* was negotiated at 
Dehli by a Brahmin named Byas Bishen Rson, on the part of the 
r^ent prince, and in December 1818, an officer of the British gov- 
ernment^ was deputed to report on its actual condition. Notwith- 
standing the total disorganization of the government, from the 
combination of causes already described, the court had lost nothing 
of its splendour or regularity ; the honour of all was concerned in 
preserving the dignity of the ' gadi,' though its incumbent was an 
object of distrust and even detestation. The ministry at this period 
wss conducted by Akhi Chund {D^utsdn), and Salim Sing of Pokum, 
as the representative of the aristocracy, with the title of bhanjgur. 

* For the character of this priest, see VoL I, p. 613. 

+ See treaty, Appendix No. II. 

t Mr. Wilder, superintendent of the district of Ajm^r. 


All the gaiTis.*ns and offices of trust throughout tlie country were 
held by the creatures of a junto, of which these were the heads. 
There was, how^ever, already the nucleus of an opposition in the 
brother of the murdered minister, named Futteh Raj, who was 
entinisted with the care of the city. The instructions of the agent 
were to offer the aid of the British government towards the settle- 
ment of Raja Maim's affaii-s ; and at a private interview, three days 
after the agent s aiTival, troops were offered to be placed at his 
disposal. But the wariness of his character will be seen in the use 
he made of this offer. He felt that the lever was at band to crush 
faction to the dust ; and with a Machiavelian caution, he determined 
that the existence of this engine should suffice ; that its power should 
be felt, but never seen ; that he should enjoy all the advantages this 
influence would give, without risking any of its dangers if called into 
action. Thus, while he rejected, though with thanks, the essential 
benefit tendered, qualifying his refusal with a sufficient reason — 
" reliance on himself to restore his state to order," — he failed not to 
disseminate the impression amongst his chiefs, which was enough for 
his purpose, and which besides checked the dictation and interfei*ence 
that uniformly result from such unequal alliances. 

Energetic councils and rapid decision ai^ unknown to Asiatic 
governments, whose subjects are ever prone to suspicion whenever 
unusual activity is visible ; and Raja Maun had been schooled into 
circumspection from his infancy. He appeared anxious to bury the 
past in oblivion, by choosing men of both paities for the inferior 
duties of the ministry ; and the blandness of his manners and his 
conciliatory address, lulled the most suspicious into security. After 
a short residence, the agent returned to Ajmdr, having in vain taied 
to convince Raja Maun that his afiairs were irretrievable without the 
direct aid of the paramount power, which he persisted in repudiating, 
assigning as his reason that he felt convinced, fi*om " the measures 
" then in train,'* he should accomplish the task himself: of these 
measures conciliation appeai*ed to be the basis. 

At this period* an envoy was appointed, with powers direct from 
the Govemor-Geneial to Raja Maun, but he was for some months 
prevented from proceeding to his couii, from various causea"!" 

* In February 1819, the author had the political duties of Marwar added to 
those of the States of Oodipoor, Kotah, Boondi, and Sirohi. 

t One of these was an unpleasant altercation, which took place between the 
towns-people of the Commercial Mart of Palli and an English gentlemsn, 
sent unofacially to feel his way as to the extension of commerdal enterpriser 
carrying specimens of the staple commodities of our trade. This interference 
with tibe very fountain-head of their trade alarmed the monopolists of F^dli, 
who, dreading such competition, created or took advantage of an incident to 
rid themselves of the intruder. The commercial men of these regions ahnost all 

Erofess the Jain religion, whose first rule of faith is the preservation of life, in 
east as in man. By them, therefore, the piece-goods, the broad-doths and 
metals of the Christian trader, were only less abhorred than his flesh-pots, and 
the blood of the goats sworn to have been shed by his servants within the 
bounds of Polli, rose in judgment against their master, of whom a formal 



The agent, who reached Jodpoor early in the month of November, 
found matters in nearly the same state as on his predecessors 
departure in February. The same faction kept the prince and all 
the officers of governpient at their disposal. The Kaja interfered 
but little with their measures, except to acquiesce iu or confirm 
them. The mercenary bands of Sindies or Pat'hans were in miserable 
plight and clamorous for their pay, not having been accounted with 
for three years ; and they Were to be seen begging in the streets of 
the capital, or hawking bundles of forage on their heads to preserve 
them Irom starvation. On the approach of the agent of the British 
Government, the forais of accounts were gone through, and they 
gave in acquittances in full of all demands, on condition of receiving 
thirty per cent, of their an*ears ; but this was only a form, and with 
Ills departure (iu about three weeks), tiiey despaired even of that 

The name of justice was unknown : — though, in allusion to the 
religion of the men in power, it was common to hear it said, " you 
" may commit murder and no one will notice it ; but woe to him who 
beats or maims a brute, for dogs are publicly fed while the soldier 
starves." In short, the sole object of the faction was to keep at a 
distance all interposition that might lead the prince to emancipate 
himself from their control. During the agent's stay of nearly uiree 
weeks, he had several private interviews with Baja Maun. The 
knowledge he had of the history of his ancest^^y and his own situation, 
and of the causes which had produced it, failed not to beget a corres- 
ponding confidence ; and these interviews were passed in discussions 
on the ancient history of the country as well as on his own immediate 
afiiEdrs. The agent took leave with these words : " I know all the 
" perils through which you have passed ; I am aware how you sur- 
" mounted them. By your resolution, your external enemies are now 

complaint was laid before Raja Maun. It lost none of its acrimonv in coming 
throojEh the channel of his iuteruuncio at Oodifyoor, the Brahmin, fiishen Ram. 
Mr. Rutherford rebutted the charge, and an investigation took place at the 
capital on oath, upon which, as the merchants and tne governor of Palli (a 
nephew of the mmiBter), could not substantiate their charge, the latter was 
severely reprimanded for his incivility. But whether the story was true or 
falML It was quite enou^ for their purpose. The interdict between Mr. 
Rutherford and the inhabitants of Palli was more eifcctual than the sanitary 
cttrdon of any prince in Christendom. The feeling of resentment against him 
readied the agent of government, who was obliged to support what appeared 
the cause of truth, even according to the deposition made before then: own 
jnd^^ment-fleaty and he was consequently deemed inimical to the prince and the 
faction which then guided his councils. Mr. Rutherford proceeded afterwards 
to KoCah, to exhibit the same wares ; but he was there equally an object of 
jealousyy thouRh from letters of recommendatiou from the agent, it was less 
stnmc^ manifested. It furnished evidence that such interference would never 
ancceecL It is well his mission did not appear to be sanctioned by the govern- 
ments ^ What evil might not be effectea by permitting unrestrict^ and 
incantioiu intercourse vdthsuch people, who can, and do obtain all they rec^uire 
of our produce without the presence of the prodiicers, who, whether within or 
widumt the pale of the Company's service, will not I trust be prematurely 
farced on Bigpootaua, or it wdl assuredly hasten the day of inevitable 


" gone : you have the British Government as a friend ; rely upon it 
'' with the same fortitude, and, in a very short time, all will be as you 
" could desire." 

Raja Maun listened eagerly to these observations. His fine 
features, though trained to bear no testimony to the workings within, 
relaxed with delight as he rapidly replied, " In one twelvemonths, 
" my affairs will be as friendship could wish." To which the agent 
rejoined, " In half the time, Mahraja, if you are determined :" though 
the points to which he had to direct his mind were neither few nor 
slight, for they involved every branch of government; as 

1. — ^Forming an efficient administration. 

2. — Consideration of the finances; the condition of the crown 
lands ; the feudal confiscations, which, often imjust, had caused great 

3. — The re-organization and settlement of the foreign ixoops, on 
whose service the Kaja chiefly depended 

4. — An effective police on all the frontiers, to put down the whole- 
sale pillage of the Mairs in the south, the Larkhanis in the north, 
and the desert Sdhrd^ and Khosas in the west ; reformation of the 
tariff, or scale of duties on conmierce, which were so heavy as almost 
to amount to prohibition ; and at the same time to provide for its 

Scarcely had the agent left Jodpoor, before the faction, rejoiced at 
the removal of the only restraint on their narrow-minded views, 
proceeded in the career of disorder. Whether the object were to 
raise funds, or to gratify ancient animosities, the course pursued by 
the D^wdn and his junto was the same. Ganorah, the chief fief of 
Godwar, was put under sequestration, and only released by a fine of 
more than a year's revenue. All the minor chiefs of this rich tract 
suffered in the same manner, besides the indignity of having their 
lands placed under the control of a brother of the minister. Chan- 
dawul was put under sequestration, and only released on a very heavy 
fine. At length the D^w&n had the audacity to put his hand on 
Ahwa, the chief fief of Marwar ; but the descendant of Champa 
replied, " my estate is not of to-day, nor thus to be relinquished." 
Gloom, mistrust, and resentment, pervaded the whole feudal body. 
They saw a contemptible faction sporting with their honour and 
possessions, from an idea they industriously propagated, that an 
unseen but mig^hty power was at hand to support their acts, given 
out as those oi the prince. K the Kaja did dictate them, he took 
especial care it should not be seen ; for in the absence of the British 
agent, he once more resumed his sequestered habits, and appeared to 
take no interest in the government further than to promote a (5oali- 
tion between Akhi Chund and Futteh Raj, who was supported by a 
strong party of the chiefs, and the influence of the favourite queen. 
But Akhi Chund, who commanded, through his creatures, all the 
resources of the country^ and its strong-holds^ even to the castle of 


Jodpoor, rejected these oveitares, and feignix^ that there were plots 
against his perBonal safety, left the city ; and the better to exclude 
his adversaries fix>m the prince, resided entirely in the dtadeL 

Six months had thus fled. The fiat of Akhi Chnnd was supreme ; 
ha alone was visible ; his orders alone were obeyed. Kaja Maun was 
only heard of as an automaton, moving as the D^w&n pleased. But 
while the latter was thus basking in me full sunshine of prosperity, 
enriching himself and his dependents, execrated by the nobles and 
envied by his fellow-citizens, they heard of his fall ! Then, the 
insanity of his master proved to be but a cloak to the intensity of 
his resentment But a blind reven^ would not have satii^ed Kaja 
Maun. The victims of his deep dissmiulation, now in manacles, were 
indulged with hopes of life, which, with the application of torture, 
made them reveal the plunder of prince and subject A schedule of 
forty lacs, or £400,000, was'given in by the Ddwin and his dependents, 
and their accounts being settled in Uiis world, they were summarily 
dismissed to the other, with every mark of ignominy which cotdd add 
to the horrors of death. Nugji, the Kellmdr, and misleader of the 
late regent prince, with Moolji Dandul, one of the old allodial stock, 
had each a cup of poison, and their bodies were thrown over the 
« Gate of Victory' (FuUeh Pol). Jevarai, a brother of the Dandul, 
with Bdharri-das Eheechie, and the tauor, had their heads shaved, 
and their bodies were flung into the cascade beneath. Even the 
sacred character of *^ expounder of the V^daal' and that of " revealer 
* of the secrets of heaven," yielded no protection ; and Be&s Seodds, 
with Sri-Eishen, JotisM, the astrologer, were in the long list of pro- 
scriptions. Nugji, commandant of the citadel, and Moolji, had retired 
on the death of the regent-prince ; and with the wealth they had 
aocomnlated, while administering to his follies, had erected places of 
atrangth. Chi the restoration of Kaja Maun, and the general amnesty 
whidi prevailed, they returned to their ancient offices in the castle, 
rose into favour, and forgot they had been traitors. Having obtained 
their persons. Maun secured the ancient jewels of the crown, bestowed 
on these favourites during the ephemeral sway of his son. Their 
eondemnation was then passed, and they were hurled over the 
battlements of the rock which it was their duty to guard. With 
such consummate skill was the plot contrived, that the creatures of 
the minister, in the most remote districts, were imprisoned simul- 
taneously with himself Of the many subordinate agents thus 
ft;mf(mpA^ many were liberated on the disclosure of their wealth ; 
and by these sequestrations, Baja Maun obtained abimdant supplies. 
The enormous sum of a crore, or near one million sterling, was stated ; 
but if they yielded one-half (and this was not unlikely), they gave 
the means, which he was not slow to use, for the prosecution of 
what he termed a just punishment, though it better deserves the 
name of a savage revenge. Had he been satisfied with inflict- 
21^ the last penalty of the law on the nefarious Akhi Chund, 
and some of the household officers whose fidelity ought ever to be 
firm, and with the sequestration of the estates of some two or three 



of the vassak whose power had heoome dangerous, or their tieaaon 
too manifest to be overlooked, he would have commanded the ser- 
vices of the rest, and the admiration of all conversant with these 
events. But this first success added fuel to his revenge, and he sought 
out more noble victims to glut it His circumspection and dissimu- 
lation were strengthened, not relaxed, by his success. Several of the 
chiefs, who were marked out for death, had received, only a few days 
before, the highest proof of favour in additional lands to their rent- 
roll, and accident alone prevented a group of the most conspicuous 
firom falling into the snare which had inveigled Akhi Chund. 
Salim Sing of Fokum, and his constant associate Soortan of Neemaj, 
with Anar Sine of Ahore, and the minors of their dans, whose duty 
daily carried tnem to the court, as the chief advisers of the prince, 
formed a part of the administration of the Dew^n, and they naturally 
took alarm upon his confinement To obviate this, a deputation was 
sent by the prince to tranquillize them by the assurance that, in the 
confinement of the minister, whose rapacity and misconduct deserved 
punishment, the Raja had attained all his ends. Thus, in order to 
encompass the destruction of the Fokum chief, he would not have 
scrupled to involve all the rest. The prince, with his own mouth, 
desired the confidential servant of Anar Sing, who was his personal 
friend, to attend with the others. Their distrust saved him. The same 
night, the mercenarv bands, to the number of eight thousand men, 
with guns, attacked Soortan Sing in his dwelling. With one hun- 
dred and eighty of his clan, he defended himself against sreat fi;un8 
and small arms, as long as the house was tenable, and then sulied 
out sword in hand, and, with his brother and eighty of his kin, fell 
nobly in the midst of his foes. The remainder retreated with their 
arms to defend Neemaj and their infiEmt chief. This gallant defence, 
in which many of the towns-people were slain, prevented a repeti- 
tion of the attempt against the Fokum chief, who remained on 'the 
defensive ; until, seeing an opportunity, he fled to his asylum in the 
desert, or he would that day have renounced '' the sheath of the dagger 
" which held the fortunes of Marwar," and which now contained uie 
accumulated revenge of four generations : of Deo Sing, of Subbulla^ of 
Sowa^, and his own. His death would have terminated this branch 
of Ajit's issue, adopted into the house of Fokum, in the history of 
which we have a tolerable picture of the precariousness of exbtence 

What better commcntaiy can be made on Raja Maun's character, 

* In a letter addressed to the Qovemment on these events, dated July 7» 
1820, I observed, " The danger i& that success may tempt him to go beyond 
*^ the line of necessitsr, either for the ends of justice or security. If he stops 
^ with the Fokum doief, and one or two infenor, concerned in the coalition of 
*^ 1806 and the usurpation of his son, with the condiip punishment of a few of 
** the dvil officers, it will afford a high opinion of his character ; but if he 
*^ involves Ahwa, and the other principal chiefe, in these proscriptions, he may 
^ provoke a strife whidi will yet overwhelm him; He has done enough for 
** justice, and even for revenue, which has been carried too f «r as regards Soor- 
** tan Sing, whose death (which I sincerely regret) was a prodigal aaccifioe." 


ihtii the few recorded words addressed to Futteh Raj, whom he sent 
for to the Presence, on the day succeeding these events ? " Now you 
" may peroehre the reasons why I did not sooner give you office." This 
indivioual, the brother of the late Induraj, was forthwith installed 
in the poet of DSwin ; and with the sinews of war provided by the 
late seqaestmtions, the troops were satisfied, while by the impression 
80 aeduionaly propagated and believed, that be had only to call on 
the ftitiah power for what aid he required, the whole feudal body 
was appalled : and the men, who would have hurled the tyrant firom 
lib throne, now only sought to avoid his insidious snares, more dan- 
gerous than open force. 

Neemaj was besieged and nobly defended ; but at length the son 
of Soortan capitulated, on receiving the sisn-manual of his prince 
pnnniring pardon and restoration, guaranteed by the commander of 
the mercenaiy bands. To the eternal disgrace of the Baja» he broke 
this pledge, and the boy had scarcely appeared in the b^i^ng 
camp, when the civil officer produced the Raja's mandate for 
his captivity and transmission to the Presence. If it is painful 
to reoord this &ct^ it is pleasing to add, that even the mercenary 
commander spumed the infamous injunction. '' No," said he ; ^ on 
** the &ith of my pledge (Imchun) he surrendered ; and if the Raia 
* breaks his word, I will maintain mine, and at least place him m 
" security." He kept his promise, and conveyed him to the AravuUi 
mountaina, whence he passed over to, and received protection in 

This and similar acts of treachery and cold-blooded tyranny com- 
pletely estranged all the chiefs. Isolated as they were, they could 
make no reaisUmce against the mercenary battalions, amounting to 
ten thooaand men, exclusive of the quotas ; and they dared not 
leaffoe for defence^ from the dreaded threat held over tihem, of 
ealfing in the British troops ; and in a few months the whole feudal 
association of Marwar abiandoned their homes and their country, 
— <»l"«g shelter in the neighbouring states from the Raia's cruel and 
c^irieuMis Irjrranny. To his connection with the BntLah Govern- 
ment alone ne was indebted for his being able thus to put forth the 
rasoaieas of his policy, which otherwise he never could have 
developed either with safety or effect ; nor at any former period of the 
hirtory of Marwar could the most dajing of its princes have under- 
taken, with any prospect of success, what Raja Maun accomplished 
under this alliance. 

Tlisse farave men found asylums in the neighbouring states of Eotah, 
]Uwar» Bfkandr, and Jeijpoor. Even the &ithful £aBr Sing, whose 
fidafity no mtitnde could ever repay, was obliged to seek refage in 
esfle. He had stood Maun's chief shield against the proscription of 
B^ja Bhecm, when cooped up in Jhalore, and sold his wifes oma- 
aflata,*0Fen to her nose-rixu;, to procure him the means of subsistence 
and defence. It was Anar Sing who saved him when, in the attempt 
npon FkUi, lie was unhorsed and nearly made prisoner. He was 



am(Hig the four chiefs who remained by his fortunes when the rest 
deserted to the standard of the Pretender ; and he was one of tiie 
same body, who rescued the trophies of their disgrace from the hands 
of their enemies when on the road to Jeipoor. Last of aU, he was 
mainly instrumental in the Raja's emancipation and in his resump- 
tion of the reins of government. Well might the fuiy of his revenge 
deserve the term of madness ! . In A.D. 1821, the greater chieftains 
of Marwar, thus driven into exile, were endeavouring to obtain the 
mediation of the British authorities ; but another year had elapsed 
without the slightest advance to acconmiodation. Their conduct has 
been exemplaiy, but their degrading position, dependent on the 
scanty resources of others, must of its^ work a cure. Their manly 
remonstrance addressed to the British functionary is already before 
the reader.* He did not hesitate to tell them, that if in due time no 
mediation was held out, they must depend on themselves for redress ! 

Such was the political condition of Marwar until the year 1823. 
Had a demoniacal spirit of revenge not blinded Raja Maun, he had 
a fine opportunity to lay the principles of order on a permanent 
basis, and to introduce those reforms necessanr for his individual 
welfare as well as for that of the state. He had it in his power to 
modify the institutions, to curb without destroying the feuaalchie&, 
and to make the whole subservient to the altered condition of affisdrs. 
Instead of having the glory of fixing the constitution of his country, 
he has (reposing on external protection) broken up the entire feudal 
association, and rendered the paramount power an object of hatred 
instead of reverence. 

Having thus rapidly sketched the history of this interesting 
branch of the Rajpoot race, from the destruction of their ancient 
seat of empire, Canouj, and their settlement in the Indian desert 
more than six centuries ago, to the present day, it is impossible to 
quit the subject without a reflexion on the anomalous condition of 
their alliance with the British government, which can sanction the 
existence of such a state of things as we have just described. It 
illustrates the assertions made in an early part of this work,-f of the 
ill-defined principles which guide all our treaties with the Rajpoots, 
and which, if not early remedied, will rapidly progress to a state of 
things foil of misery to them, and of inevitable danger to ourselves. 
These ^ men of the soil," as they emphatically designate themselves, 
cling to it, and their ancient and well-defined privileges, with an 
unconquerable pertinacity ; in their endeavours to preserve them, 
whole generations have been sw^pt away, yet has their strength 
increas^ in the very ratio of oppression. Where are now the 
oppressors ? the dynasties of Ghumi, of Ohor, the Ohiljis^ the Lodis, 
the Patlians, the Timoors, and the demoraliziiig Mahiatta ? The 
native Rajpoot has flourished amidst these revolutions, and sur- 
vived their fall ; and but for the vices of their internal sway, chiefly 

* Vol I, p. 681. t Vol I, p- 112. 


eontneted from such association, would have risen to power upon 
the rain of their tyrants. But internal dissension invited the spoiler ; 
and herds of avaricious Mahrattas and ferocious Fat'hans have 
reaped the harvest of their folly. Yet all these &ult8 were to be 
redeemed in their alliances with a people whose peculiar boast was, 
that wisdom, justice, and clemency were the comer-stones of their 
power: seeking nothing from them beyond the means for their 
defence, and an adherence to the virtues of order. How fiaxtheSpro- 
tecting power has redeemed its pledge, in allowing years to pass away 
without some attempt to remedy the anarchy we have described, the 
leader is in a condition to judge. If it be said that we have tied up 
our hands by leaving them £ree agents in their internal administra- 
tioii, then let no offer of support he given to the head, for the oppres- 
sion of the vassal and his rights, co-equal with those of the sove- 
reign; and if our mediation cannot be exerted, let us withdraw 
altogether the checks upon the operation of their own system of 

government, and leave tnem free agents in reality. A wiser, more 
omane, and liberal policy would be, to impose upon ourselves the 
task of understanding their political condition, and to use our just 
influenoe for the restoration of their internal prosperity, and with it 
the peace, present as well as prospective, of an unportant part of 
<mr empire. The policy which such views would suggest, is to 
support the opinion of the vast majority of the Rahtores, and to 
aeiae the first opportunity to lend at least our sanction to an 
adoption, from the £dur branch, of Rahtore blood, not only unconta- 
minated, but heirs presumptive to Joda> and exclude the parricidal 
line which will contmue to bring misery on the country. If, how- 
evtf , we apply only our own monarchical, nay despotic principles, to 
this feudal society, and interfere but to uphold a bhnd tyranny, 
which most drive these brave chiefi to despair, it will be well to 
reflect and consider, from the acts we have related, of what they are 
ea|»Ue. Very different, iudeed, would be the deeds of proscribed 
Rajpoots from those of vagabond Pindarries, or desultory Mahrattas ; 
and "vHiatafield for aggression and retreat! Rumour asserts that 
thej have already done themselves justice ; and that, driven to 
despeiation, and with no power to mediate, the dagger has reached 
the heart <^ Raja Maun ! If this be true, it is a retributicm which 
■light have been expected ; it was the only alternative left to the 
oppreswd chiefis to oo themselves justice. It is also said, that the 
^ Irotcnded" soa of Raja Bheem is now on the gadd of Joda This 
is deeply to be lamented Raja Dhonkul will see only the party 
who espoused his pretensions, and the Fokurn chief and fieu^tion will 
hold that place m the councils of his sovereign, which of right 
helongB to the head of his dan, the Champawut chief of Ahwa^ an 
exile in M^war.* Jealousy, feuds, and bloodshed will be the conse- 
ooeiioe^ which would at once be averted by an adoption from Edur. 
Were a grand councU of Rajpoots to be convened, in order to adjust 

* He was ao when the author left India in 1823. 



the questioD, nine-tenths would decide as proposed ; the danger of 
interference would be neutralized, and peace and tranquillity would 
be the boon bestowed upon tiiousands, and, what is of some conse- 
quence, future danger to ourselves would be avoided. 


Extent and papulation of Marwar, — CUuiifieaHon of inhabitants, — Jiis. — Rt^ 
poots, iocerdotaly commercial, and servile tribes, — SoU, — AgrieuUural products. — 
Natural productions. — Salt lakes. — Marble and limestone quarries. — TVn, lead, 
and iron mines. — Alum. — Manufactures. — Commercial marts. — transit trade, 
— Falli, the emporium of Western India. — Mercantile dosses. — Khartras and 
OsuHxls. — KutArSy or caravans. — Imports and exports enumerated, — ChanmSy 
the guardians of the caravans. — Commercial decline. — Causes. — Opium monopoly. 
— Fairs ofMoondkufa and Bhalotra. — Administration of Justice. — Punishments. 
— Eo^ Be^ Singes clemency to prisoners, who are maintained by prioaite charity. 
— Gaol deliveries on edipses, births, and accession of princes. — Sogtiny or ordeals : 
fire, UKiter, burning oiL — Punchdets.^Fiscal revenues and regulations. — Butta^ 
or corn-rent. — Shenahs and Kunwarris. — Taxes. — ^Anga, or cc^pUationrtax, — 
Oaswali, or pasturage. — IL&wkd, or door4ax; how originated. — Sayer, or 
imposts ; their amount. — ^Dhanms, or collectors. — Revenues from the salt4aies. 
— ^Tandas, or caravans engaged in this trade. — Aggregate revenues. — Military 
resources. — Mercenaries, — Feudal quotas. — Schedule of feoffs. — Qualification of 
a cavalier. 

The extreme breadth of Marwar lies between two points in the 
parallel of ihe capital, viz., Giiap, west, and Shamgurh, on the 
Aravulli range, east. This line measures two hundred and seventy 
British miles. The greatest length, firom the Sirohi frontier to the 
northern boimdary, is about two hundred and twenty miles. From 
the remote azL^le, N.N.K, in the Deedwanoh district, to the extremity 
of Sanchore, S.W., the diagonal measurement is three hundred and 
fifW nules. The limits of Marwar are, however, so very irregular, 
ana present so many salient angles and abutments into other states, 
that without a trigonometrical process we cannot arrive at a correct 
estimate of its superficial extent : a nicety not, indeed, required 

The most marked feature that diversifies the face of Maioo, is the 
river Looni, which, rising on her eastern firontier at Foshkur, and 
pursuing a westerly course, nearly bisects the country, and forms 
the boundary between the fertile and sterile lands of Miaroo. But 
although the tracto south of this stream, between it and the Aravulli, 
are bv far the richest part of Marwar, it would be erroneous to 
descrioe all the northern part as sterile. An ideal line, passing 
through Nagore and Jodpoor, to Bhalotra, will mark the just aistino- 
tion. South of this line will lie the districts of Deedwanoh, Nagore, 
Mairta, Jodpoor, Palli, Sojut, Godwar, Sewanoh, Jhalore, Beenmahl, 


and Saiieh<»:e, most of which are fertile and populous ; and we may 
aasiga a population of eighty souls to the square mila The space 
norUi of this line is of a yeiy different cluttacter, but this requires a 
sabdivision ; for while the north-east portion, which includes a por- 
tion of Na^re, the large towns of Filodi, Fokum, &c., may be calcu- 
lated at thuty, the remaining space to the south-west, as (logadeoca- 
thul or 'desert of Goga^' Sheo, Barmair, Kotra^ and Qiotun, can 
scarcely be allowed ten. In round numbers, the population of Mar- 
war may be estimated at two millious of souls. 

CUuaes of Inhabitants. — Of this amount^ the following is the 
classification of the tribes : — ^The Jits constitute five-eighths, the Raj- 
poots two-eighths, while the remaining classes, sacerdotal,* commer- 
cial, and ser^e, make up the integral number. If this calculation 
be near the truth, the Kajpoots, men, women, and children, will 
amount to five hundred thousand souls, which would admit of fifty 
thousand men cwable of bearing arms, especially when we recollect 
that the Jits or tl ftts are tiie industrious class. 

It is superfluous to expatiate on the peculiarities of the Rahtore 
character, which we have endeavoured to extract firom their own 
actiona It stands deservedly high in the scale of the " thirty-six 
^ tribes," and although debased by one besetting sin (the use of 
opium), tiie Rahtore is yet a noble animal, and requires only some 
exciting cause to shew tiiat the spirit, which set at defiuice the 
xesoiiroes of the empire in the zenith of its prosperity, is dormant 
only, not extinct The reign of the present pnnce has done more, 
however, than even the arms of Arungz^, to deteriorate the Rah- 
tores. Peace would recruit their thinned ranks, but the mistrust 
sworn in every house by unheard-of duplicity, has greatiy demoral- 
iied the national character, which until lately stood nigher than that 
of any of the circumiacent tribes. A popular prince, untU within these 
venr few years, could easily have collected a magnificent army, ^ bdp 
e£ Mbf^ ' the sons ofione fiskuier,' round the ' ^odi of Joda :' in fact, the 
fomchda huza/r tfwrwa/r Baktoran, meaning the ' fifty thousand Rah- 
tore swords,' is the proverbial phrase to denote the muster of Marco, 
of whidi they estimated five tnousand cavalry. This was exclusive 
of Uie housdiold and foreign troops supported on tiie fiscal lands. 
The Rahtore cavalry was the best in India. There were several 
lione-fiuxs, especially those of Bhalotra and Poshkur, where the horses 
of Catch and Cattiawar, the jungle, and Mooltan, were brought in 
mat numbera Valuable horses were also bred on the western 
Stmtier, on the Looni, those of Bardv/rro being in high estimation. 
But the events of the last twenty years appear to have dried up 
mwBTV source of supply. The breeding studs of Rardurro, dutch, and 
the juns^ are almost extinct, and supplies from the west of the Indus 
aiB intercepted by the Sikhs. The destruction of the predatory sys- 
tem, which created a constant demand, appears to have lessened the 

* The district of Sanchore is almost entirely Brahmin, fonning a distinct 
tribe, called the Sanchora Biahmins. 


supply. So much for the general peace which the successes of 
Bntain have produced. 

In periods of civil commotion, or when the safety of the state was 
periled, we hear of one clan (the Champawut) mustering four 
thousand horse. But if ever so many of ^' the sods of Champa ' were 
congregated at one time, it is an extraordinary occurrence, and far 
beyond the demand which the state has upon their loyalty. To esti- 
mate what may be demanded of them, we have only to divide the 
rent-roll by five hundred rupees, the qualification for a cavalier in 
Maroo, and to add, for each horse, two foot-soldiers. A schedule of 
the greater feudal estates shall be appended. 

Sail, AgricuMu/re, Products. — The following is the classification 
of the different heads of soil in Marwar : — Bavcal, Chikni, Peela, and 
Suffid. The first (whose etymology I know not) pervades the greater 
part of the country, being a light sand, having little or no earthy 
admixtui*e, and only fit to produce hajra (millet), moong, rrum 
(pulse), tU (sesamum), melons and gowdr. Chikwi (fat), a black earth, 
pervades the district of Deedwanoh, Mairta, Palli, and several of the 
leudal lands in Gkxlwar. Wheat and grain are its products. The 
peela (yellow) is a sandy day, chiefly about Eewnsir and the capital, 
also Jhalore and Bhalo^, and portions of other districts. It is best 
adapted for barley, and that kmd of wheat called pattagAm (the 
other is koMorgSon) ; also tobacco, onions, and other v^etables : the 
staple millets are seldom grown in this. The mffid (wlute) is almost 
pure silex, and grows little or nothing, but after heavy £Edls of rain. 

The districts south of the Looni, as Palli, Soiut, and Gk>dwar, ferti- 
lized by the numerous petty streams flowing n*om the AravuUi, pro- 
duce abundantly every species of grain with the exception of bajra, 
which thrives best in a sandy soil ; and in Nagore and Mairta consi- 
derable quantities of the richer grains are raised by irrigation from 
weUs. The extensive western divisions of Jhalore, Sanchore, and 
Beenmahl, containing five hundred and ten towns and villages, 
which are KhaUsa, or ' fiscal land,' possess an excellent soil, with 
the advantage of the rills from Aboo, and the great southern barrier ; 
but tiie demoralized government of Raia Maim never obtains from 
them one-third of their intrinsic capability, while the encroachment 
of the SahrA^, and other robbers nx)m the Sindie desert, encroach 
upon them often with impunity. Wheat, barley, rice, jooar (millet), 
moong (pulse), tU (sesamum), are the chief products of the richer 
lands ; wnile amidst the sandy tracts they are confined to hajra, 
moong, and tU. With good government, Marwar possesses abun- 
dance of means to collect stores against the visitations which afi&ict 
these northern regions : but prejudice steps in to aid the ravages of 
famine, and although water is near the surface in all the southern 
districts, the number of wells bears no proportion to those in M^war. 
llie great district of Nagore, of five hundred and sixty towns and 
villa^, the appanage of the heirs-apparent of Maroo, in spite of 
physical di£EicultieS| is^ or has been made, an exception ; and the 


immense sheet of sandstone, on which a humid soil is embedded, has 
been pierced throughout by the energies of ancient days, and con- 
tains greater aids to agriculture than many more fertile tiacts in 
the country. 

Natural productwna, — Marwar can boast of some valuable pro- 
ductions of her sterile plains, which make her an object of no little 
importance in the most distant and more favoured regions of India. 
The salt lakes of Pachbhadra, Deedwanoh, and Sambhur, are mines 
of wealth, and their produce is exported over the greater part of 
Hindustan ; while to the mai*ble quarries of Mokrano (which gives 
its name to the mineral), on her eastern frontier, all the splendid 
edifices of the imperial cities owe their grandeur. The materials 
used in the palaces of Dehli, Agra, their mosques, and tombs, have 
"been conveyed from Marwar. The quarries, until of late years, 
yielded a considerable revenue ; but the age for palace-building in 
these regions is no more, and posterity will ask with surprise the 
sources of such luxury. There are also limestone quarries near 
Jodpoor and Nagore ; and the concrete called kunkur is abundant 
in many of the districts, and chiefly used for mortar. Tin and lead 
sre found at Sojut ; alum about Palli, and iron is obtained from 
Beenmahl and the districts adjoining Guzzemt. 

Manufactures, — The manufactures of Marwar are of no great 
importance in a commercial point of view. Abundance of coai*se 
cotton cloths, and blankets, are manufactured from the cotton and 
■wool produced in the country, but they are chiefly used there. 
liaicUocks, swords, and other warlike implements, are fabricated at 
the capital and at Palli ; and at the latter place they make boxes of 
iron, tmned, so as to resemble the tin boxes of Europe. Iron plattera 
for culinary purposes are in such great demand as to keep the 
forges constantly going. 

Commercial Marts. — None of these states are without traffic ; each 
has her mart, or erUrepdt ; and while Mdwar boasts of Bhilwara, 
Bikan^r of Chooroo, and Amb^r of Malpoora (the city of wealth), 
the Rahtores claim Palli, which is not only the rival of the places 
just mentioned, but may make pretensions to the title of em/porium 
of Bajpootana. These pretensions we may the more readily admit, 
when we recollect that nine-tenths of the bankers and commercial 
men of India are natives of Maroodes, and these chiefly of the 
Jun fiuih. The laity of the Khartra sect send forth tnousands 
to all parts of India, and the OswMs, so termed from the town 
of Oei» near the Looni, estimate one hundred thousand families 
whose occupation is commerce. All these claim a Rajpoot descent, 
a &ct entirely unknown to the European enquirer into the pecu- 
liarities of Hindu manners. The wealth acquired in foreign lands, 
from the Sutlej to the ocean, returns chiefly to their native soil ; 
but as neither primogeniture nor majorats are sanctioned by the 
Jain lawgivers, an equal distribution takes place amongst all the 
90DS, though the youngest (as amongst the Getcs of Asia, 'and tho 



Jdts of Kent), receives often a double portion. This aiises whentl 
division takes place while the parent is living, being the portion s* 
apart for his own support, which ultimately falls to the youngeFs.^ 
with whom he probably resides. It would be erroneous to say tl^:5. 
practice is extensive ; though sufficient instances exist to suppoj 
it once was a principle.* The bare enumeration of the tribes 
lowing commerce would fill a shoi*t chapter. A piiest of the Jai xzft.^ 
(my own teacher), who had for a series of years devoted his attentioxi 
to foim a catalogue, which then amounted to nearly eighteen kwndr'^»d 
classes, renounced the pursuit, on obtaining from a brother priei^tf, 
from a distant region, one hundred and fifty new names to add t;o 
his list. 

Palli was the entrepdt for the eastern and western regions, where 
the productions of India, Cashmere, and China, were interchanged 
for those of Europe, Africa, Persia, and Arabia. Caravans (ktUa^rs), 
from the ports of Cutch and Guzzerat, impoi*ted elephant's teeth, 
copper, dates, gum-ambic, borax, coco-nuts, broad-cloths, silks, sandal 
wood, camphor, dyes, drugs, oxide and sulphuret of arsenic, spices, 
coffee, &c. In exchange, they exported chintzes, dried fruits, jeeroh, 
assafoetida from Mooltan, sugar, opium (Kotah and Malwa), silks and 
fine cloths, potash, shawls, dyed blankets, aims, and salt of homo 

The route of the caravans was by Sooie Bah, Sanchore, Beenmahl^ 
Jhalore to Palli, and the guardians of the merchandize were almost 
invariably Charuns, a character held sacred by the Rajpoot. The most^ 
desperate outlaw seldom daied to commit any outrage on caravans 
under the safeguai*d of these men, ^he bards of the Rajpoots. If not 
strong enough to defend their convoy with sword and shield, they 
would threaten the robbers with the chandi, or * self-immolation ;* 
and proceed by degrees from a gash in the flesh to a death-wound, or 
if one victim was insufficient a whole body of women and children 
was sacrificed (as in the case of the Bhamunia Bhats), for whose 
blood the marauder is declared responsible hereafter. 

• There is nothing which so much employs the assessors of justice, in thoae 
tribunals of arbitration, the puiichAetSy as the adjudication of au^tionB (^ 
property. The highest comphment ever paid to the author, was oy the litir 
gants of property amounting to half a million sterling, which had been going 
the rounos of various />uncAdefo and appeals to native princee, alike unaatia* 
factory in their results. They agreed to admit as final tne decision of a court 
of his nomination. It was not without hesitation I accepted the mediation 
propounded through the British superintendent of Ajm^r (Mr. WUder) ; bat 
Knowing two men, whose integrity as well as powers of investigation were 
above all encomium. I coiild not refuse. One of these had ^ven a striking 
instance of indepenaence in support of the award his penetration had led him 
to pronounce, and which awara being set aside on appeal, throudi favoritism, 
he abjured every future call as an arbitrator. He was not a w^IUiy man, but 
such was the homage paid to his integrity and talents, that the greatest deqrat 
in India found it politic to re-assemble tne court, have the case re-considerady 
and permit justice to take its course. In like manner, his demand was, that, 
before he agreed to devote his time to unravelling all the intricacies of the case, 
both litigants should sig^ a moochUka, or * bond/ to abide by the award. X 
have no recollection how it terminated. 


Commerce has been almost extinguished within these last twenty 
years ; and paradoxical as it may appear, there was tenfold more 
activity and enterprize in the midst of that predatory warfare, which 
rendered India one wide arena of conflict, than in these days of 
universal pacification. The torpedo touch of monopoly has had more 
effect on the Kutars than the spear of the desert Sahr^, or barwuttia 
(outlaw) Rajpoot — ^against its benumbing qualities the Charun's 
dagger would fall innocuous ; it sheds no blood, but it dries up its 
channels. If the products of the salt-lakes of Rajpootana were 
preferred, even at Benares, to the sea-salt of Bengal, high impost 
duties excluded it from the market. If the opium of Malwa and 
Harouti competed in the China market with our Patna monopoly, 
again we intervened, not with high export duties, which we were 
competent to impose, but by laying our shackles upon it at the 
fountain-head. '' Aut Ccesar, aut nullua'' is our maxim in these 
regions ; and in a countiy where our agents are established only 
to preserve political relations and the faith of treaties, the basis of 
which is non-interference in the internal arrangement of their affairs 
— albeit we have not a single foot of land in sovereignty, we set 
forth our perwanas, as peremptory as any Russian ukase, and com- 
mand that no opium shall leave these countries for the accustomed 
outlets, under pain of confiscation. Some, relying on their skill in 
eluding our vigilance, or tempted by the high price which these 
measures produce, or perhaps reckoning upon our justice, and upon 
impunity if discovered, tried new routes, until confiscation brought 
them to submission. 

We then put an arbitrary value upon the drug, and forced the 
fi;rower to come to us, and even take credit to oui-selves for consulting 
his interests. Even admitting that such price was a remunerating 
one, founded upon an average of past years, still it is not the less 
arbitrary. No allowance is made lor plentiful or bad seasons, when 
the drug, owing to a scarcity, will bear a double price. Our logisla- 
ti<m is for "all seasons and their change.'' But this virtual infrac- 
tion of the faith of treaties is not confined to the grower or retailer ; 
it aflSscts others in a variety of ways; it injures our reputation and 
the welfare of those upon whom, for benevolent purposes, we have 
forced our protection. The titmsit duties levied on opium formed 
an item in the revenues of the princes of Rajpootana ; but confisca- 
tion guards the passes of the Aravulli and Guzzerat, and unless the 
LUggler wrap up his cargo in ample folds of deceit, the Rajpoot 
ij go without nis * urrU-pdni' the infusion of this poison, dearer 
to him than life. It is in vain to urge that sufficient is allowed for 
home consumption. Who is to be the judge of this ? or who is so 
Uind as not to* see that any latitude of this kind would defeat the 
monopoly, which, impolitic in its origin, gave rise in its progress to 
fraud, gambling, and neglect of more important agricultural economy ? 
Bat this policy must defeat itself : the excess of quantity produced 
diminish the value of the original (Patna) monopoly, if its now 


deteriorated quality should fail to open the eyes of the quick-sighted 
Chinese, and exclude it from the market altogether.* 

Fairs, — ^There were two annual feirs in his country, Moondhwa 
and Bhalotra; the first chiefly for cattle. The merchandize of various 
countries was exposed and purchased by the merchants of the adjoining 
states. It commenced with the month of Magh, and lasted during six 
week& The other was also for cattle of all kinds, horses, oxen, camels, 
and the merchandize enumerated amongst the impoi*ts and exports 
of Palli. Persons from all parts of India frequented them ; but all 
these signs of prosperity are vanishing. 

Ad/rainistration of Justice. — The administration of justice is now 
very lax in these communities ; but at no time were the customary 
criminal laws of Rajpootana sanguinary, except in respect to politi- 
cal crimes, which were very summarily dealt with when practicable. 
In these feudal associations, however, such crimes are esteemed 
individual oflences, and the whole power of the government is con- 
centrated to punish them ; but when they are committed against 
the community, justice is tempered with mercy, if not benumbed 
by apathy. In cases even of murder, it is satisfied with fine, corporal 
punishment, imprisonment, confiscation, or banishmcDt. Inferior 
crimes, such as larcenies, were punished by fine and imprisonment, 
and, when practicable, restitution ; or, in case of inability to pay, 
corporal punishment and confinement. But under the present lax 
system, when this impoverished government has to feed criminals, 
it may be supposed that their prisons are not overstocked. Sinc& 
Raja Beejy Sing's death, the judgment-seat has been vacant. His. 
memory is held in high esteem tor the administration of justice, 
though he carried cleipency to excess. He never confirmed a sen- 
tence of death ; and there is a saying of the criminals, yet extant, 
more demonstrative of his humanity than of good policy : " When at 
*' large we cannot even get rahri (ponidge), but in prison we eat 
" ladoo (a sweetmeat)." Here, as at Jeipoor, confined criminals are 
maintained by individual charity ; and it is a well-known fact, that 
at the latter place, but for the humanity of the mercantile classes, 
especially those of the Jain persuasion, they might starve. Perhaps 
it is the knowledge of this circumstance, which holds back the hand 
of the government, or its agents, who may apply to their own uses 
the prison-fare. When once confined, the criminals are little thought 
of, and neglect answers all the ends of cruelty. They have, however, 
a source of consolation unknown to those who have passed *' the 
" bridge of sighs," or become inmates of the * (mbliettes' of more 
civilized regions. That fortitude and resignation which religion 
alone can b^tow on the one, is obtained through superstition by the 
other ; and the prayers of the prison are poured forth for one of 
those visitations of Providence, which, in humbling the proud, 

* The author learns that important modifications of this system have been 
made by the legislative authorities at home : of their extent he is ignorant, 
except that remuneration to chiefs for the loss of transit duties has not been 
omitted. This is as it should be ! 


prompts acts of mercy to othei*s in order to ensure it to themselves. 
The celestial phenomena of eclipses, whether of the sun or moon, 
altbough predicted by the Pundits, who for ages have possessed the 
most approved theory for calculation, are yet looked upon with 
religious awe by the mass, and as " foreboding change to princes/' 
Accordingly, when darkness dims the beams of Surya or Chandra, 
the face of the prisoner of Maroo is lighted up with smiles; his 
deliyerance is at hand, and he may join the crowd to hoot and yell, 
and frighten the monster Rahoo* from his hold of the " 8ilver-moon.""f- 
The birth of a son to the prince, and a new reign, are events like- 
wise joyful to him. 

The trial by aogun, literally * oath of purgation,' or ordeal, still 
exists, and is occasionally had recoui'se to in Maroo, as in other parts 
ofSajpootana; and, if fallen into desuetude, it is not that these 
judgments of Ood (as they were styled in the days of European bar- 
bansm) are less relied on, but that society is so unhinged that even 
these appeals to chance find no subjects for practice, excepting by 
Zalim Sing ; and he to the last carried on his antipathy to the 
dkahiTis (witches) of Harouti, who were always submitted to the 
process by * water.' Trial by ordeal is of veiy ancient date in India : 
it was by ' fire' that Rama proved the purity of Seeta, after her 
abduction by Ravana, and in the same manner as practised by one 
of our Saxon kings, by making her walk over a red-hot ploughshare. 
Besides the two most common tests, by fire and water, there is a 
third, that of washing the hands in boiling oil. It should be stated, 
that, in all cases, not only the selection but the appeal to any of 
these ordeals is the voluntary act of the litigants, and chiefly idler 
the Punch&tes, or courts of arbitration, have failed. Where justice 
is denied, or bribery shuts the door, the sufferer will dare his adver- 
sary to the sogun, or submission to the judgment of Ood ; and the 
solemnity of the appeal carries such weight, that it brings redress 
of itself, though cases do occur where the challenge is accepted, 
ftodthe author has conversed with individuals who nave witnessed 
the operation of each of the ordeals. 

hmchdeta. — The Punch&ets ai-bitrate in civil cases. From 
ihese courts of equity, there is an appeal to the Raja ; but 
as unanimity is required in the judges, and a fee or fine must 
^ paid by the appellant, ere his case can come before the prince, 
li%ition is checked. The constitution of this court is simple. The 
plamtiff lays bis case before the Hakim of the district, or the Pat^ 
^'^ the village where he resides. The plaintiff and defendant have 
^ri^t of naming the villages (two, each,) from whence the mem- 
^wthe Punch&t are to be dmwn. Information is accordingly 
•«* to the Pat^ of the villages specified, who, with their respective 
^wwnns (Registers), meet at the Afha^ or * village-court.' Wit- 

* "The Rsjpoots and Hindus in general hold precisely the same idea, of the 
«M«Jof edipses, as the Gete of Scandinavia. 

t Cftandro-wa. The moon is represented by silver, which is called after her 



nesses are summoned and examined on oath, the most common of 
which is the grodi-ca-dn, 'allegiance to the throne/ resembling the 
ancient adjuration of the Scythians as recorded by Herodotus. This 
oath is, however, more restricted to Rajpoots ; the other classes have 
various forms based upon their religious notions. When the proceed- 
ings are finished, and judgment is given, the Hakim puts nis seal 
thereto, and cames it into eft'ect, or prepai*es it for appeal It is 
affirmed that, in the good times of Rajpootana, these simple tribunals 
answered every purpose. 

Fiscal Revenues. — The fiscal revenues of Marwar are derived from 
various sources ; the principal are, 

1st. — " The Khalisa or * crown-lands ; 

2d.—" The salt lakes ; 

3d. — " Transit and impost duties ; 

4th. — " Miscellaneous taxes, termed Basil " 

The entire amount of personal revenue of the princes of Marwar 
does not at present exceed ten lacs of i-upees (£100,000 sterling), 
though in the reign of Beejy Sing, half a century ago, they yielded 
full sixteen lacs, one-half of which arose from the salt lakes alone. 
The aggregate revenue of the feudal lands is estimated as high as 
fifty lacs, or £500,000. It may be doubted whether at present they 
yield half this sum. The feudal contingents are estimated at five 
thousand horse, besides foot, the qualification being one cavalier and 
two foot-soldiers for every thousand rupees of income. This low 
estimate is to keep up the nominal value of estates, notwithstanding 
their great deterioration ; for a * knight's fee* of Marwar was formerly 
estimated at five hundred iiipees. 

The sum of ten lacs, mentioned as the gross income of the prince, 
is what is actually realized by the treasury, for there ai*e many public 
servants provided for out of the crown-lands, whose estates are not 

The revenues are collected from the ryots in kind. A corn-rent, 
the only one recognized in ancient India, and termed BvMa^, or 
' division,' is apportioned equally between the prince and the hus- 
bandman : a deviation from the more lenient practice of former 
times, which gave one-fourth, or one-sixth to the sovei-eign. Besides 
this, the cultivator has to pay the expense of guarding the crops, and 
also those who attend the process of division. An assessment of two 
rupees is made on every ten maunds,* which more than covers the 
salaries paid to the Sh4nahs (watchmen), and K'wn/warris,');' and 
leaves a surplus divided by the Pat^ and village register (Paiwarri). 
A cart-load of kurbi (the stalks of joodr and oajra) is exacted from 
every cultivator as fodder for the prince's cattle ; but this is com- 
muted for a rupee, except in seasons of scarcity, when it is stored up. 
The other officers, as the Patwarris and Pat&s, are paid out of the 

* The maund is about seventy-five lbs. weight. t ^vn, * com.' 


respective shares of the farmer and the crown, iriz.y one-fourth of a 
seer each, from every maund of produce, or an eightieth part of the 
gross amount The cultivators of the Pattamnta or feudal chiefs, are 
much better off than those of the Khaliaa : from them only two- 
fifths are exacted ; and in lieu of all other taxes and charges, a land- 
tax of twelve rupees is levied on every hundred beegas of land culti- 
vated. The cultivatoi*s repay this mild assessment by attachment 
to the chiefs. 

ATigah is a poll-tax (from anga * the body') of one rupee, levied 
on adults of either sex throughout Marwar. 

Oaarrudi is a gi*aduated tax on cattle, or, as the term imports, the 
right of pasture. A sheep or goat is estimated at one anna (one-six- 
teenth of a rupee) ; a buffalo eight annas, or half a rupee ; and each 
camel, three rupees. 

Kiwdri is a tax on doors {Mwdr\ and is considered peculiarly 
oppressive. It was first imposed by Beejy Sing, when, towards the 
latter end of his reign, his chiefs rebelled, and retired in a body to 
Paili to concert schemes for deposing him. Thither he fruitlessly 
followed in order to pacify them, and on his return found the gates 
{Idwdr) of his capital shut in his face, and Bheem Sing placed upon 
the gadi. To supply the pecuniary exigencies consequent upon this 
embarrassing situation, he appealed to his subjects, and proposed a 
' benevolence,' in aid of his necessities, of three rupees for each house, 
giving it a denomination from the cause whence it originated. 
Whether employed as a punishment of those who aided his anta- 
gonist, or as a convenient expedient of finance, he converted this 
temporaiy contribution into a permanent tax, which continued until 
the necessities of the confederacy against the present prince. Raja 
Maun, and the usurpation of the fisc^ lands by the Pat'hans, made 
him raise it to ten rupees on each house. It is, however, not equally 
levied ; the number of houses in each township being calculated, it 
is laid on according to the means of the occupants, and the poor man 
may pay two rupees, while the wealthy pays twenty. The feudal 
lands are not exempted, except in cases of special favour. 

In estimating the amount of the sayer, or imposts of Marwar, it 
must be borne in mind that the schedule appended represents what 
they have been, and perhaps might again be, rather than what they 
now are. These duties are subject to fluctuation in all countries, but 
how much more in those exposed to m many visitations from preda- 
tosy foes, civil strife, and famine ! There is no reason to doubt that, 
in the ** good old times" of Maroo, the amount, as taken from old 
records, may have been realized : 

Jodpoor Rs. 76,000 

Nagore 75,000 

Deedwanoh 10,000 

Carried over... 161,000 


Brought forward... 161,000 

Purbutsir 44,000 

Mairta 11,000 

Koleah 5,000 

Jhalore 25,000 

Palli 75,000 

Jessole and Bhalotra fairs 41,000 

Beenmahl 21,000 

Sanchore 6,000 

Filodi 41,000 

Total 4,30,000 

The Dhannis, or collectors of the customs, have monthly salaries 
at the large towns, while the numerous petty agents are paid by a 
per centage on the sums collected. The sayer, or imposts, include 
all those on grain, whether of foreigh importation, or the home-grown, 
in transit from one district to another. 

The revenue aiising from the produce of the salt lakes has deterio- 
rated with the land and commercial revenues ; and, though affected by 
political causes, is yet the most cei*tain branch of income. The 
following schedule exhibits what has been derived from this lucrative 
source of wealth : 

Pachbhadra Rs. 2,00,000 

FUodi 1,00,000 

Deedwanoh 1,15,000 

Sambhur 2,00,000 

Nowah 1,00,000 

Total 7,15,000 

This productive branch of industry still employs thousands of 
hands, and hundreds of thousands of oxen, and is almost entirely 
in the hands of that singular race of beings called Bunjarraa, some 
of whose tandas, or caravans, amount to 40,000 head of oxen. The 
salt is exported to every region of Hindustan, from the Indus to the 
Ganges, and is universally known and sold under the title o{Sa7rMiur 
Loon, or ' salt of Sambhur,' notwithstanding the quality of the 
different lakes varies, that of Pachbhadra, beyond the Looni, bein^ 
most esteemed.* It is produced by natural evaporation, expedited 
by dividing the surface into pans by means of mats of the Svrkunda 
grass, which lessens the superficial agitation. It is then gathered 

* The average selling price at Jodpoor is two nipees the maund ; four at 
Sambhur and Deedwanoh, and five at Pachbhadra, Filodi, and Nowah. Why 
the ijrice at the capital is fifty per cent, lower than elsewhere, I know not, even 
if this statement is correct. 


rnd heaped up into immense masses, on whose summit they burn a 
iraiiety of alKaline plants, such as the saji, by which it becomes 
impervious to the weather. 

We may recapitulate what the old archives state of the aggregate 
Gscal revenues in past times, amounting to nearly thirty lacs of 
rupees. It would be hazardous to say to what extent the amount 
was over-rated : 

1st. — Khaliaa, or fiscal land, from 1,484! towns 

and villages Rs. 15,00,000 

2d. — Sayer or imposts 4,30,000 

3d.— Salt lakes 7,15,000 

4th. — Has/il, or miscellaneous taxes ; fluctuating 

and uncertain ; not less than 3,00,000 

Total 29,45,000 

Feudal and ministerial estates 50,00,000 

Grand Total 79,45,000 

Thus the united fiscal and feudal revenues of Marwar are said to 
have amounted almost to eighty lacs of rupees (£800,000). If they 
ever did reach this sum, which may be doubted, we do not err in 
affirming that they would now be over-rated at half that amount. 
Laige fortunes are said to centre in the families of the ex-ministers, 
especially the Singwi family, reported to be immensely rich. Their 
wealth is deposited in foreign capitals. But much bullion is lost to 
the currency of these coimtries by the habits of secreting money. 
A very large treasure was discovered in Nagore by Beejy Sing, when 
demolishing some old buildings. 

Military Forces, — It only remains to state the military resources 
of the Rahtores, which fluctuate with their revenues. The Rajas 
Tn^nfjun a foreign mercenary force upon their fiscal revenues to 
overawe their own turbulent vassalage. These are chiefly Rohilla 
and Afghan infantry, armed with muskets and matchlocks; and 
havixie cannon and sufficient discipline to act in a body, they are 
fovmidable to the Rajpoot cavaliers. Some yeai-s ago. Raja Maun 
had a corps of three thousand five hundred foot, and fifteen nundred 
hone, with twenty-five guns, commanded by Hundall Khan, a native 
of Paimiput. He has been attached to the family ever since the 
ragn of Be^y Sing, and is (or was) familiarly addressed kaka, or 
' uncle,' by Ae prince. There was also a brigade of those monastic 
mOxtants, the Bishenawamis, under their leader, Kaimdas, consisting 
of seven hundred foot, three hundred horse, and an establishment of 
iwdcets (bhan), a very ancient instrument of Indian warfare, and 
mentioned long before gunpowder was used in Europe. At one 
period, the Baja maintained a foreign force amounting to, or at least 
mustered as, eleven thousand men, of which number two thousand 
five hundred were cavalry, with fifty-five guns, and a rocket estab- 




lishment. Besides a monthly pay, lands to a considerable amonnt 
were granted to the commanders of the different legions. By these 
overgrown establishments, to maintain a superiority over the feudal 
lords which has been undermined by the causes related, the demoral- 
ization and ruin of this country have been accelerated. The exist- 
ence of such a species of force, opposed in moral and religious 
sentiment to the retainers of the state, has only tended to widen the 
breach between them and their head, and to destroy every feeling 
of confidence. 

In Mewar, there are sixteen great chiefs ; in Amb^r twelve ; in 
Marwar eight The following table exhibits their names, clans, 
residences, and rated revenue. The contingent required by their 
princes may be estimated by the qualification of a cavalier, viz,, one 
lor every five hundred rupees of rent. 

Names of Chiefs. 

1. KesariSing 

2. Buktawar iSing.. 

3. Salim Suig 

4. SoortanSing ... 


Places of 


Champawut ... 
Koompawut ... 


6. Ajit Sing 



Champawut ... 




Kumunsote j 







Ganprah , 

Kewnsir, or ) 
Keemsir J 









Premier noble of 
Marwar. Of tiiis 
sum, half is the ori- 
ginal grant : the 
rest is by. usur^ 
tion of the infenor 
branches of his clan. 

The Pokum chief 
is by far the most 
powerful in Alar- 

The fief of Nee- 
maj is now under 
sequestration, since 
the last incumbent 
was put to death 
by the Raja. 

The Mairtea is 
deemed the bravest 
of all the Rahtore 

This feoff formed 
one of the sixteen 
great feoffs of M^- 
war. The town, 
which is lai^e, has 
been dismantled, 
and several villages 

The only foreign 
chief in the first 
grade of the nobles 
of Marwart 


NameB of Chiefs. 


Places of 



1. SeonatSing 

2. Soorton Sing .. 

3. KrthiSine 




Koochatnnn ... 
C'liundawul ... 


A ehiof of conli- 



6. AnarSing 

e J&it Sine 






7. l^idum Sing ... 


S. Kurrun Sing ... 

10. Zalim Sing 




Koompawut ... 


13. Seodan Sing ... 
34. Zalini Ring 

15. SawulSing 

16. HookunSing... 

Cimmpawut ... 

KAotah (great) 

These are the principal chieftains of Marwar. holding lands on the 
tenure of service. There are many who owe allegiance and service 
on emergencies, the allodial vassals of Marwar, not enumerated in 
this list ; such as Barraair, Kottorah, Jessole, Fhulsoond, Birgong, 
B4nkuria, Kallndri, Baroonda, who could muster a strong numerical 
force if their good- will were conciliated, and the prince could enforce 
his requisition. The speci6cd census of the estates may not be 
exactly correct. The foregoing is from an old record, which is in all 
prohatHlity the best they have ; for so rapid are the changes in these 
countries, amidst the anarchy and rebellion we have been describing, 
that the civil officers would deem it time thrown away, to form, as 
iD past times, an exact patta'buhye, or ' register' of feofis. The 
anaent qualification was one horseman and two foot soldiers, " when 
" required," for each five hundred rupees in the rental ; but as the 
estates have been curtailed in extent and diminished in value, in 
order to keep up their nominal amount, one thousand is now the 



Origin of tlie state of BUcaner.—Beeka^ t/ie founder. — Condition of the ctborigi- 
nal Jits or Getes, — The 7iumber and extensive diffusion of this JScpthicrcux, 
still a majority of the peasantry in Western Rajpootanti^ and perhaps in 
Nonrikern India, — Their pursuits pastoral^ their goveruTnent patriarchal, their 
religion of a mixed kind, — List of the Jit cantons ofBikaner at the irruption 
of Beeka, — Causes of the S7iccess of Beeka, — Voluntary surrender of the supre- 
macy of the Jit elders to Beeka. — Conditio7is, — Characteristic qf the Getie 
people throughout India, — Proofs, — Invasion of the Johyas by Beeka and his 
Jit subjects, — Account of the Johyas. — Conquered by Beeka, — ffe wrests 
Bhagorefrom the BhcUtis^ and founds Bikaner, the capital^ A.D. 1489, — His 
uncle Kandul makes conquests to the north. — BeaJth of Beeka. — His son Noon- 
kum succeeds, — Makes conquests from the Bhattis. — His son Jaet succeeds, — 
Enlarges the power ofBikaner, — Bae Sing succeeds. — The Jits ofBikeuuir lose 
their liberties, — The state rises to importance. — Rae Sing's connexion with 
Akber, — His honours and power, — The Johijas revolt and are extemUneUed, — 
Traditions of A lexander the Great amo7igst the ruins of the Johyas, — Exwmin/ed, 
— The Pooniah Jits vanquished by Earn Sing, the Raja's brother. — Their sub- 
jection imperfect, — RaJe Sing's daughter weds prince Selim, afterwards Jehan^, 
— Ra^ Sing succeeded by his son Kurrun. — The three eldest sons ofKurrunfaU 
in the imperial service, — An^ Sitig, the youngest^ succeeds, — QueUsartbdlion 
in Cabul. — His death uncertain, — Suroop Sing succeeds, — He is killed. — 
Svjaun Sing, Zooranaun Sing, Guj Sing, and Raj Sing succeed. — The latter 
poisoned by his brother by another mother, who usurp% the throne^ though 
opposed by the chiefs — He murders the rightful heir, his 7iephew, — Civil war, 
— Muster-roll of the cfii^s, — The usurper attacks Jodpoor, — Present Hole of 
Bikaner, — Account of Beedavati. 

BiKANER holds a secondary rank amongst the principalities of Raj- 

Sootana It is an offset of Marwar, its princes being scion 8 of the 
ouse of Joda, who established themselves by conquest on the 
northern frontier of the parent state ; and its position, in the heart of 
the desert, has contributed to the maintenance of their independence. 

It was in S. 1515 (A.D. 1459), the year in which Joda transferred 
the seat of government from Mundore to Jodpoor, that his son Beeka, 


under the guidance of his uncle Eandul, led three hundred of the 
sonsofS^ji to enlarge the boundaries of Rahtore dominion amidst 
the sands of Maroo. Beeka was stimulated to the attempt by the 
success of his brother Beeda, who had recently subjugated the teri-i- 
tory inhabited by the Mohils for ages. 

Such expeditions as that of Beeka, undertaken expressly for con- 
questy were almost uniformly successful. The invaders set out with 
a determination to slay or be slain ; and these forays had the addi- 
tional stimulus of being on ' fated days/ when the warlike creed of 
the Rajpoots made the abstraction of territory from foe or friend a 
matter of religious duty. 

Beeka, with his band of three hundred, fell upon the Sanklas of 
Jaogloo, whom they massacred. This exploit brought them in con- 
taet with the Bhattis of Poogul, the chief of which gave his daugh- 
ter m marriage to Beeka, who fixed his head-quarters at Eorum- 
desir, where he erected a castle, and gradually augmented his con- 
qnests fix>m the neighbourhood. 

Beeka now approximated to the settlements of the Jits or Getes, 
who had for ages been established in these arid abodes ; and as the 
lands they held form a considerable portion of the state of Bikan^r, 
it may not be uninteresting to give a sketch of the condition of this 
angular people prior to the son of Joda establishing the feudal sys- 
tem of Bajwarra amongst their pastoral commonwealths. 

Of this celebrated and widely-spread race, we have already given 
asoodnct account* It appears to have been the most numerous 
tt well as the most conspicuous of the tribes of ancient Asia, fix>m 
the days of Tomyris and Gyrus to those of the present Jit prince of 
Uhore, whose successor, if he be endued with similar energy, may, 
<m the reflux of population, find himself seated in their original 
Ittnnts of central Asia, to which they have already considerably 
^vancedf In the fourth century, we find a Yuti or Jit kingdom 
^staUiahed in the Punjab ;| but how much earlier this people colon- 
ized those r^ons we are ignorant At every step made oy Maho- 
medan power m India, it encountered the Jits. On their memorable 
defence of the passage of the Indus against Mahmood, and on the 
^ of extirpation waged against them by Timoor, both in their 

C'imeval seats in Maver-ool-nehr, as well as east of the Sutlej, we 
ve abready enlarged ; while Baber, in his Commentaries, informs 
us that, in all his irruptions into India, he was assailed by multi- 
^^ df Jit8§ during his progress through the Punjdb, the peasantry 

* Vol I, p. 96, Hist of the Rigpoot tribes — Article^ Jits, or Getes. 
tKoinflet has loDjg been in possession of Peshore, and entertained views on 
^^w,the diaorgamzed condition of which kingdom affords him a favourable 
^"tWani^ ctf realizing them. 
tBee luKriptioB, VoL I, p. 700. 

J^ Friday the 14th (Dec. 29, A.D. 1525), of the first Rebi, we arrived at 
^wite. Every time that I have entered Hindostan, the Jits and G^jers have 
^^tWy poured down in prodigious numbers from their hills and wilds, in 


of which region, now proselytes to Islam, are chiefly of this tribe ; sb 
well as the military retainers, who, as sectarian followers of Nanuk, 
merge the name of Jit, or Jat, into that of Sildt or * disciple/* 

In short, whether as Yuti, Getes, Jits, Juts, or Jats, this race far 
surpassed, in numbers, three centuries ago, any other tribe or race in 
India ; and it is a fact that they now constitute a vast majority of 
the peasantry of western Rajwarra, and perhaps of northern 

At what period these Jits established themselves in the Indian 
desert, we are, as has been already observed, entirely ignorant ; but 
even at the time of the Rahtore invasion of these communities, their 
habits confirmed the tradition of their Scythic origin. They led 
chiefly a pastoral life, were guided, but not governed by the elders, 
and with the exception of adoration to the 'universal mother' 
(Bhavani), incarnate in the person of a youthful Jitni, they were 
utter aliens to the Hindu theocracy. In fact, the doctrines of the 
great Islamite saint, Shekh Fui-eed, appear to have overturned the 
pagan rites brought from the Jaxartes ; and without any settled 
ideas on religion, the Jits of the desert jumbled all their tenets 
together. They considei'ed themselves, in short, as a distinct class, 
and, as a Pooniah Jit infonned me, " their tvuttun was fai* beyond 
" the Five Rivers." Even in the name of one of the six communities 
(the Asia^h), on whose submission Beeka]founded his new state, we 
have nearly the Asi, the chief of the four tiibes from the Oxus and 
Jaxartes, who overturned the Greek kingdom of Bactria. 

The period of Rahtore domination over these patriarchal commu- 
nities was intermediate between Timoor's and Baber's invasion of 
India. The former, who was the founder of the Chagitai dynasty, 
boasts of the myriads of Jit souls he " consigned to perdition" on the 
desert plains of India, as well as in Transoxiana ; so we may con- 
clude that successive migrations of this people from the great 
" storehouse of nations" went to the lands east of the Indus, and that 
the communities who elected Beeka as their sovereign, had been 
established therein for ages. The extent of their possessions justifies 
this conclusion ; for nearly the whole of the' territory forming the 
boundaries of Bikandr was possessed by the six Jit cantons, viz : 

1. Pooniah, 4. Asiag'h, 

2. Godarra, 5. Beniwal, 

3. Sarun, 6. Johya, or Joweya ; 

order to carry off oxen and buffaloes.'' The learned commentator draws a 
distinction between the Jit inhabitants of the Punjab and of India, which is 
not maintainable. 

* " It is worthy of remark," says Colonel Pitman (who accompanied Mr. 
Elphinstone to Cabul), " that in the two first Do&behs (return of the embassy). 
" we saw very few oikhs, the Jat cultivators of the soil being in general 
« Moosulmauns, and in complete subjugation to the Sikhs»" 


though this last is by some termed a ramification of the Yadu-Bhatti : 
an affiliation by no means invalidating their claims to be considered 
of Jit or Yuti origin.* 

Each canton bore the name of the community, and was subdivided 
into districts. Besides the six Jit cantons, there were three more 
simultaneously wrested from Rajpoot proprietors ; viz,, Bhagore, the 
Kharri-putta, and Mohilla. The six Jit cantons constituted the 
central and northern, while those of the Rajpoots formed the western 
and southern frontiers. 

Disposition of the Cantons at tlixd period. 

Cuitoiifl. No. of Villages. Districts. 

1. — ^Pooniah 300 Bhaderan, Ajitpoor, Seedmookh, Rajgur'b, 

Dadrewoh, Sankoo, &c. 

2. — ^B^niwaL 1 50 Bookurko, Sondurie, Munohurpoor, Kooie, 

Bad, &c. 

3. — Johya GOO Jaetpoor, Koombanoh, Mahajin, Peepasir, 

Oodipoor, &c. 

4. — ^AsiaglL 1 50 Raotsir, Birmsir, Dandoosir, Gundaelf. 

5. — Sarun 300 Kaijur, Phoag, Boochawas, Sowad, Badinoo, 

Sirsilah, &c. 

6. — Godarra 700 Poondrasir, Gosdnsir (great), Shekhsir, 

Gursisir, Garibdesir, Kungaysir, Ealoo, 


Total in the six 
Jit cantons... 2,200 

7. — Bhagore 300 Bikaner, Nal, Kailah, Rajasir, Suttasir, 

Chutturgur'h, Rindisir, Beetnok'h, 
Bhavanipoor, Jeimulsir, &c. 

& — ^Mohilla. 140 Chaupur (capital of Mohilla), Saondah, 

Uerasir, Gopalpoor, Charwas, Beedasir, 
Ladnoo, Mulsisir, Khurbooza-ra-kote. 

9. — Kharri-putta, 
or salt district.. 30 

Grand Total. 2,670 

With such rapidity were states formed in those times, that in a 
few years after Beeka left his paternal roof at Mundore, ho was lord 
over 2,670 villages, and by a title far stronger and more ligitimate 
than that of conquest — the spontaneous election of the cantons. 
Bat although three centuries have scarcely past since their amalga- 
mation into a sovereignty, one-half of the villages cease to exist ; 

* The Jits of the Agra province consider themselves iUegitimate descendants 
of the YadoB of Biana, and have a tradition that their wuUun is Candahar. 



nor are there now 1,300 forming the raj of Soorut Sing, the present 
occupant and lineal descendant of Beeka. 

The Jits and Johyas of these regions, who extended over all the 
northern desert even to the Uarah, led a pastoral life, their wealth 
consisting in their cattle, which they reared in great numbers, dispos- 
ing of the superfluity, and of the gliee (butter clarified) and wool, 
through the medium of Sarsote (Sarasvati) Brahmins (who, in these 
regions, devote themselves to traffic), receiving in return grain and 
other conveniences or necessaries of life. 

A variety of causes conspired to facilitate the formation of the 
state of Bikandr, and the reduction of the ancient Scythic simplicity 
of the Jit communities to Bajpoot feudal sway; and although the 
success of his brother Beeda over the Mohils in some degree paved 
the way, his bloodless conquest could never have happened but for 
the presence of a vice which has dissolved all the republics of the 
world. The jealousy of the Jobyas and Godarras, the two most 
powerful of the six Jit cantons, was the immediate motive to the 
propitiation of the ' son of Joda ;' besides which, the conmiunities 
found the band of Beeda, which had extirpated the ancient Mohils 
when living with them in amity, most troublesome neighbours. 
Further, they were desirous to place between them and the Bhattis 
of Jessulmdr a more powerful barrier; and last, not least, they 
dreaded the hot valour and ' thirst for land' which characterized 
Beeka's retainers, now contiguous to them at Jangloo. For these 
weighty reasons, at a meeting of the ' elders' of the Godarras^ it was 
resolved to conciliate the Rahtore. 

Fandu was the patriarchal head of the Godarras ; his residence 
was at Shekhsir.* The ' elder' of Roneah was next in rank and 
estimation to Fandil, in communities where equality was as absolute 
as the proprietary right to the lands which each individually held : 
that of pasture being common. 

The elders of Shekhsir and Roneah were deputed to enter into 
terms with the Rajpoot prince, and to invest him with supremacy 
over their community, on the following conditions : — 

First, — To make common cause with them, against the Johyas 
and other cantons, with whom they were then at variance ; 

Second, — To guard the western frontier against the innipUon of 
the Bhattis ; 

Third. — ^To hold the rights and privileges of the community 

On the fulfilment of these conditions, they relinquished to Beeka 
and his descendants the supreme power over the Godarras ; assigning 
to him, in perpetuity, the power to levy dhooa, or a ' hearUi-tax,* of 

* This town is named after the Islamite saint, Shekh Fureed of Pakputtun, 
who has a durgah here. He was greatly esteemed bv the Jits, before the Uma 
dea assumed the shape of a JUni, to whom, under the title of Carani McUa^ 
< a ray of the mother/ all bend the head. 


one rupee on each house in the canton, and a land-tax of two rupees 
on each hundi*ed becgas of cultivated land within their limits. 

Apprehensive, however, that Beeka or his descendants might 
encroach upon their rights, they asked what security he could oB'er 
against such a contingency ? The Raj))oot chief I'eplicd that, in 
order to dissipate their fears on this head, as well as to perpetuate 
the remembrance of the supi'emacy thus voluntarily conferi-ed, he 
would solemnly bind himself and his successoi-s to receive the tiha of 
inauguration from the hands of the descendants of the elders of 
Shekhsir and Roneali, and that the gculi should be deemed vacant 
until such rite was administered. 

In this simple transfer of the allegiance of this pastoral people, we 
mark that instinctive love of liberty which accompanied the Gete in 
all places and all conditions of society, whether on the banks of the 
Oxus and the Jaxartes, or in the sandy desert of India ; and although 
his political independence is now annihilated, he is still ready even 
to shed his blood if his Kajpoot master dare to infringe his inalien- 
able right to his bapota, his paternal acres. 

It is seldom that so incontestable a title to supremacy can be 
asserted as that which the weakness and jealousies of the Godarras 
conferred upon Beeka, and it is a pleasing incident to find almost 
throughout India, in the observance of certain rites, the i*emembrance 
of the original compact which tiansfeiTed the sovereign power from 
the lords of the soil to their Rajpoot conquerors. Thus, in M^war, 
the fact of the power conferred upon the Ghelote founder by the 
Bhil aborigines, is commemorated by a custom brought down to the 
present times. (See Vol. I, p. 186.) At Amb^r, the same is recorded 
in the important offices retained by the Meenas, the primitive 
inhabitants of that land. Both Kotah and Boondi retain in their 
names the remembrance of the ancient lords of Harouti ; and Beeka's 
descendants preserve, in a twofold manner, the i*ecollection of their 
Uoodless conquest of the Jits. To this day, the descendant of Pandti 
applies the unguent of royalty to the forehead of the successors of 
Beeka ; on which occasion, the prince places * the fine of relief,' 
consisting of twenty-five pieces of gold, in the hand of the Jit. 
Moreover^ the spot which he selected for )iis capital, was the birth- 
right of a Jit, who would only concede it for this purpose on the con- 
dition that his name should be linked in perpetuity with its 
surrender. Naira, or Nera, was the name of the proprietor, which 
Beeka added to his own, thus composing that of the futui*e capital, 

Besides this periodical recognition of the transfer of power, on all 
lapses of the crown, there are annual memorials of the rights of the 
Oodanas, acknowledged not only by the prince, but by all his Raj- 
poot vassal-kin, quartered on the lands of the Jit ; and although 
' the sons of Beeka,' now multiplied over the country, do not much 
leq^ect the ancient compact, they at least recognize, in the mainte- 
nance of these formulae, the origin of their power. 




On the spring and autumnal* festivals of the Holi and Dewdli, 
the heirs of the patriarchs of Shekhsir and Roneah give the tika to 
the prince and all his feudality. The Jit of Roneah bears the silver 
cup and platter which holds the ampoule of the desert, while his 
compeer applies it to the prince's forehead. The Raja in return 
deposits a nuzzeroma of a gold mohur, and five pieces of silver ; 
the chieftains, according to their rank, following his example. The 
gold is taken by the Shekhsir Jit, the silver by the elder of Roneah. 

To resume our narrative : when the preliminaries were adjusted, 
by Beeka's swearing to maintain the rights of the conmiunity which 
thus surrendered their liberties to his keeping, they united their 
arms, and invaded the Johyas. This populous community, which 
extended over the northern region of the desert, even to the Sutlej, 
reckoned eleven hundred villages in their canton ; yet now, after the 
lapse of little more than three centuries, the veiy name of Johya is 
extinct. They appear to be the Jenjooheh of Baber, who, in his 
irruption into India, found them congregated with the ' Jiids* about 
the cluster of hills in the fii^t doabm of the Funjdb, called ' the 
mountains of Joude ;' a position claimed by the Yadus or Jadoos in 
the very dawn of their history, and called Jaddoo ca dang, ' the 
Jaddoo hills.' This supports the assertion that the Johya is of 
Yadu race, while it does not invalidate its claims to Yuti or Jit 
descent, as will be further shewn in the early portion of the annals of 
the Yadu-Bhattis.f 

The patriarchal head of the Johyas resided at Bhuropal ; his name 
was Shere Sing. He mustered the strength of the canton, and 
for a long time withstood the continued efforts of the Rajpoots 
and the Godarras ; nor was it until ' treason had done its worsts' 
by the murder of tiieir elder, and the consequent possession of Bhu- 
ropal, that the Johyas succumbed to Rahtore domination. 

With this accession of power, Beeka carried his arms westward, 

and conquered Bhagore from the Bhattis. It was in this district, 

originally wrested by the Bhattis from the Jits, that Beeka founded 

^ his capital, Bikaner, on thejjth BysAk S. 1545, (A.D. 1489), thirty 

mi- \ yeaxs after his departure from the parental roof at Mundore. 

When Beeka was thus firmly established, his uncle Kandul, to 
whose spirit of enterprize he was mainly indebted for success, departed 
with his immediate kin to the northward, with a view of settling in 
fresh conquests. He successively subjugated the communities of 
Asiag'h, B^niwal, and Sarun, which cantons are mostly occupied l^ 
his descendants, styled ''Kandulote Rahtores," at this day, and 
although they form an integral portion of the Bikan6r state, they 

* Vide Vol. I, pp. 486, 512 — for an account of these festivals. 

1 1 presented a work on this race, entitled ' The Book of the Johyas/ (sent 
« me by the prime minister of Jessidm^r) to the Royal Asiatic Society. Having 

obtained it just before leaving Rajpootana, I never had leisure to examine it, 
or to pronounce on its value as an historical document ; but any work having 
reference to so singular a community can scarcely fail to furnish matter^ 


JltA^AA^^ H* 


eviBoe, Id their independent bearing to its chief, that their estate^ 
were "the gift of their own swords, not of his patents ;" and they 
pay but a rductant and nominal obedience to his authority. When 
neoeuity or avarice imposes a demand for tribute, it is often met by 
a flat refusal, accompanied with such a comment as this : " Who 
'made this Baja ? Was it not our common ancestor, Kandul ? Who 
" is he, who presumes to levy tribute from us V KanduVs career of 
Qonqaest was cut shoi*t by the emperor's lieutenant in Hissar ; be 
VIS slain in attempting this important fortress. 

Beeka died in S. 1651 (A.D. 1495), leaving two sons by the /jd/* 
daughter of the Bhatti cTuef of Poogul, viz., Noonkum, who succeeded, 
sod Qarsi, who founded Gursisir and Ursisir. The stock of the lat- 
ter is numerous, and is distinguished by the epithet Chiraote Beehi, 
whose principal fiefs are those of Gursisir and Garibdesir, each having 
tventy-four villages depending on them.* j y 

Noonkum made several conquests from the Bhattis, on the wes-^^^^^^^C^ 
ton frontier. He had four sons ; his eldest desiring a separate estab- 
lishment in his lifetime, for the fief of Maliajin and one hundred 
snd forty villages, renounced his right of primogeniture in favour of y /^ ^ ^ 
his brother Jaet, who succeeded in S. 1 569. His brothers had each / J Jr *^ V 
appanages assigned to them. He had three sons, 1st, Calian Sing ; 
2d, S^ji, and 3d, AishpaL Jaetsi reduced the district of Namote 
frcon some independent Grasia chiefs, and settled it as the appanage 
of his second son, S^jL It was Jaetsi also who compelled ' the sons 
of Beeda,' the first Rahtore colonists of this region, to acknowledge 
Ussapremacy by an annual tribute, besides certain taxes. 

Oalian Sing succeeded in S. 1603. He had three sons, 1st, Rae 
Si^; 2d, Bam Sing, and 3d, Pirthi Sing. 

Ba^ Sing succeeded in S. 1630 (A.D. 1573). Until this reign, the 
fits had, in a great degree, preserved their ancient privileges. Their 
namt^mnce was, however, found rather inconvenient, by the now 
niperahundant Bajpoot population, and they were consequently dis- 
possesaed of all political authority. With the loss of independence 
tkeir nulitaiY spirit decayed, and they sunk into mere tillers of the 
Mh. In iana reign also Bikaner rose to importance amongst tho 
prindpalities of the empire, and if the Jits parted with their liber- 
fas to the Bajpoot, the latter, in like manner, bartered his freedom 
biKeome a Satrap of Dehli. On his father s death, Rae Sing in per- 
son undertook the sacred duty of conveying his ashes to the Ganges. 
^ illustrious Akb^r was then emperor of India. Bae Sing and the 
^pem* had married sisters, princesses of Jessulmer. This connexion 

. ^ To the few who will peruse these annals of the desert tribes, it will be 
vtoesting to observe the development of families, and the maintenance, by 
■Kh disnnctiye patronymics, of their origin. In the annals of this remote 
^ I shall not enter at any length into the history of their wars, which arc, 
*^a ehang^e of names and scene, all pretty much alike ; but confme myself, 
*^ a succinct and connected genealogical relation, to the manners of the 
WJpie, the aspect, productions, and goverumcut of the country. 


obtained for him, on his introduction to court by Raja Maun of 
Amh6r, the dignity of a leader of four thousand horse, the title of 
Raja, and the government of Hissar. Moreover, when Maldeo of 
Jodpoor incurred the displeasure of the king, and was dispossessed of 
the rich district of Nagore, it was given to Ra^ Sing. Witii these 
honours, and increased power as one of the king's lieutenants, he 
returned to his dominions, and sent his brother Ram Sing against 
Bhutnair, of which he made a conquest This town was uie chief 

Slace of a district belonging to the fihattis, originally Jits* of Yadu 
escent, but who assumed this name on becoming proselytes to the 
faith of Islam. 

Rae Sing, at the same time, completely subjugated the Johyas, 
who, always troublesome, had recently attempted to regain their 
ancient independence. The Rajpoots carried fire and sword into 
this country, of which they made a desert Ever since it has 
remained desolate : the very name of Johya is lost, though the 
vestiges of considerable towns bear testimony to a remote antiqmity. 

Amidst these ruins of the Johyas, the name of Sekunder Roami 
(Alexander the Great) has fixed itself, and the desert retains the 
tradition that the ruin called Ruiig-mahl, the ' painted palace,' near 
Dandoosir, was the capital of a prince of this region punished by a 
visitation of the Macedonian conqueror. History affords no evidence 
of Alexander's passage of the Garah, though the scene of his severest 
conflict was in that nook of the Punjd.b not remote from the lands of 
the Johyas. But though the chronicler of Alexander does not sanc- 
tion our indulging in this speculation, the total darkness in which 
we appear doomed to remain with regard to Bactria and the petty 
Grecian kingdoms on the Indus, established by him, does not forbid 
our surmise, that by some of these, perhaps the descendants of Python, 
such a visitation might have happened.^ The same traditions assert 
that these regions were not always either arid or desolate, and the 
living chronicle alluded to in the note, repeated the stanza cJsewhere 
given, which dated its deterioration from the drj^ng up of the Hdki^a 
river, which came from the Punjdb, and flowing through the heart of 
this country, emptied itself into the Indus between Roiy Bekher and 

The affinity that this word {Hah^) has both to the Caggar^ and 
Sa/aki^aX would lead to the conclusion of either being t£e stream 

* In the Annals of Jessulm^r, the number of offsets from the Yadu-Bhatti 
tribe which assumed the name of JU, will be seen ; an additional ground for 
asserting that the Scythic Yadu is in fact the Yvti, 

t My informant of this tradition was an old inhabitant of Dandoosir, and 
although seventy years of age, had never left the little district of his nativity 
until he was brought to me, as one of the most intelligent living records of the 

X The natives of these regions cannot pronounce the sibilant ; so that, as I 
have already stated, the 8 is converted into A. I gave as an example the name 
JahUmer, which becomes ' the hill of fools,* instead of * the hill of JaaiL' ScaJtra^ 
in like manner becomes Haidra, 


referred to. The former we know as being engulphed in (he sands 
about the Heriana confines, while the Sankra is a stream which, 
though now dry, was used as a line of demarcation even in the time 
of Nadir Shah. It ran eastward, parallel with the Indus, and by 
mAlrmg it his boundary. Nadir added all the fertile valley of the 
Indus to his Persian kingdom. (See Map.) The only date this 
legendary stanza assigns for the catastrophe is the reign of the Soda 
prince, Hamir. 

Ram Sing, having thus destroyed the power of future resistance in 
the Johyas, turned his arms against the Pooniah Jits, the last who 
preserved tiieir ancient liberty. They were vanquished, and the Raj- 
poots were inducted into their most valuable possessions. But the 
conqueror paid the penalty of his life for the glory of colonizing the 
lands of the Pooniahs. He was slain in their expiring effort to shake 
off the yoke of the stranger ; and though the Ramsingotes add to the 
numerical strength, and enlarge the tenitory of the heirs of Beeka, 
thev, like the iuindulotes, little increase the power of the state, to 
whidi their obedience is nominal. Seedmook'h and Sankoo are the 
two chief places of the Ramsingotes. 

Thus, with the subjugation of the Pooniahs, the political annihila" 
tion of the six Jit cantons of the desert was accomplished : they are 
now occupied in agriculture and their old pastoral pursuits, and are 
an industrious tax-paying race under their indolent Rajpoot masters. 

Riya Rae Sing led a ^lant band of his Rahtores in all the wars of 
Akber. He was distinguished in the assault of Ahmedabad, slaying in 
single combat the governor, Mirza Mohammed Hussein. The emperor, 
who knew the value of such valorous subjects, strengthened the 
connexion which already subsisted between tibe crown and the Rah- 
tores, by obtaining for prince Selim (afterwards Jehangir) Ra^ Sing's 
daughter to wife. The unfortunate Purvez was the fruit of this 

Ra^ Sing was succeeded by his only son, Eurrun, in S. 1688 
(A.D. 1632). 

Kumm held the * mimsub of two thousand,' and the government 
of Doulatabad, in his father's life-time. Being a supporter of the just 
claims of Dara Sheko, a plot was laid by the general of his antagonist, 
with whom he served, to destroy him, but which he was enabled to 
defeat by the timely intelligence of tihe Hara prince of BoondL He 
died at Bikan^r, leaving four sons : 1, Pudma Sing ; 2, Kesuri Sing ; 
3» Mbhun Sing, and 4, An6p Sing. 

TUs fiunily furnishes another example of the prodigal sacrifice of 
Rajpoot blood in the imperial service. The two elder princes were 
alain in the storm of Beejipoor, and the tragical death of the third, 
Hohun Sing, in the imperial camp, forms an episode in Ferishta's 
Histoiy of uie Dekhan.* 

* TheyoanK desert chieftain, like all his tribe, would find matter for quarrel 
in the wind blowing in his face. Having received what he deemed an insult 
from the brother-in-law of the Sftazada, in a dispute regarding a fawn, he 


An6p Sing succeeded in S. 1730 (A.D. 1 674). For the services of 
his family he had the castle and lands of Adoni conferred upon him, 
with ' the munsub of five thousand/ and the governments of Beeji- 
poor and Arungabad. An6p Sing led his clans with the head of his 
race, the prince of Jodpoor, to quell a rebellion amongst the Afghans 
of Cabul, which having effected, he i-eturued to the peninsula. 
Ferishta and the native annals are at variance on his death ; the 
former asserting that he died in the Dekhan, while the latter say 
that he left that country, disgusted with the imperial commander's 
interference about his ground of encampment, and that he died at 
Bikandr. He left two sons, Suroop Sing and Sujaun Sing. 

Suroop, who succeeded in S. 1765 (A.D. 1709), did not long enjoy 
his honours, being killed in attempting to recover Adoni, which the 
emperor had resumed on his father s leaving the army. 

Sujaun Sing, his successor, did nothing. 

Zoorawur Sing became Raja in S. 1793 (AD. 1737). The domestic 
incidents of this, as of the preceding reigns, are without interest. 

Guj Sing succeeded in S. 1802 (AD. 1746). Throughout a long 
reign of forty-one years, this prince carried on border strife with the 
Bhattis and the Khan of Bhawulpore. From the former he took 
Rajasir, Kailah, Ranair, Suttasir, Bunnipoora, Mootalai, and other 
villages of inferior note; and from the Khan he recovered the 
important frontier castle of An6pgurh. 

He laid waste, filling up the wells, a considerable tract of country 
west of the frontier post of An6pgurh, to prevent the incursions of 
the Daodpotras* 

ap{)ealed to his sword, and a duel ensued even in the presence-chamber, in 
wnich young Mohun feU. The fracas was reported to his brother Pudma, at no 
distance from the scene. With the few retainers at hand, he rushed to the spot^ 
and found his brother bathed in his blood. His antagonist, still hanging over 
his victim, when he saw the infuriated Eahtore enter, witn sword and shield^ 
prepar.ed for dreadful vengeance, retreated behind one of the columns of the 
Aum Khas (Divan), But Pudma's sword reached him, and avenged his 
brother^s death ; as the record savs, ** he felled him to the earth, cleaving at the 
" same place the pillar in twain. Taking up the dead body of his brother, and 
surrounded by his vassals, he repaired to his quarters, where he assembled all 
the Rajpoot princes serving with their contingents, as Jeipoor, Jodpoor, 
Harouli, and harangued them on the insult to their race in the murder of his 
brother. They all agreed to abandon the king's army, and retire to their own 
homes. A noble was sent to expostulate by Prince Moozzim : but in vain. 
He urged that the prince not only forgave, but approved the summary 
vengeance taken by the Rahtore : they refused to listen, and in a body had 
retired more than twenty miles, when the prince in person joined them, and 
concessions and expostulations overcoming them, they returned to the camp. 
It was subsecjuent to this that the two eider brothers were skin. It is record^ 
of the survivm^ brother, that he slew an enormous lion in single combat For 
tMs exploit, wmch thoroughly entitled him to the name he bore (KesuriL * the 
lion,' ne received an estate of twenty-five villages from the king. He also 
obtained great renown for slaying a Habshi or Abyssinian chief, who com- 
manded for one of the southern princes. 

* *" The children of David,' the designation of the tract and inhabitants sub- 
ject to the state of Bhawulpore, from its foimder, D^od Khan, a native of 


Raja Guj had some celebrity from the number of his offspring, 
taving had sixty-one children, though all but six were the ' sons of 
ove.' The legitimates were, Chuttur Sing, who died in infancy ; Raj 
Jing, who was poisoned by the mother of Soorut Sing, the reigning 
>rm€e ; Soortan Sing and Ajib Sing, both of whom fled the paternal 
oof to escape the fate of their elder brother, and are now at Jeipoor ; 
ioomt Sing, Raja of Bikaner ; and Siam Sing, who enjoys a small 
ippanage in Bikaner. 

Raj Sing succeeded his father S. 1843 (A.D. 1787), but he enjoyed 
he dignity only thirteen days, being removed by a dose of poison 
>y the mother* of Soorut Sing, the fifth son of Raja Guj. The 
nrown thus nefariously obtained, this worthy son of such a parent 
ietermined to maintain his authority by like means, and to leave no 
x>mpetitor to contest his claims. He has accordingly removed by 
leatn or exile all who stood between him and the *gad{ of Beeka.' 

Raj Sing left two sons, Pert&p Sing and Jey Sing. On the death 
>f Raj Sing, the office of regent, a word of ominous import in these 
r^ons, was assumed by Soorut Sing, who, during eighteen months, 
x>nducted himself with great circumspection, and by condescension 
lad gifts impressed the chiefs in his favour. At length he broke his 
plans to the chiefs of Mahajin and Bahaderan, whose acquiescence 
in his usurpation he secured by additions to their estates. The 
faitiiful Bukntawar Sing, whose family during four generations had 
Slled the office of dhuan, discovered the scheme, though too late to 
Mnmtei'act it, and the attempt was punished by imprisonment. 
Prepared for the last step, the regent collected foreign troops from 
Batinda and other parts, sufficient to overcome all opposition. The 
infant prince was kept secluded, and at length the regent issued the 
vranmnt in his own name for the nobles to assemble at the capital. 
Except the two traitors enumerated, they to a man refused ; but 
JTMiftfifid of combining to oppose him, they indolently remained at 
thmr castles. Collecting all nis troops, the usurper passed to Nohur, 
where he enticed the chief of Bookurko to an interview, and lodged 
him in the fortress of Nohur. Thence he passed to Ajitpoora, which 
lie plundered ; and advancing to Sankoo, he attacked it in form. 
Doorjmi Sing defended himself with valour, and when reduced to 
extranify, committed suicide. His heir was put in fetters, and a 
fine of twelve thousand rupees was levied from the vassals of Sankoo. 
The commercial town of Uhoord was next attacked ; it held out six 
lacmths, when the confined chief of Bookurko, as the price of his 
own fireedom, treacherously offered to put the tyrant in possession. 
He effected this, and a fine of nearly two lacs of rupees (£20,000) 
WIS offered to spare the town from plunder. 

Tiy this act of severity, and the means it furnished, Soorut returned 
to Bfksndr, determined to remove the only bar between him and 
tbe crown, his prince and nephew. In this he found some difficulty, 

* She was the sister of the Jhulye chief, heir presumptive to the gadi of 
Jeipoor, on failure of lineal issue. 


from the virtue and vigilance of his sister, who never lost sight of 
the infant. Frustrated in all attempts to circumvent her, and nc^t 
daring to blazon the murder by open violence, he invited the neecl^ 
Raja of Nirwar to make proposals for his sister's hand. In vain skft.< 
urged her advanced period of life ; and in order to deter the suitOT, 
that she had already been affianced to Rana Ursi of M^war. All kis 
scruples vanished at the dower of three lacs, which the regent offer^Mi 
the impoverished scion of the famous Raja Nala* Her objections 
oveiTuled and she was forced to submit ; though she not only 
through her brother's anxiety for her removal, but boldly charg^^ 
him with his nefarious intentions. He was not content with dx»- 
avowing them, but at her desire gave her the most solemn assuranc^es 
of the child's safety. Her departure was the signal of his death ; fkyr 
not long after, he was found strangled, and it is said by the regeati's 
own hands, having in vain endeavoured to obtain the offices of blie 
Mahajin chieftain as the executioner of his sovereign. 

Thus, in one short yeai- after the death of Raja Raj, the gad'C of 
Beeka was dishonoured by being possessed by an assassin of lii» 
prince. In S. 1857 (A.D. 1801), the elder brothei-s of the usurper, 
Soortan Sing and Ajib Sing, who had found refuge in JeipcKJr, 
repaired to Bhutnair and assembled the vassals of the disaffected 
nobles and Bhattis in order to dethrone the tyrant. But the recol- 
lection of his severities deterred some, while bribes kept back others, 
and the usurper did not hesitate to advance to meet his foes. The 
encounter, which took place at Beegore, was obstinate and bloodyt 
and three thousand Bhattis alone fell This signal victory confirmed 
Soorut's usurpation. He erected a castle on the field of battle, which 
he called Futtihgurhy ' the abode of victory.' 

Flushed with this brilliant success, Soorut Sing determined ^ 
make his authority respected both at home and abroad. He invaded 
his turbulent countrymen, the Beedawuts, and levied fifty thousand 
rupees from their landa Chooru, which had promised aid to tiw^ 
late confederacy, was once more invested and mulcted, and various 
other places were attacked ere they could join. But one solitarj^ 
castle was successfully defended, that of Ch'hani, near Bahaderaa 
Here the usurper was foiled, and, after six months' fruitless ^ege, 
compelled to return to his capital. 

Shortly after, he eagerly availed himself of an opportunity to 
punish tne excesses of the Daodpotras, and to withdraw attenti(m 
Irom himself, by kindling a popular war against these powerful and 
turbulent neighbours. The occasion was the Kerani chief of Tearoh 
demanding his aid against his liege lord, Bhawul Khan. As these 
border feuds are not extinguished even in these days of universal 
peace, it may not be uninteresting to see the feudal muster-roll of 

* The story of Nala and Dumyanti (or, Nul Dumun^ as it is familiarly called 
in these regions) is well known in oriental Hterature. From Nal, the famed 
castle of Narwar is named^ of which this suitor for the hand of the Blkan^r 
princess was deprived by Smdia. 


the desert chiefs on sudi occurrences, as well as the mode in which 
they cany on hostilities. It was very shortly before that victory 
hid preponderated on the side of the Rahtores by a gallant coup-de- 
main of the lord marcher of Bikan&*, who carriea the castle of 
Hoz^h in a midnight assault. The hero on this occasion was not a 
fiahtore, but a Bhatti chief, in the service of Blkan^r, named Hindii 
Sing, who gained ' immortality' by the style in which he scaled the 
walls, put Mahomed Maroop Kerani, the governor, and the garrison 
to the sword, and brought away captive to Bikan^r the governor's 
wife, who was afterwards ransomed for five thousand rupees and 
four hundred camels' 

The outlaw who sought sirna at Bikan^r, on this occasion, was 
of the same tribe, Kerani, his name Khodabuksh ('gift of god'), 
chief of Tearoh, one of the principal liefs of the Daodpotras. With 
all his retainers, to the amount of three hundred horse and five 
hundred foot, he threw himself on the protection of Soorut Sing, who 
assigned him twenty villages, and one hundred rupees daily for his 
support The Keranis were the most powerful vassals of Bhawul 
Khan, who might have paid dear for the resumption of Tearoh, whose 
chief promised the Rajpoot nothing less than to extend his conquests 
to the Indus. Allured by this bait, the Jdif^r was proclaimed and the 
sons of Beeka assembled from all (quarters. 

Horse. Foot Guns, 
Abhye Sing, chief of... Bookurko.. 300 2,000 

Rao Ram Sing, of. . .Poogul 

Hatti Sing, of...Ranair 

Kumin Sing, of. . . Suttasir . . . 

An6p Sing Jussaroh... 

Khet Sing. Jemunsir. . 

Bheni Sing, of...Jangloo.... 

Bhom Sing, of...Beetnoke... 















Feudal retainers 528 3,611 

Park under Muji Purihar — 21 

Foreign Biigade C Khas Paega, or household troop... 200 — 

inthe -J Camp of Gunga Sing. 200 1,500 4 

B&jas service. (, Do. of Doorjun Sing 60 600 4 

rAnokaSing^ 300 — 

Laori Sing V Sikh chieftains 250 — 

Auxiliary Levies. < Bood Sing j ..• 250 — 

Sooltan Khan ) * r i Ai\f\ 

^Ahmed Khan}^'^*^^ ^ " 

Total 2,188 5,711 29 

The command-in-chief of this brilliant array was conferred on 
Jaitroh Match, son of the Dewdn. On the 13th of Mfch 1856 
(spring of 1800) he broke ground, and the feudal levies fell in on 




the march by Eunasir, Rajasir, Kaili, Ranair, and Andpgurh, the last 
point of rendezvous. Thence he proceeded by Seogurn,* Mozgurh, 
and Phoolra, all of which were taken after a few weeks' siege, and 
from the last they levied a lac and a quarter of rupees, with other 
vahiables, and nine guns. They advanced to Khyrpoor, within three 
miles of the Indus, when being joined by other refractoiy chiefs, 
Jaitroh marched direct on the capital, Bhawulpore, within a short 
distance of which he encamped preparatory to the attack. The 
Khan, however, by this delay, was enabled to detach the most con- 
siderable of his nobles from the Rajpoot standard : on which the 
Bikaner Dewdn, satisfied with the honour of havmg insulted Bhawul- 
pore, retreated with the spoils he had acquired. He was received 
by the usurper with contempt, and degraded for not fighting. 

The Bhattis, smarting with the recollection of their degradation, 
two years after the battle of Beegore attempted the invasion of 
Bikandr, but were again repulsed with loss ; and these skiimishes 
continued until S. 1861 (A.!). 180a), when Raja Soorut attacked the 
Khan of the Bhattis in his capital, Bhutnair. It capitulated after a 
siege of six months, when Zabta Khan, with his garrison and effects, 
was permitted to retire to Rhania, since which this place has 
remained an appanage of Bikaner. 

The coalition against Jodpoor was niinous to Soorut, who sup- 
ported the cause of the Pretender, on which the usurper expended 
twenty-four lacs of rupees, nearly five years' revenue of this desert 
region. On this occasion, he led all his troops in person against 
Jodpoor, and united in the siege, which they were however compelled 
to abandon with dishonour, and retrograde to their several abodes. 
In consequence of this, the usurper fell sick, and was at the last 
extremity ; nay, the ceremonies for the dead were actually com- 
menced ; but he recovered, to the grief and miseiy of his subjects. 
To supply an exhausted treasury, his extortions know no bounds ; 
and having cherished the idea that he might compound his past sins 
by rites and gifts to the priesta, he is surrounded by a group of 
avaricious Brahmins, who are maintained in luxury at the expense 
of his subjects. His cruelty keeps pace with his avarice and his 
fears. The chief of Bookurko he put to death, notwithstanding his 
numerous services. Nahur Sing of Seedmookh, Gyan Sing and 
Goman Sing of Gundaili, amongst the chief feudatories of the state, 
shared the same fate. Chooril was invested a third time, and with 
its chief, fell into the tyrant's hands. 

With this system of terror, his increasing superstition, and dimin- 
ished attention to public duties, the country is annually deteriorat- 
ing in population and wealth; and as if they had not misery 
enough within, they have not had a single good season for years.-j* 
Owing to the disobedience of the northern chiefs, and the continual 

* Its former name was Bullur, one of the most ancient cities of the desert, as 
is Phoolra, a Johya possession. 
t This account was drawn up in 1814. 


DcuTsions of the Rakts, or ' Bhatti robbers/ who sweep the land of 
lattle, and often cut and carry off entire crops, the peasant Jit, the 
mcient lord of the soil, is often left to the alternative of stai-vation 
>r emigration. Many have consequently sought shelter in the 
British frontier territories, in Hansi and Heriana, where they aro 
dndly received. Since the English have occupied Sirsah and the 
ands belonging to the Bhatti Bahader Khan, the misfortunes of the 
mltivators of uie northern parts of Bikaner have been doubled by 
he inroads of a band left without resource. In some parts, the Jits 
combine to protect themselves against these inroads : eveiy handet 
las its post of defence, a tower of earth, on which is perched a 
iratchman and kettle-drum, to beat the alarum, which is taken up 
jrom village to village, and when an enemy is discovered, all are iu 
inns to defend their property. The unfortunate Jit is obliged to 
[dough his fields under the load of shield and sang, or heavy iron 
ance ; so that, at no distant period, the whole of this region must 
jeoome as desolate as the tracts once possessed by the Johyas.* 

Such, at the end of three hundred and twenty-three years, is the 
!}iaiige which a Rajpoot usurper has effected in the once com- 
saratively populous communities of the Jits. From the founder, 
Beeka, to the present tyrannical governor, there have been only 
ileven descents though thirteen reigns, giving an average of thirty 
^ears for the one, and twenty -five for the other : a fact which speaks 
brcibly for the general morality of the descendants of Beeka. 

Before we enter on the physical aspect of the country, we must 
nake mention of Beedavati, the lands of ' the sons of Becda,' now an 
ot^;ral portion of Bikaner. It will be borne in mind that Bceda, 
lie brother of Beeka, led the fii-st Rajpoot colony from Mundore, in 
leaixsh of a fresh establishment His first attempt was in the pro- 
rince of Godwar, then belonging to the Rana : but his reception 
here was so warm, that he moved northward, and was glad to 
ake service with the chief of the Mohils. This ancient tribe 
s by some termed a branch of the Yadus, but is by othei*s 
soDsidered a separate race, and one of the 'thirty-six royal 
aces :' all are agreed as to its antiquity. The residence of the 
Hohil chief was Chaupur, where, with the title of Thakoor, 
le ruled over one hundred and forty townships. Beeda deemed 
dicumvention better than open force to effect his purposes ; and as, 
loeording to the Rajpoot maxim, in all attempts * to obtain land,' 
access hallows the means, he put in train a scheme which, as it 
iffotrda the least cause for suspicion, has often been used for this 
>bject Beeda became the medium of a matrimonial arrangement 
xiween the Mohil chief and the prince of Marwar ; and as the rcla- 
ion and natural guardian of the bride, he conveyed the nuptial train 
mraspected into the castle of the Mohils, whose chiefs were assembled 

♦ While putting this to the press, rumour says that the chiefs of Bikaner are 
D open rebeUion against the Raja, who has applied, but without success, to the 
Bikuh Government for support. This, if true, is a^s it should be. 


to honour the festivities. But instead of the Ralitore fair and 
her band of maidens, the valorous sons of Joda rushed sword in hand 
from the litters and covered vehides, and treacherously cut off the 
best men of Mohilla. They kept possession of the inner fortress 
until tidings of their success brought reinforcements from Jodpoor. 
For this aid, Beeda assigned to his father, Ladnoo and its twelve 
villages, now incorporated with Jodpoor. The son of Beeda, Tez Sing, 
laid the foundation of a new capital, which he called after his father, 
Beedasir. The community of the Beedawuts is the most powerftilin 
Bikaner, whose prince is obliged to be satisfied with almost nominal 
marks of supremacy, and to restrict his demands, which are else- 
where unlimited. The little region of the Mohillas, around the ancient 
capital Chaupur, is an extensive fiat, fiooded in the periodical rains 
from the surrounding teebas or * sand-hills,' the soil of which is excel- 
lent, even wheat being abimdantly produced. This Oasis, as it is 
entitled to be termed, may be twenty-five miles (twelve coss) in 
extreme length, by about six in breadth. We cannot aifirm that the 
entire Beedawut district of one hundred and forty villages, and to 
which is assigned a population of forty thousand to fifty thousand 
souls, one-third being Rahtores, ' the sons of Beeda' is within this 
flat. It is subdivided into twelve fiefs, of which five are pre-eminent. 
Of the ancient possessors, the indigenous Mohils, there are not more 
than twenty families throughout the land of Mohilla ; the rest are 
chiefly Jit agriculturists and the mercantile castes. 

We do the sons of Beeda no injustice when we style them a com- 
munity of plunderers. Like the sons of Esau, '' their hand is against 
" every man :" and they are too powerful to fear retaliation. In 
former times they used to unite with the Larkhanis, another horde 
of robbers, and carry their raids into the most populous pai*ts of Jei- 
poor. In these habits, however, they only pai'take of the character 
conmion to all who inhabit desert regions. What nature has denied 
them, they wrest from those to whom she has been more bountifuL 
But it is to the absence of good government more than to natural 
sterility, that we must attribute the moral obliquity of the Raja- 
putras, *tbe off*spring of regality,' spread over these extensive regions, 
who little discriminate between nietvm and ticum^ in all that refers to 
their neighbours. 



A,ehud condition and oapabiliiie* of Bikan^, — Catises of iU deterioration, — Extent. 
— Poptdation, — Jits, — Sarctswati Brahmins, — Charuns, — Mollis and Noes, — 
Choorof and Thaories, — Rajpoots, — Face of the country, — Orain and vegetable 
productions, — Implements of husbandry, — Water, — Salt lakes, — Local physiog- 
nomy, — Mineral productions, — Unctuous day, — Animal productions, — Commerce 
and Manufactures, — Fairs. — Government and revenues, — The fisc, — Dhooah, or 
hearthrtax, — Anga, or capitation-tax, — Sayer, or imposts, — Pusaeti^ or plough- 
tax, — Malbah, or ancient lavid-tax, — Extraordinary and irregular resources, — 
Feudal levies, — Household troops. 

This region is but little known to Europeans, by whom it has 
hitherto been supposed to be a perfect desei*t, unworthy of examina- 
tion. Its present condition bears little comparison with what tradi- 
tion reports it to have been in ancient times ; and its deterioration, 
within three centuries since the Rajpoots supplanted the Jits, almost 
warrants our belief of the assertion, that these deserts were once fer- 
tile and populous ; nay, that they are still capable (notwithstanding 
the reported continual increase of the sand) to maintain an abundant 
population, there is little room to doubt. The princes of Bikaner 
used to take the field at the head of ten thousand of their kindred 
retainers ; and although they held extraordinary grants from the 
empire for the maintenance of these contingents, their ability to do so 
from their proper i^sources was undoubted. To other causes than 
positive sterility must be attributed the wretched condition of 
this state. Exposed to the continual attacks of organized bands of 
robbers from without, subjected internally to the never-ending 
demands of a rapacious government, for which they have not a shadow 
of advantage in return, it would be strange if aught but progressive 
decay and wretchedness were the consequence. In three centuries, 
more than one-half of the villages, which either voluntarily or by 
force submitted to the rule of the founder, Beeka, are now without 
memorial of their existence, and the rest are gradually approximat- 
ing to the same condition. Commercial caravans, which passed 
through this state and enriched its treasury with the transit duties, 
have almost ceased to frequent it from the increasing insecurity of 
its territory. Besides the personal loss to the prince, the country 
suffers from the deterioration of the commercial towns of Chooru, 
Rajgurh, and Rinnie, which, as entrepdta, supplied the country with 
the productions of Sinde and the provinces to the westward, or those 
d Gangetic India. Nor is this confined to Bikaner ; the same cause 
aflfocts Jessulmer, and the more eastern principalities, whose mis- 
government, equally with Bikaner, fosters the spirit of rapine : 
the Maldotes of Jessulmer and the Larkhanis of Jeipoor are as 
notorious as the Beedawuts of Bikaner ; and to these may be added 
the Sahraes, Khosas, and Rajurs, in the more western desert, who, 
in their habits and principles, are as demoralized as the Bedouins of 


Extent — Population, — SoU. — Teebaa or Sand-hiUa, — The line oF 
greatest bi-eadth of this state extends from Poogul to Rajgurh, and 
measiires about one hundred and eighty miles ; while the lengths, 
from north to south, between Bhutnair and Mahajin, is about oneaH 
hundred and sixty miles: the area may not exceed twenty-two^ 
thousand miles. Formerly they reckoned two thousand seven hun-— 
dred towns, villages, and hamlets scattered over this space, one-hal9 
of which are no longpr in existence. 

An estimate of the population of this arid region, without pre— — 
senting some data, would be very unsatisfactory. The tract to the^ 
north-west of Jaetpoor is now perfectly desolate, and nearly so &onK3 
that point to Bhutnair : to the north-east, the population is butft* 
scanty, which observation also applies to the parts from the meridiazKs 
of Bikaner to the Jessulmer frontier ; while internally, from thes^^i 
points, it is more uniform, and equals the northern parts of Marwar.^a 
From a census of the twelve principal towns, with an estimate.^ 
furnished by well-informed inhabitants, of the remainder, we ma)^ 
obtain a tolerably accurate approximation on this point. 

Chief Towns. No. of Houses. 

Bikaner. 12,000 

Nohur 2,500 

Bahaderan 2,500 

Rinnie 1,500 

Rajgurh 3,000 

Choorfi 3,000 

Mahajin 800 

Jaetpoor 1,000 

Beedasir 500 

Ruttungurh 1,000 

Daismookh 1,000 

Senthal 50 


100 villages, each having 200 houses 20,000 

100 Ditto 150 ditto ... 15,000 

200 Ditto 100 ditto ... 20,000 

800 hamlets 30 each 24,000 

Total number of houses. . . 107,850 

Allowing five souls to each house, we have a total of 539,250 souls,, 
giving an average of twenty-five to the square mile, which I cannot 
think exaggerated, and making the desert regions dependii^ on 
Bikaner equal, in the density of population, the highlands of Scot- 

Of this population, full three-fourths are the aboriginal Jits ; the 
rest are their conquerors^ descendants of Beeka> including the Sarsote 


Brahmms, Charuns, Bards, and a few of the debased elaases, whose 
numbere, conjointly, are not one-tenth of the Rajpoots. 

Jito.— The Jits are the most wealthy as well as the most numer- 
ous portion of the community. Many of the old Bhomia landlords, 
representatives of their ancient communal heads, are men of sub- 
stance; but their riches are of no use to them, and to avoid the 
npadty of their government, they cover themselves with the doak 
of poverty, which is thrown aside only on nuptial festivities. On 
these occasions they disinter their hoards, which are lavished with 
mboanded extravagance. They even block up the highways to 
eoUect visitors, whose numbers form the measure of the liberality 
ind munificence of the donor of the fete. 

Sofwte ^properly Sarasvati) Brahmins are found in coiLsider- 
aUenombers throughout this tract They aver that they were masters 
of the country prior to the Jit colonists. They are a peaceable, 
iiKlastrious race, and without a single prejudice of ' the order ;' they 
eitmeat, smoke tobacco, cultivate the soil, and trade even in the 
acred hne, notwithstanding their descent from Singiricsha, son of 

Charuns, — The Charuns are the sacred order of these regions ; the 
^sriike tribes esteem the heroic lays of the bard more than the 
lomily of the Brahmin. The Charuns are throughout reverenced 
hjr the Rahtores, and hold lands, literally, on the tenure of ' an old 
^.' More will be said of them in the Annals of Jessulm^r. 

Mollis, NaiSy gardeners and barbers, are important members of 
^eiy Rajpoot family, and to be found in all the villages, of which 
^ey are invariably tiie cooks. 

Chmofras, Thaoris, are actually castes of robbers : the former, from 
fte Lakhi Jungle ; the latter, frt)m M^war. Most of the chieftains 
Jjve a few in ^eir pay, entertained for the most desperate services. 
Die Bahaderan chief has expelled all his Rajpoots, and retains only 
Chooras and Thaoris. The Chooras are highly esteemed for fidelity, 
^ the barriers and portals throughout this tract are in their custody. 
They enjoy a very singular perquisite, which would go far to prove 
ftrir being the abori^es of the country ; namely, a fee of four 
topper coins on every dead subject, when the funeral ceremonies are 

Bajpoots, — ^The Rahtores of Bikaner are imchanged in their martial 
^^eations, bearing as hi^h a reputation as any other clajss in 
Wia; and whilst their bretiiren of Marwar, AmWr, and M^wp, 
W been for years groaning imder the rapacious visitations of 
lUnttttas and Pat'hans, their distance and the difficulties of the 
•wnby have saved them from such afflictions : though, in truth, 
4qr have had enough to endure at home, in the tyranny of their 
^Wri The Rahtores of the desert have fewer prejucuces than 
w more eastern brethren ; they will eat food, without enquiring 
•J iWmi it was dressed, and will drink either wine or water, with- 
^ttoigto whom the cup belonged. They would make the best 


soldiers in the world if they would submit to discipline, as they are 
brave, hardy, easily satisfied, and very patient ; though, on the other 
hand, they have imbibed some qualities, since their migration to 
these regions, which could only be eradicated in the rising generation : 
especially the inordinate use of opium, and smoking intoxicating 
herbs, in both which accomplishments * the sons of Beeka' are said 
to bear the palm from the rest of the Chatees rajcula, the thirty-six 
royal tribes of India. The pCald, or ' cup,' is a favourite with eveiy 
Rajpoot who can afford it, and is, as well as opium, a panacea for 
ennui, arising from the absence of all mental stimulants, in which 
they are more deficient, from the nature of the country, than most 
of their warlike countrymen. 

Face of the country. — The whole of this principality, with the 
exception of a few isolated spots, or oases, scattered here and there, 
consists more or less of sand. From the eastern to the western 
boundary, in the line of greatest breadth, it is one continuous plain 
of sand, though the teebas, or sand-hills, commence in the centire of 
the country, the principal chain limning in the direction of Jessul- 
mer, and shooting forth subordinate branches in every direction ; or 
it might be more correct to designate this main ridge, originating in 
the tracts bordering the eastern valley of the Indus, as teiminating 
its elevations about the heart of Bikaner. On the north-east quarter, 
from Rajgurh to Nohur and Raotsir, the soil is good, being black 
earth, slightly mixed with sand, and having water near enough to 
the surface for irrigation ; it produces wheat, gram, and even rice, in 
considerable quantities. The same soil exists from Bhutnair to the 
banks of the Garah. The whole of the Mohilla tract is a fertile 
oasis, the teebas just terminating their extreme offsets on its northern 
limit : being flooded in the periodical rains, wheat is abundantly 

But exclusive of such spots, which are " few and far between," 
we cannot describe the desert as a waste where " no salutary plant 
" takes root, no verdure quickens ;" for though the poverty of the 
soil refuses to aid the germination of the more luxuriant grains, 
Providence has provided a countervailing good, in giving to those it 
can rear a richness and superiority unknown to more £Bivoured regions. 
The bajra of the desert is far superior to any grown in the rich loam 
of Malwa, and its inhabitant retains an instinctive partiality, even 
when admitted to revel in the luxurious repasts of M^war or Amb^r, 
for the bhawtis, or ' bajra cakes,* of his native sand-hills, and not 
more firom association than from their intrinsic excellence. In a 
plentiful season, they save enough for two years* consumption. . The 
grain requires not much water, though it is of i^e last importance 
that this littie should be timely. 

Besides bajra, we may mention mofh and tU ; the former a useful 
pulse both for men and cattle ; the other the oil-plant, used both for 
culinary purposes and burning. Wheat, gram, and barley, are pro- 
duced in the favoui*ed spots described, but in these are enumerated 
the staple products of Bikan^r. 


Cotton is grown in the tracts favourable for wheat The plant is 
said to be septennial, even decennial, in these regions. As soon as 
the cotton is gathered, the shoots are all cut off, and the root alone 
lefl. Each succeeding year, the plant increases in strength, and at 
length attains a size unknown where it is more abundantly cultivated. 

Nature has bountifully supplied many spontaneous vegetable 
products for the use of man, and excellent pastui^ for cattle. Gowar, 
Katchri, Kukvee, all of the cucurbitaceous family, and water-melons 
of a ^gantic size, are produced in great plenty. The latter is most 
valuaole ; for being cut in slices and dried in the sun, it is stored up 
for futui-e use when vegetables are scarce, or in times of famine, on 
which they always calculate. It is also an article of commerce, and 
much admired even where vegetables are more abundant. The 
copious mucilage of the dried melon is extremely nourishing ; and 
deeming it valuable as an antiscorbutic in sea- voyages, the author 
sent some of it to Calcutta many years ago for experiment* Our 
Indian ships would lind no difficulty in obtaining a j)lentiful supply of 
this article, as it can be cultivated to any extent, and thus be made to 
confer a double benefit, on our seamen and the inhabitants of those 
desert regions. The superior magnitude of the water-melons of the 
desert over those of interior India gives rise to much exaggeration, 
and it has been gravely asserted by travellei*s in the sand teehcts,'^' 
where they are most abundant, that the mucilage of one is suffi- 
cient to allay the thirst both of a horse and his rider. 

In these arid regions, where they depend entirely on the heavens 
for water, and where they calculate on a famine eveiy seventh year, 
nothing that can administer to the wants of man is lust. The seeds 
of the wild grapes, as the blux/init, buroo, herravo, seivun, are col- 
lected, and, mixed with fto/ro-flour, enter much into the food of the 
Eorer classes. They also store up great quantities of the wild h^r, 
yr, and kharU berries ; and the long pods of the kiiijrd, astringent 
and bitter as they are, are dried and fonned into a flour. Nothing is 
lost in these regions which can be converted into food. 

Trees they have none indigenous (mangoes and tamarind are 
planted about the capital), but abundant shrubs, as the babool, and 
ever-green jpeeloo, the jhdl, and others yielding berries. The Beeda- 
wuts, indeed, apply the term ' tree,' to the roeura, which sometimes 
attains the height of twenty feet, and is ti-ansported to all parts for 
houae-bailding ; as likewise is the nima, so well known throughout 
India. Thep'AoA; is the most useful of all these, as with its twigs 
they frame a wicker-work to line their wells, and prevent the sand 
from falling in. 

The dk,K species of euphorbia, known in Hindustan as the madar, 

* I sent roecimens to Mr. Moorcroft so far back as 1813, but never learned 
Ike result— See Article '* On the Preservation of Food," Edin. lleriew, No. 45, 
pi 115. 

t Mr. Barrow, in his valuable work on Southern Africa, describes the water- 
mAm a» self-sown and abundant. 



frows to an immense height and sti*ength in the desert ; from its 
bres they make the ropes in general use throughout these regions, 
and they are reckoned superior, both in substance and durability, to 
those formed of moonj (hemp), which is however cultivated in the 
lands of the Beedawuts. 

Their agricultural implements are simple and suited to the soil 
The plough is one of single yoke, either for the camel or ox : that with 
double yoke being seldom required, or chiefly by the rruillis 
(gardeners), when the soil is of some consistence. The drill is invari- 
ably used, and the grains are dropped singly into the ground, at 
some distance from each other, and each sends forth a dozen to 
twenty stalks. A bundle of bushes forms their harrow. The grain 
is trodden out by oxen ; and the mofh (pulse), which is even more 
productive than the bajru, by camels. 

Water. — This indispensable element is at an immense distance 
from the surface throughout the Indian desert, which, in this respect, 
as well as many others, difibrs very materially from that portion o 
the great African desert in the same latitudes. Water at twenty- 
feet, as found at Mourzook by Captain Lyon, is here unheard-of, and 
the degree of cold experienced by him at Zuela, on the winter sol- 
stice, would have " burnt up" every natural and cultivated produc- - 
tion of our Hindu Seharra. Captain Lyon describes the thermometer' 
in lat. 26^ within 2** of zero of Reaumur. Majors Denham and Clap- 

ferton never mark it under 40"* of Fahrenheit, and mention ice, which 
never saw but once, the thermometer being 28'' ; and then not only 
the mouths of our mushiks, or * water-skins,' were frozen, but a 
small pond, protected from the wind (I heard, for I saw it not), 
exhibited a very thin pellicle of ice. When at 30** the cold was 
deemed intense by the inhabitants of Maroo in the ti*acts limiting 
the desert, and the useful dk, and other shrubs, were scorched and 
withered ; and in north lat. 25^ the thermometer being 28^ desola- 
tion and woe spread throughout the land. To use their own phrase, 
the crops of gram and other pulses were completely " burnt up, as 
" if scorched by the lightnings of heaven ;" while the sun's meridian 
heat would raise it 50° more, or up to 80°, a degree of variability at 
least not recorded by Captain Lyon. 

At Daisnok'h, near the capital, the wells are more than two hun- 
dred cubits, or three hundred feet, in depth ; and it is rare that 
water fit for man is found at a less distance from the surface than 
sixty, in the tracts decidedly termed fhul, or ' desert :' though some 
of the flats, or oases, such as that of Mohilla, are exceptions, and 
abundance of bracldsh water, flt for cattle, is found throughout at 
half this depth, or about thirty feet All the wells are lined with 
basket-work made otp'hok twigs, and the water is generally drawn 
up by hand-lines,* 

* Water is sold in all the large towns, by the mollis^ or * ^purdeners,' who 
have the monopoly of thifi article. Most families have large ciatems or reser- 


Sirr, or * salt lakes' — ^There are a few salt lakes, which, throughout 
the whole of the Indian desert, are termed sirr, though none are of 
the same consequence as those of Marwar. The largest is at the 
bown of Sirr, so named after the lake, which is about six miles in 
circumference. There is another at Chaupur about two miles in 
length, and although each of them frequently contains a depth of 
Four feet of water, this entirely evaporates in the hot winds, leaving 
I thick sheet of saline incrustation. The salt of both is deemed of 
inferior quality to that of the more southerly lakes. 

PkysiogTwmy of the country. — There is little to vary the physiog- 
nomy of this region, and small occasion to boast either of its 
physical or moral beauties ; yet, strange to say, I have met with 
Doany whose love of country was stronger than their perceptions of 
ikbetract vei-acity, who would dwell on its perfections, and prefer a 
00688 of rabrif or porridge made of bajra, to the greater delicacies of 
Doore civilized regions. To such, the teebaa, or * sand-ridges,' might 
be more importaat than the Himalaya, and their diminutive and 
scanty brushwood might eclipse the gigantic foliage of this huge 
barrier. Verdure itself may be abhorrent to eyes accustomed to 
behold only arid sands ; and a region without tofdna or ' whirlwinds ;' 
DT armies of locusts rustling like a tempest, and casting long shadows 
on {he lands, might be deemed by the prejudiced, deficient in the 
true sablime. Occasionally the sand-stone formation rises above the 
Borface, resembling a few low isolated hills ; and those who dwell on 
the boondaries of Nagore, if they have a love of more decided ele- 
vations than their native sand-hills afibrd, may indulge in a distant 
view of the terminations of the AravuUi. 

Mineral productions, — The mineral productions of this country 
ire scanty. They have excellent quarries of freestone in seveiul 
parts, especially at Husairah, thirteen coss to the north-east of the 
capital, which yield a small revenue estimated at two thousand 
rapees annually. There are also copper mines at Beerumsir and 
Beedasir; but the Tormer does not repay the expense of working, 
ind the latter, having been worked for thirty years, is nearly 

An unctuous clay is excavated from a pit, near Kolat'h, in large 
quantities, and exported as an article of commerce, besides adding 
lifieen hundred rupees annually to the treasury. It is used chiefly 
bo free the skin and hair from impurities, and the Cutchie ladies are 
Mid to eat it to improve their complexions. 

Animal productions. — The kine of the desert are highly 
BBteoned ; as are the camels, especially those used for expedition 

nm, called tankcu^ which are filled in the rainy season. They are of masonry, 
irith a small trap-door at the top, made to exclude the external air, and having 
a lock and key affixed. Some large tankas are established for the conununity, 
tad I andcraUnd this water keeps sweet for eight and twelve aonths' consmnp- 



and the saddle, which bear a high price,* and are considered 
superior t9 any in India. They are beautifully foimed, and the head 
possesses much blood and symmetiy. Sheep are reared in great 
abundance, and find no want of food in the excellent grasses and 
shrubs which abound. The p'hok, jowas, and other pri^y shrubs, 
which are here indigenous, form the dainties of the camel in other 
regions. The Nilga<^, or elk, and deer of every kind, are plentiful ; 
and the fox of the desert is a beautiful little animal. Jackalls and 
hysenas are not scarce, and even lions are by no means unknown in 

Commerce and Manufactures. — Rajgurh was the great com- 
mercial mart of this country, and the point of rendezvous for caravans 
from all parts. The produce of the Punj&b and Cashmere came 
formerly direct by Hansi-Hisar, — that of the eastern countries by 
Dehli» Rewarri, Dadri, &a, consisting of silks, fine cloths, indigo, sugar, 
iron, tobacco, &c. ; from Harouti and Malwa came opium, which 
supplied all the Rajpoot states ; from Sinde, vid Jessulmer, and by 
caravans from Mooltan and Shikai'poor, dates, wheat, rice, loongees 
(silk vestments for women), fi-uits, &;c. ; from Palli, the imports from 
maritime countries, as spices, tin, di-ugs, coco-nuts, elephants' teeth, 
&c. Much of this was for internal consumption, but the greater part 
a mere transit trade, which yielded considerable revenue. 

Woollens. — The wool of the sheep pastured in the desert is, how- 
ever, the staple commodity both of manufacture and trade in this 
region. It is worked into every ai*ticle of diess, both male and 
female, and worn by all, rich and poor. It is produced from the 
loom, of every texture and quality, from the coai*se looie or ' blanket^' 
at three rupees per pair (six shillings), to thirty rupees. The quality 
of these last is very fine, of an intermediate texture between the 
shawl and camlet, and without any nap : it is always bordered with a 
stripe of chocolate brown or red. Of this quality are the do-patia or 
'scarfs' for the ladies. Turbans are also manufactured of it, and 
though frequently from forty to sixty-one feet in length, such is the 
fineness of the web, that they are not bulky on the head. 

From the milk of the sheep and goats as well as kine, ghee or 
' clarified butter' is made, and forms an important article of trade. 

Manufactures in Iron. — The Bikaneris work well in iron, and 
have shops at the capital and all the large towns for the manufacture 
of swcrd-blades, matchlocks, daggers, iron lances, &c. The sword- 
handles, which are often inlaid with variegated steel, or burnished 
are in high request, and exported to various parts of India. They 
have also expert artists in ivory, though the articles are chiefly such 
as are worn by females, as chooris, or ' bracelets.' 

Coarse cotton cloths, for internal consumption, are made in con- 
siderable quantities. 

* Que thousand rupees have been given for one ; one hundred is the average 


Fairs. — ^Annual fairs were held, in the months of Kartik and 
PhalgooDy at the towns of Kolat'h and Gujnair, and frequented by 
the inerchantB of the adjacent countries. They were celebrated for 
cattle, chiefly the produce of the desert, camels, kine, and horses 
fincnn Mooltaji and the Lakhi Jungle, a breed now almost extinct. 
These fairs have lost all their celebrity : in fact, commerce in these 
r^ons is extinct 

Chnfemment revenues. — The personal revenues of the Raja were 
derived from a variety of sources : from the Khaliea, or ' crown-lands' 
imposts, taxes on agriculture,and that compendious item which makes 
up the deficiencies in all oriental budgets, diTid, or ' contribution.' 
Kit with all these " appliances and means to boot," the civil list of 
this desert king seldom exceeded five lacs of rupees, or about £50,000' 
per annum. The lands of the feudality are more extensive propor- 
tionally in this region than in any other in Rajpootana, arising out 
of the original settlement, when the Beedawuts and Kandulotes, 
whose joint acquisitions exceeded those of Beeka, would not admit 
him to hold lands in their territory, and made but a slight pecuniary 
acknowledgment of his supremacy. The districts in which the crown 
lands lie are Raigurh, Rinnie, Nohur, Garib, Ruttengurh, Ranniah^ 
and more recently Chooru. 

The following are the items of the revenue : — Ist, Khalisa, or 
fiscal revenue ; 2d, Dhoodli ; 3d, Aiigah ; 4th, Town and transit 
duties ; 5th, Fvsdeti, or ' plough-tax ;' 6th, MalbaJi, 

Ist — ^The^c. Formerly this branch of revenue yielded two lacs 
of rupees; but with progressive superstition and prodigality, the 
Baja has alienated almost two-thirds of the villages fit)m which the 
revenue was drawn. These amounted to two himdred ; now they 
do not exceed eighty, and their revenue is not more than one lac of 
Tupeea Soorut Sing is ^ided only by caprice ; his rewards are 
unifoim,no matter what uie service or the object, whether a Brahmin 
or a camel-driver. The Khalisa is the only source which he consi- 
ders he has merely a life-interest in. To supply the deficiencies, he 
has direct recourse to the pockets of his subjects. 

2d. — Dhoodh may be rendered hearth-tax, though literally it is a 
smoke (dhoodh) tax. All must eat ; food must be dressed ; and as 
they have neither chimneys nor glass windows on which to lay the 
tax, Soorut Sing's chancellor of the exchequer makes the smoke pay 
a transit duty ere it gets vent frx)m the various orifices of the edifice. 
It only amounts to one rupee on each house or family, but would 
form an important item if not evaded by the powerful chiefs : still 
it yields a lac of rupees. The town of Mahajin, which was settled 
on Rattan Sing, son of Raja Noonkum, on the resignation of his 
Tig^t of primogeniture and succession, enjoys exemption from this 
tax. It 18 less liable to fluctuation than other taxes, for if a village 
beeomes half-deserted, those who remain are saddled with the whole. 
Dhoodh is only known to the two western states, Bikaner and Jcs- 


3d. — Angah. This is not a capitation- but a body-tax (&x)m angah 
the body), and was established by Raja An6p Sing. It might almost 
be termed a property-tax, since it embraced quadrupeds as well as 
bipeds of every sex and age, and was graduated according to age and 
sex in the human species, and according to utility in the brute. 
Each male adult was assessed one a,ngak, fixed at four annas (about 
sixpence), and cows, oxen, buffaloes, were placed upon a level with 
the lord of the creation. Ten goats or sheep were estimated as one 
anyah ; but a camel was equivalent to four angaha, or one rupee, 
which Raja Guj Sing doubled. This tax, which is by far the most 
certain in a coimtry, perhaps still more pastoral than agricultural, is 
most providently watched, and though it has undeigone many 
changes since it was originally imposed, it yet yields annually two 
lacs of rupees. 

4th. — SayeVy or ' imposts/ This branch is subject to much fluctu- 
ation, and has diminished greatly since the reign* of Soorut Sing. 
The duties levied in the capital alone formerly exceeded what is 
collected throughout the whole of his dominions ; being once esti- 
mated at about two lacs, and now under one. Of this amount, half 
is collected at Rajgurh, the chief commercial mart of Bikan^. The 
dread of the Rahts, who have cut oflf the communications with the 
Pimj&b, and the want of principle within, deter merchants from 
visiting this state, and the caravans from Mooltan, Bhawulpoor, and 
Shikarpoor, whidi passed through Bikan^r to the eastern states, 
have nearly abandoned the route. The only duties of which he is 
certain are those on grain, of four rupees on every himdred maunds 
sold or exported, and which, according to the average sale price of 
these regions, may be about two per cent 

5th. — PiLsdeti is a tax of five rupees on every plough used in 
agriculture. It was introduced by Raja Ra^ Sing, in commutation 
or the corn-tax, or levy in kind, which had long been established at 
one-fourth of the gross produce. The Jits were glad to compound, 
and get rid of the agents of corruption, by the substitution of the 
plough-tax. It formerly yielded two lacs of rupees, but with de- 
creasing agriculture has fallen, like every other source, to a little 
more than one-half, but still yields a lac and a quarter. 

6th. — MaZbah is the name of the original tax which the Jit com- 
munities imposed upon themselves, when they submitted to the 
sway in perpetuity of Beeka and his successors. It is the land-tax^ 
of two rupees on each hundred beegas of land cultivated in Bikandr. 
It is now improductive, not realizing fifty thousand rupees, and it is 
said that a composition has been effected, by which it has been, or 
will be, relinquished : if so, Soorut Sing gives up the sole legitimate 
source of revenue he possesses. 

* Mai is the term for land which has no irrigation but from the 



Ist.— Khalisa, or Use* 1,00,000 

2(1.— Dhoo&h 1,00,000 

3d.— Angah 2,00,000 

4th.— Sayer, impostsf 75,000 

5th.— Pusieti, plough-tax 1,25,000 

6th.— Malbah, land-tax 50,000 

Total 6,50,000 

Besides this, the fullest amount arising to the prince from annual 
taxation, there are other items which occasionally replenished the 
ireasuiy of Soorut Sing. 

DJuUoie is a triennial tax of five rupees levied on each plough. 
It was instituted by Raja Zoorawur Sing. The whole country is 
liable to it, with the exception of fifty villages in Asiagati, and 
aeventy of the B^nfwals, conditionally exempted, to guard the 
borders. It is now frequently evaded by the feudal chieftietins, and 
seldom yields a lac of rupees. 

In addition to these specific expedients, there are many arbitrary 
methods of increasing the '' ways and means" to satisfy the necessi- 
ties or avarice of the present ruler, and a train of dependent harpies, 
who prey upon the cultivating peasantry, or industrious trader. By 
saeh shifts, Soorut Sing has been known to double his fixed revenue. 

IHndj Khooahdli, — The terms Di/nd, and KhoosfuUi, though etymo- 
logically the antipodes of each other, — the first meaning a ' compul- 
BOiy contribution, the other a ' benevolence, or voluntary ,'J — ^have a 
siimlar interpretation in these regions, and make the subjects of 
those parts devoutly pray that their prince's house may be one rather 
of mouining than rejoicing, and that defeat rather than victory may 
be attendant on his arms. 

The term dind is coeval with Hindu legislation. The bard Chund 

* Nohur diBtrict 84 villages... Revenue Rs. 1,00,000 

Binnie 24 ditto 10,000 

Raniah 44 ditto 20,000 

Jalloli 1 ditto 6,000 

Total original Fiscal Lands 1,35,000 

^inoe Biggttili, Choorti, and other places recovered. 

t Impost Duties in old times, viz, : 

Town of Noonkom Rs. 2,000 

Biygorh 10,000 

Shelhsir 5,000 

Capital— Bikan^r 75,000 

From Choordand other towns 45,000 


X KAooih means ' happiness, pleasure, volition :'-Hfp cd khoosHy ' at your 


describes it, and the chronicler of the life of the great Sidraj of 
Anhulwarra, " who expelled the seven Diddas" or 'gi-eat evils/ 
whose initial letter was d, enumei*ates diiid as one of them, and 
places it with the Bholis and Dhakuns, or minstrels and witches, 
giving it precedence amongst the seven plagues which his ancestors 
and tyrant custom had inflicted on the subject. Unhappily, there 
is no Sidraj to legislate for Rajpootana ; and were there fourteen 
Diddas by which Soorut Sing could swell his budget, he would 
retain them all for the oppression of the impoverished Jits, who, if 
they could, would be happy to expell the letter S from amongst 
them. But it is from the chieftain, the merchant, and the banker, 
that the chief sums are realized ; though indirectly the poor peasant 
contributes his share. There are fourteen collectors of dind, one to 
eveiy cheera or division, and these ai-e furnished with arbitrary 
Rchedules according to the circumstances, actual or suppased, of each 
individual. So unlimited are thise exactions, that the chief of 
Gundaili for two years offered the collector of his quarter ten 
thousand rupees if he would guarantee him against any further 
demand during even twelve months ; and being refused, he turned 
the collector out, shut the gates of his castle, and boldly bid his master 

One of his expedients to levy a khooshdli, or * benevolence,' is 
worth relating : it was on the termination of his expedition against 
Bhutnair, which added this celebrated desert and castle to his 
territory, and in which he was attended by the entire feudal army 
of Bikwi^r * On his return, " flushed with conquest," he demanded 
from each house throughout his dominions the sum of ten rupees to 
cover the expenses of trie war. If the tymnt-iidden subjects of Soorut 
Sing thus r^oice in his successes, how must they feel for his defeats ! 
To them both ai'e alike ominous, when eveiy artifice is welcomed, 
every villainy practised, to impoverish them. Oppression is at its 
height^ and must work out its own cure. 

Fevdal levies. — The disposable force of all these feudal princi- 
palities must depend on the personal character of the Raja. If Soorut 
Sing were popular, and tne national emergencies demanded the 
assemblage of the kh^\ or lev& en Truxsae, of the ' sons of Beeka^' he 
might bring ten thousand Rajpoots into the field, of whom twelve 
hundred might be good horse, besides the foi*eign troops and park ; 
but under present cii*cumstances, and the rapid aeteriomtion of every 
branch of society, it may be doubted whether one-half could be col- 
lected under his standard. 

The household troops consist of a battalion of foreign infantry, of 
five hundred men with five guns, and three squadrons of horse, aJbout 
two hundred and fifty in number ; all under foreign leadera This 
is independent of the garrison of the capital, whose commandant is 
a Rajpoot of the Purihar tribe, who has twenty-five villages assigned 
for the pajrment of his troops. 

♦ This written in 1813. 


Schedule exliibiting the Fiefs of Bikan^r. 

Nunca of 


Place, of 





BvJ S»1 






Onehundrod and 

forty villagra at- 
tached to thii flef. 

settled on the heir 



forfeited theffof/j. 

Abkji Sine ... 


Booknrko . 




The tirst of the 
chief! of Blkantit. 







Beuirote . . 




Sawoh .-.. 





Kootair 7... 





Benirote ... 
Be«4>wut 1 






J«t>ikg i 

One hnndred 
and forty totin 


BnbMlv Sing 





Gomun Sing 
Atb* Sing 

Xunote 1 


i 40,000 




Neembaje ... 




Dare. Sing 




Do. 1 


\ 20,000 









The*e two fiefa 



JactaiBir ... 




are held by 
.-oreig,, noble, of 
tUehouBeof Am- 
Ur. aiid the an- 
cient Framara, 
ivulg. PowAr). 

KiahanSing .. 


Hyadesir , 









The 6ef ot P™- 

gnl waa wreited 
From the Bhattii 






LaktBtr Ming 






ItBrnifl Sing ... 













1. Bhow Sing 






1. Sirdar Sing 


Untnatah . 





aoorjerah . 



4. EHt 8>-g . 


Carried f 







* Aiogal Potto. 

t Th«M duefB tn called Sirdars of Khari Pntta, one ol the origiDil cooquesta 
•f tk« founder, Beek*. 



Names of 

Chund Sing 


Places of 

Brought forward. 


Satti Dan . 
Bhom Sing. 

Issree Sing.... 
PadduuL 8ing 
Kullian Sing . 


Bhatti ... 






Jongloo .. 






Retainers : 




















villages depeoil* 
from Jodpoor,aDi 
settled hen 
eleven yean. 


If ever the whole feudal array of Bikan^r amounted to this, ii 
would assuredly be found difficult now, were the ban proclaimed, to 
assemble one-fourth of this number. 

Foreign Troops, 

Sooltan Khan — 









Anokha Sinjr. Sikh — 

Boodh SinsT Do warah — 

Doorjun Sing*s Battalion... 700 
Gunga Sing's Battalion 1,000 

Total Foreigners 1,700 




1,700 679 31 


JBhutnair, its origin and denomination. — Historical celebrity of the Jit* of Bhvi* 
Tiair. — Emigration of B&si. — Succeeded by Bhiroo, — Embraces Islamism, — Rao 
JMeecL — Uosein Khan,Hosein Mahmood, Emum Ma/imood, and Buhader Khan. 
— Zabta Khan, the present ruler. — Condition of the country, — Changes t» its 
physical aspect. — Ruins of ancient buildings. — Promising scene for archaologieal 
inquiries. — Zoological and botanical curiosities. — List of the ancient towns, — 
Relics of the arrow-head character found in the Desert. 

Bhutnair, which now forms an integral part of Bfk^n^, was 
anciently the chief abode of another Jit community, so powerful as 


t one time to provoke the vengeance of kings, and at others to 
accour them when in distress. It is asserted that its name is in no 
irise connected with the Bhattis who colonized it, but derived from 
he Bardai, or Bhat, of a powerful prince, to whom the lands were 
ranted, and who, desirous to be the founder of a poetic dynasty, 
ave his professional title to the abode. In the annals of Jessulmer, 
b will be seen that there is another story accounting for the appel- 
lation, which recalls the founding of Caithage or Byrsa. Both 
3gends are improbable ; and the Bhatti annals confirm what might 
lave been assumed without suspicion, that to a colony of this race 
ihutnair owes its name, though not its existence. The whole of the 
lorthern pai*t is called Nair in the ancient geographical nomencla- 
ure of Maroost'hali ; and when some of the Bhatti clans became 
iroselytes to Islam, they changed the vowel a to u, to distinguish 
hem from the parent stock, viz., Bhatti for Bhutti. We shall, how- 
ver, fiimish evidence by and bye, in the annals of the original race, 
hat in all probability the Yadu-Bhatti is the original Yuti colony 
rom Central Asia ; and that " the Jit prince of Salpoor," whose 
nacription is in the first volume of this work, was the predecessor 
jf these very races. 

Neither the tract depending on Bhutnair, nor that north of it to 
he Gkurah river, presented formerly the scene of absolute desolation 
hey now exhibit, and I shall append a list of towns, to which a 
ligh antiquity is assigned, whose vestiges still renuiin, and from 
^hich something might parhaps be gleaned to confirm or overturn 
hese deductions. 

Bhutnair has attained great historical celebrity from its position, 
mng in the route of invasion from Central Asia to India. It is 
aore than probable that the Jits, who resisted the advance of 
Aahmood of Ghizni in a naval warfare on the Indus, had long 
lefore that period established themselves in the desert as well as in 
he Punjab ; and as we find them occupying a place amongst tbo 
hirty-six royal tribes, we may infer that they had political power 
oany centuries before that conqueror. In A.D. 1205, only twelve 
rears after the conquest of India by Shabudin, his successor, Kootub, 
ras compelled to conduct the war in person against the Jits of the 
loiihem desert, to prevent their wresting the important post of 
lansi from the empire ; and when the unfortunate and intrepid 
[neen Rizzia, the worthy heiress of the great Feroz, was compelled 
o abandon her throne to an usurper, she sought and found protec- 
ion amongst the Jits, who, with their Scythic brethren, the Gnikers, 
»embled all their forces and marched, with their queen at their 
lead, like Toroyris of old, to meet her foes. She was not destined 
o enjoy the same revenge, but gained a glorious death in the attempt 
o overtuiTi the Salic law of India.* Again, in A.D. 1397, when 
rimoor invaded India, Bhutnair was attacked for " having distressed 

him exceedingly on his invasion of Mooltan," when he " in person 

* I presented to Mr. Marsden a unique coin of this ill-fated queca 


" scoured' the country, and cut off a tribe of banditti called Jits.' 
In short, the Bhuttis and Jits were so intermingled, that distinctionir' 
was impossible. Leaving this point, therefore, to be adjusted in th< 
annals of the Bhattis, we proceed to sketch the history of the 
colony which niled Bhutnaii* when subjugated by the Rahtores. 

It was shortly after Timoor's invasion, that a colony of Bhattis 
migrated from Marote and Phoolra, under their leader B^rsI and as- 
saulted and captured Bhutnair from a Mahomedan chief ; but whethei 
one of Timoor's officers, or a dependent of Dehli, remains unknown^ 
though most probably the former. His name, Chigat Khan, almost^ -«fc 
renders this certain, and they must have made a proper name out ofc: ^f 

his tribe, Chagitai, of which he was a noble. This khan had con — * 

quered Bhutnair from the Jits, and had acquired a considerables 
territory, which the Bhatti colony took advantage of his return 
invade and conquer. Sixteen generations have intervened 8in< 
this event, which bringing it to the period of Timoor's invasion^ 
furnishes an additional reason for concluding the khan of Bhutnairr 
to have been one of his nobles, whom he may have left entrusted^ 
with this important point of communication, should he meditate 
further intercourse with India. 

B^rsi ruled twenty-seven years, and was succeeded by his son 
Bhiroo, when the sons of Chigat Khan, obtaining aid from the Dehli 
monarch, invaded Bhutnair, and were twice repulsed with great loss. 
A third army succeeded; Bhutnair was invested and reduced to 
great straits, when Bhiroo hung out a flag of truce, and offered to 
accept any conditions which would not compromise his castle. Two 
were named : — to embrace Islamism, or seal his sincerity by giving 
his daughter to the king. He accepted the first alternative, and 
from that day, in order to distinguish these proselytes, they changed 
the name of Bhatti to Bhutti. Six chiefs intervened between Bhiroo 


Rao Duleech, sumamed Hyat Khan, from whom Rae Sing of 
Bikaner wrested Bhutnair, and Futtehabad became the future resi- 
dence of the Bhutti Khans. He was succeeded by 

Hosein Khan (the grandson of Hy&t), who recaptured Bhutnair 
from Raja Sujawun Sing, and it was maintained during the time of 
Hosein Mahmood and Emam Mahmood, imtil Soorut Sing made the 
final conquest of it from Buhader Khan, father to the present titular 
head of the Bhuttis,* 

Zabta Khan, who resides at Raniah, having about twenty-five 
villages dependent thereon.f Raniah was founded by Ra^ Sing of 
Bikaiier, and named after his queen {Rani), to whom it was assigned. 

* In S. 1857 (A,D. 1801), the celebrated George Thomas, for the earn of 
three lacs^ put toe Bhuttis into the temporary possession of Bhutnair : bat 
the succeeding year it was again taken from them by the Rahtores. 

t This memoir was written in 1813-14, and may contain many inaccuracies, 
from its very remote situation, and the difficulty of obtaining correct informa- 



It was taken by Em&m Mahmood. The Bhutti Khan is now a robber 
by profeasion, and his revenues, which are said to have sometimes 
amounted to three lacs of rupees, are extorted by the point of bis 
lance. These depredations are carried to a frightful extent, and the 
poor Jits are kept eternally on the alert to defend their property. 
The proximity of \he British territory preventing all incursions to 
the eastward, they are thrown back upon their original haunts, and 
make the whole of this northern region their prey. To this circum- 
stance is attributed the desertion of these lands, which once reared 
cattle in abundance, and were highly valued. It is asserted that 
from the northern boundaiy of Bhutnair to the Garah, there are 
many tiacts susceptible of high cultivation, having water near the 
surface, and many large spaces entirely free from thul, or ' sand-hills.' 
To the drying up of the Hakra, or Caggar, many centuries ago, in 
conjunction with moral evils, is ascribed the existing desolation. 
According to tradition, this stream took a westerly direction, by 
Phoolra, where it is yet to be traced, and fell into the Indus below 
Ootch. The couplet i-ecording its absorption by the sands of Nair, 
has already been given, in the time of Kao Hamir, prince of Dhat. 
If the next European traveller who may pass through the Indian 
desert will seek out the I'epresentative of the ancient Soda princes 
at Chore, near Amerkote, he may learn from their bard (if they 
retain such an appendage) the date of this prince, and that of so 
important an event in the physical and political history of their 
regions. The vestiges of brge towns, now buried in the sands, 
oonfiim the truth of this tmdition, and several of them claim a 
high antiquity : such as the Rung-mahel, already mentioned, west 
of Bhutnair, having subterranean apartments still in good preserva- 
tion. An aged native of Dhandoosir (twenty-five miles south of 
Bhutnair) replied, to my inquiry as to the recollections attached to 
this place, that '' it belonged to a Pow&r prince who ruled once all 
" these r^ons, when Sekunder Roomi attacked them." 

An excursion from Hansi Hissar, our western frontier, into these 
legions, would soon put the truth of such traditions to the test, as 
fiur as tiiese reported ruins ai*e concerned : though what might appear 
the remains of palaces of the Pramaras, the Johyas, and the Jits of 
ancient days, to the humble occupant of a hut in the desert, may 
only prove the foundations of some castellated building. But the 
same traditions are circulated with regard to the more western desert, 
where the same kind of vestiges is said to exist, and the annals 
make mention of capitals, the sites of which are now utterly unknown. 
Conaidexing the safety, and comparative ease, with which such a 
joamey can be made, one cannot imagine a more agreeable pursuit, 
than the prosecution of archaeological inquiries in the northern 
deaerta of Kajpootana^ where traditions abound, and where the exist- 
ing manners, amongst such a diversity of tribes, would furnish ample 
materials for the portfolio, as weU as for memoirs. Its productions, 
spontaneous or cultivated, though its botanical as well as zoological 
spedmens may be limited, wc &ow to be essentially different from 


those of Gangetic India, and more likely to find a parallel in th< 
natural productions and phenomena of the great African desert. 
The Bhuttis, the Khosas, tne Rajurs, the Sahrd^, the Mangulias, th( 
Sodas, and various other nomadic tribes, present a wide field foi 
observation ; and the physiologist, when tired of the habits of man^ 
may descend from the nobler animal to the lion, the wild ass, everjr — 
kind of deer, the flocks of sheep wliicb, fed on the succulent gi-asses^. 
touch not water for six weeks together, while the various herbs^ 
esculent plants and shrubs, salt lakes, natron beds, &c., would giv^ 
abundant scope for commentary and useful comparison. He wilL 
discover no luxuries, and few signs of civilization ; the jlwpra (hut^ 
constructed of poles and twigs, coated inside with mud and covered- 
with gi'ass, being little better than the African's dwelling. 

We shall conclude this imperfect sketch of Bikandr and the desert> 
with the names of several of their ancient towns, which may aid th^ 
search of the traveller in the regions on its northern border : — 
Abhore ; Bunjarra ca Nuggur ; Rung-Mahel ; Sodul, or Sorutgurh ^ 
Machotal ; Raati-bung ; Kali-bung ; Kaliansir ; Phoolra ; Marote ;. 
Tilwarra ; Gilwarra ; Bunni ; Manick-Khur ; Soor-sagur ; Bhameni - 
Kori walla; Kul-Dh^ranl. 

Some names in this list may be unimportant, but if two, or even- 
one, should be the means of eliciting some knowledge of the past^ 
the record will not be useless. 

Phoolra and Marote have still some importance : the first is very 
ancient, and enumerated amongst the ' No-koti Maroo-ca,* in ih^^ 
earliest periods of Pramara (vulg. Powdr) dominion. I have no- 
doubt that inscriptions in the oramental nailr-headed character 
belonging to the Jains will be found here, having obtained one fix>nu 
Lodorva in the desert, which has been a ruin for nine centuries. 
Phoolra was the I'esidence of Lakha Phoolani, a name well-known^ 
to those versed in the old traditions of the desert. He was cotem — 
porary with Sid Had of Anhulwarra, and Udyadit of Dhar. 



Jewtilmkr. — The derivation of its name, — The RcfjpooU of Jesmlrrier called 
Bhaitis, are of the Yadu race. — Descended from Bharat, king of Bharat- 
vershoy or Indo-ScyViia. — Restricted hounds of India of modern invention. — 
The ancient Hindus a naval people. — First seats of the Yadus in India, 
Praga, Maihura, and Dwarica. — TJveir international wars, — Heri, king of 
JIathura and Dwarica, leader of the Yadus, — Dispersion of his family. — 
Mi* great grandsons Ndba and Khira, — Naba driven from Dwarica, becomes 
^prince of Maroos£haJ(i, coi^iectured to he the Mam, or Merve of Iran, — 
mlhar^a and Jud-hhan, the sons of Khira, — The former foufids the Sittd- 
mamma dynasty, and Jud-bhAn. becomes prince of Behera in the Punjdb, — 
J^riihibdhu succeeds to NdJba in Mdroo. — His son BdhH. — His posterity, — 
Jtaja Guj founds Gtijni. — Attacked by the kings of Syria and Khoixisan, who 
^re repulsed, — Raja Gvj cUtacks Cashmere, — His marriage, — Second invasion 
,^/ram Khorasan, — The Syrian king covjectured to he Antiochus, — Oracle pre- 
dicts the loss of Gvjni, — Gttj slain, — Gujni taken, — Prince ScUbahan arrives 
in the Punjdb,— Founds the city of Salbahana, S. V. 72. — Conquers the 
J^ui9jdb, — Marries the daughter of Jeipal Tuar of Dehli, — Re-conquers Gvjni. 
— 1$ succeeded by Balund. — His numerovjf offspring, — Their conquests. — Con- 
jecture regarding the Jadoon tribe of Eusofzye, that the Afghans are Yddtis, 
not TahCidis, or Jews. — Balund resides at Salbahana^ — Assigns Gujni to his 
grandson Chakito, who becomes a convert to Islam and king of Khorasan, — 
The Chakito Moguls descended from him, — Balund dies, — His son Bhatti 
succeeds. — Changes the patronymic of Yadu, or Jadoo, to Bhatti, — Succeeded 
by Mungul Rao. — His brother Musoor Rao and sons cross the Gar ah and take 
possession of the Lakhi jungle, — Degradation of the S07is of Mungul Rcu). — 
Tkey loie their rank as Rajpoots. — Their offspring styled Abhorias and Juts, 
— Tribe of Tdk, — The capital of Taxiles discovered, — Mungul Rao arrives in 
the Indian desert, — Its tribes, — His son, Majum Rao, marfies a princess of 
Awterkote. — His son Kehur,— Alliance urith the Deora of Jhalore,^The foun- 
dation of Thanote laid. — Kehur succeeds. — Thanote attcu:ked by the BaraJia 
tribe. — Thanote completed, S, 787,— Peace with the Barahas,— Reflections. 

Jbbsulmeb is ihe modem name of a tract of country comprehended, 
aooordiiig to ancient geography, in Maroostliali, the desert of India. 



It is termed M& in the traditional nomenclature of this region, Fro 
being a rocky (vi(fr) oasis in the heart of the sandy desert, interes 
ing both from its physical features, and its position as the vZtiin 
Thule of independent Hinduism. Yet, however entitled to rega 
from its local peculiarities or its products, the history of the 
which inhabits it presents a still more engrossing subject for inves^=.-s 

This tribe is the Bhatti, a branch of the Yadu or Jadoo rae^ ^ 
whose power was paramount in India three thousand years ago ; an» ^ 
the prince now governing this distant conier of India, claims de8cen^c~~: 
from those Yadu kings who iniled from the Yamuna to the * worW J 
end,'* at that remote period. 

It were preposterous to expect to find, in the annals of a peopl " ^ 
so subject to the vicissitudes of fortune, an unbroken series c^/ 
historical evidence in support of this ancestry ; but they have pre- 
served links of the chain which indicate original aflSnities. In tracing 
the Yadu-Bhatti history, two hypotheses alternately present thens- 
selves to our minds, each of which rests upon plausible grounds ; the 
one supposing the Bhattis to be of Scythic, the other of Hindu 
origin. This incongruity may be reconciled by presuming the 
co-mixture of the two primitive races ; by enlarging our views, and 
contemplating the barrier, which in remote ages separated Scythia 
and India, as ideal ; and admitting that the vaiious communities, 
from the Caspian to the Ganges, were members of one giund family, 
having a common language and common faith,f in that ancient central 
empire whose existence has been contended for and denied by the 
first names in science -^ the Bharatversha of the Hindus, the Indo- 
Scythic empire of king Bharat, son of Budha, the ancestor of the 
Yadu-Bhattis, now confined to a nook of the desei-t. 

It would be vain to speculate upon the first colonization of India 
proper by the Rajcula, or * royal tribes.' It appears to have 

* JuggtU Coonty the point of land beyond Dwarica, the last strong-hold of the 
Yadus when their power was extinguished. 

t Menu says : " The following races of CshairiyaSy by their omission of holy 
rites, and bv seeing no Brahmans, have gradually sunk among men to the 
lowest of the fourth class (L e., Svdra.) ; Pauridracas, Odras, and Dramnu ; 
€dmb6;as, Favanas, and Sacas ; Pdradas, Fahlavas, Chinas, Cirdtoi, DmuUu^ 
and Cha8a8,—ATU. 43 and 44, Chap. X, page 279, Hauohton's 3m edition^ 
published by Hioginbotham k Co. 

It is a great mistake to suppose the Bactrian Greeks are these Fompmh, who 
are descended from Yavan, fifth son of Yayat^ third son of the pateiaidud 
Nahus, though the lonians may be of this race. The Scbcas are the jSocci^ the 
races of central Asia, (the Sac'ha Rajpoot) ; the PaJUavcu, the ancient Pemans, 
or Guebres ; the Chin^u, the inhabitants of China j and the Chastu, inhabitants 
of the great snowy mountains (Jcho\ whence Kho-chasa (the CaMia mcmim of 
Ptolemy), corrupted tu CatAcasus. 

X The illustrious Cuvier questions the existence of an ancient central king- 
dom, because '' ni Mofse, m Hom^re, ne nous parlait d'un grand empire danm 
" Haute- Asie." — {Disoours swr les R^roltttums de la Surface du Olobe^ p. 206.)— 
Who, then, were '* the sons of Togarmah" (mentioned by Ezekiel) who con- 
quered and long held Egypt ? 


possessed an indigenous population prior to the races of Surya, or 
Indu, though the genealogies which give the origin of these degraded 
races of Cabas,* Bhils, M^ras^ Goands, &c. assert that they were all 
from the same stem, and that their political debasement was the 
effect of moral causes. But as there is no proof of this, we must 
attribute the fable to the desire of the Brahmin archaeologist to 
account for the origin of all things. Modern enquiides into these 
matters have been cramped by an erroneous and contracted view of 
the power of this ancient people, and the direction of that power. 
It has been assumed that the prejudices originating in Mooslem 
conquest, which prevented the Hindu chieftain from crossing the 
forbidden waters of the Attoc, and still more from " going down to 
" the sea in ships," had alwa^'s existed. But were it not far more 
difficult to part with erroneous impressions than to receive new and 
correct views, it would be apparent that the fii^st of these restrictions 
is of very recent origin, ana on the other hand, that the Hindus of 
remote ages possessed gi'eat naval power, by which communication 
must have been maintained with the coasts of Africa,"}* Ai-abia, and 
Persia, as well as the Australian Archipelago.J It is ridiculous, with all 
theknowledge now in our possession, to suppose that the Hindus always 
confined themselves within their gigantic barriers, the limits of 
modem India. The cosmography of the Poomns, imperfect and 
puerile as it is, and some of the texts of Menu, afford abundant 
evidence of an intimate intercourse between the countries from the 

^ The Caba race is almost extinct ; it was famed, even iu the days of Crishna, 
as the savage inhabitants of Saurashtra. When the forester Bhll, who mortally 
"Wounded Crishna, was expressing his contrition for the unintentional act, 
Ike inraa forgiven, with the remark, that it was only retributive justice, as '' in a 
** former birth, as the godlike Kama, Crishna had slain mm. Thus Rama 
Mpears as the subjugator and civilizer of these indigenous tribes, of whom the 
OUNUB are described as plundering Crishna's family after his decease. 

1* Whence the Hindu names of towns at the estuaries of the Gambia and 
Senegal rivers, the Tambaconda and other condas, already mentioned 1 

X Mr. Marsclen, at an early period of his researches into Hindu Uterature, 
ahares the merit of discovering ^\dth Sir W. Jones, that the Malayan language, 
disseminated throughout the Archii)elago, and extending from Madagascar to 
Easter Island, a space of 200*^ of longitude, is indebted to the Sanscrit for 
» considerable number of its terms, ana that the intercourse which effected this 
was many centuries previous to their conversion to the Mahomedan religion. 
He is ineiined to think that the point of communication was from Guzzcrat. 
The Ic^gends of these islanders also abound with allusions to the JIdhdbhdrcU 
and Ramdpma. (See Asiatic Kes., Vol. IV, p. 226, Second Edition.) 

Sinoe Mr. M. wrote, the revelation of the architectural antiquities in these 
iiiffl, conaeqacnt to British Conquests, establishes the fact that thev were 
eolooiaed by the Suryas, whose mythological and heroic history is sculptured 
in their edinces and maintained in their writings. Nor should we despair that 
nmilar disooveries ma^ yet disclose the link which of yore conpected India 
with Egypt, and to which Ceylon was but the first stepping-stone. That Kama 
poaMSBed great naval means is beyond doubt, inherited from his ancestor 
Ba0ua * the sea-king/ twenty generations before the hero of Lanka, which place 
1 have Ume imijgin^ to be Ethiopia ; whence ancient writers assert E^pt to 
have had iier institutions, and that the Ethiopians were of Indian origin. 
Cavier, quoting Syncellus, even assigns the reign of Amenophis as the epoch of 
the colonization of Ethiopia from India.— Page IbO of his * Dusco^os^' &c. 



Oxus to the Ganges ; and even in their allegories, we trace fresh 
streams of knowledge flowing into India from that central region, 
stigmatized in latter days as the land of the barbarian (Mletcha), 
Menu corroborates the Poorans, from which we infer the fact, that 
in distant ages one uniform faith extended from Sdcdr^w{pa, the 
continent of the Sacse, to the Ganges * These observations it is 
necessary to premise before we attempt, by following the tid^ of 
Yadu migration during the lapse of thirty centuries, to trace them, 
from Indraprest'ha, Surapura, Mat'hura, Praga, Dwarica, Judoo-ca- 
ddng (the mountains of Jud), Behera, Gujni in Zabulisthan ; and 
again refluent into India, at Salbahana or Sdlpoora in the Fuuj&by 
Tunnote, Derawul, Lodorva in the desert, and flnally Jessulm^r, 
founded in S. 1212, or A.D. 1156. 

Having elsewhere descanted at length on the early history of the 
Yadus,f we may refer those who are likely to take an interest in 
this discussion to that paper, and proceed at once to glean what we 
can from the native annals before us, from the death of their 
leader, Heri-Crishna, to the dispersion of the Yadus from India. The 
bare fact of their migration altogether out of India proper, proves 
that the original intercourse, which conducted Budha, the patriarch 
of the Yadu race, into IndiaJ (where he espoused Ella, a princess of 

♦ The cosmography of the A^i Pooran divides the world then known to the 
Hindus into seven dwlpas^ or continents : one of these is " S^c4-dwlpa, whose 
•* inhabitants, descended from Bup'ha. are termed S^c^wara (i. e,, S<uxe4ords)!* 
His (Bup'has) offspring or descendants were Juhid, Sookmar, Manichuk, 
Koorum, Ootur^s, Darbeeka, Drooma, each of whom gave his name to a khand, 
or division {qu. Sookmarkhand V) The chief ranges oi mountains were Juldus, 
Raivat, Siamah, Indue, Amki, Rim, and Kesarl. " There were seven gnmd 
" rivers, viz., Mug, Mugud, Arvema, <fec. The inhabitants worship the sun." 

Slight as this infonnation is, we must believe that this S4c4-dwlpa or Sacatai, 
is the JScythia of the Ancients ; and the SAc^swara (the Sacas of Menu), the 
Sacse so well known to western history, the progenitors of the Parthians, whose 
first (ad) king was Arsaca. The sim- worship indicates the adorer of Mithras, 
the Mitra or Siirya of the Hindu ; the Arvema recalls the A raxes applied to 
tiie Jaxartes ; while Julud, the proper name of the son of the first King of 
S4c4-dwipa, appears to be the Juldus of the Tatar historian Abul^^ud, who uses 
the same term as docs the Hindu, to designate a range of mountains. Whence 
this identity between Pooranic and Tatar cosmograpnyl 

" A chief of the twice-born tribe (t. «., Brahmins) was brought by Vishnu's 
** eagle from Sdca-dwlpa, and thus have Sdcd-dwipa Brahmins become known in 
" Jambu-dwlpa" (India). — Mr. Colebrooke on Indian Classes, Asiatic Rea, VoL 
Y, p. 63. And Menu says that it was only on their ceasing to sanction ^^rahmins 
residing amongst them, that the inhabitants of these remote western regions 
became ' MUtcha,* or barbarians : testimonies which must be held conclusive of 
perfect intercourse and reciprocity of sentiment between the nations of Central 
A^ and India at periods tne most remote. 

+ Vide ** Essay on the Hindu and Theban Hercules,'' Transactions d[ the 
Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. III. 

X The Bhagvat says, '^ Budha (a wiseman — apatriarch) came to Bharatkhand 
*^ to perform penitential rites, and espoused Ella, by whom he had Pr<!ul!irwa 
" (founder of Mat*huni), who had six sons, viz., A)rii,&c. who carried on the lunar 
" (Indu) races in India." Now this Ay\\ is likewise the patriarch of tJie Tatars, 
and in that language signifies the moon, a male divinity both with Tatars and 


the Surya race, and by whom his issue was multiplied), was not 
forgotten, though fifty generations had elapsed from the patriarchal 
Budha to Heri — to whom and the chronicle we return. 

" Praga* is the cradle of the Yadus who are Somavansa (of the 
lunar race). 'ITience Mat'hura founded by Pr6r6rwa remained for 
ages the seat of power. The name of Jadoo (Yadu), of whom there 
were fifty-six tribes,f became famous in the world, and of this race 
was the mighty Heri-Crishna, who founded Dwarica." 

The grand international conflicts amongst the " fifty-six Yadu 
" tribes," at Cdrukh^ta, and subsequently at Dwarica, are sufficiently 
known to the reader of Hindu history, and may be referred to else- 
where.J These events are computed to have happened about 1,100 
years before Christ. On the dispersion of these races many aban- 
doned India, and amongst these, two of the many sons of Ci'ishna. 
This deified leader of the Yadus had eii^ht wives, and the offspring 
of the first and seventh, by a singular fate, now occupy what may l^ 
termed the outposts of Hindui8m.§ 

Rookraani was the senior of these wives ; and the eldest of her 
sons was Pridema, who was married to a princess of Bidurba ; she 
bore him two sons, Anurad and Bujra, and from the latter the Bhattis 
claim descent. Bujra had two sons, Ndba and Khlra. 

" When the Jadoos were exterminated in the conflict at Dwarica, 
aDd Heri had gone to heaven, Bujra was on his way from Mat'hura 
to see his father, but had only marched twenty coss (forty miles), 
'Mrhen he received intelligence of that event, which had swept away 
bis kindred. He died upon the spot, when Naba was elected king 
9Uid returned to Mat'hura, but Khfra pursued his journey to 

" The thirty-six tribes of Rajpoots hitherto oppressed by the 
Yadus, who had long held universal dominion, now determined to 
be revenged. Ndba was compelled to fly the holy city [Dwarica] ; 
he became prince of Maroost'hali in the west. 

BjgpootB. Throughout there are traces of an original identity, which justifies 
the application of the term Indo-Scythic to the Yadu race. — Vide Genealoincal 
Table, Vol L 

*^ Praga is the modem AlLohabad, at the confluence of the Jumna and 
Qanges^ the capital of the Pmsii of Megiisthene^. 

t TbiB is alternately called Ch/ipnn Cuia and Chapun Crcre^ " fifty-six 
** tribes." and ** fifty-six millions," of Yadus. As they were long supreme over 
ludiflL tiiis number is not inadmissible. 

X TransactioDS of the Koyal Asiatic Society, Vol III. Vide paper entitled, 
** Comparison of the Hindu and Theban Hercules." 

4 Jambuvati was the name of the seventh wife, whose eldest son was called 
Sftmba — he obtained possession of the tracts on both sides the Indus, and 
foimded the Sind-Samnui dynasty, from which the Jhar^as are descended. 
There is every probability that Sam bus of Samba-nagari (Mtnagara), the oppo- 
neot of Alexander, was a descendant of Samba, sou of Crishna. The Jbar^ja 
chrooidea, in ignorance of the origin of this titular appellation, say that their 
" aooestors came from Sham, or Syria." 


" Thus far from the Blvagvat, (says the Bbatti chronicler) and I 
continue the history of the Bhattis, by the Brahmin Sookhd'herma 
of Mat'hura. 

" Naba had issue Prithibdhu. 

" Khira had two sons, Jhai*dja and Jud-bh3.n.* 

" Jud-bhUn was on a pUgrimage ; the goddess heard his vows ; 
she awoke him from his sleep, and promised whatever he desired. 
* Give me land that I may inhabit/ said the youth ; ' Rule in 
these hills/ replied the goddess, and disappeared. When Jud-bh&n 
awoke, and was yet pondering on the vision of the night, a confused 
noise assailed him ; and looking out, he discovered that the prince 
of the country had just died without issue, and they were disputing 
who should succeed him. The prime minister said, * he dreamed 
that a descendant of Crishna had arrived at Behera^f and proposed 
to seek him out and invest him as their prince. All assented, and 
Jud-bhan was elected king. He became a great prince, had a 
numerous progeny, and the place of theii* abode was henceforth 
styled JudoO'Cd-dang, ' the mountains of Judoo/ 

" PHthi-bdhu (' the arm of the earth'), son of NAba, prince of 
Maroost'hali, inherited the insignia of Sri-Crishna with the regal 

* Jid, Jud, Jadoo, are the various modes of pronouncing Yadu in the Bhakha, 
or spoken dialects of the west. Jud-Bkdn, ' the rocket of the Yadus/ would 
imply the knowledge of gunpowder at a very remote period. 

t The precise knowledge of the topograpny of these regions, displayed in the 
Bhatti annals, is the most satisfactoi^ proof of their authenticity. In the pre- 
sent day, it would be in vain to ask any native of Jessulm^r the position of the 
'• hUl of Jud," or the site of Behera ; and but for the valuable translation of 
Baber's Memoirs, by Mr. Erskine, we should have been unable to adduce the 
following testimony. Baber crossed the Indus the l7th February 1619, and on 
the 19th, between that river and one of its great towns, the Behat, he reached 
the very tract where the descendant of Crishna established himself twenty-five 
centuries before. Baber says, " Seven kos from Behreh to the north there is a 
hill. This hill in the Zefer Nameh (History of Timoor), and other books, is 
called the Hill of JiXd. At first I was ignorant of the origin of its name, but 
afterwards discovered that in this hill there were two races of men descended 
of the same father. One tribe is called Jiid, the other Jei^jClhdh. From old 
times they have been the rulers and lords of the inhabitants of this hill, and of 
the lis and UlUses (political divisions) between NilAb and Behreh. Their 
power is exerted in a friendly and brotherly way. They cannot take from them 
whatever they please. They take as their share a portion that has been fixed 
from very remote times. The JAd is divided into various branches or families, 
as well as the Jenjiih^h. The chief man amongst them gets the name of Ra6. — 
Erskine's Baber, p, 254. 

Here is a decided confirmation that this Hindu colony preserved all their 
original manners and customs even to Baber's day. The tribe of Jei^fihdhs^ 
beyond a doubt, is the tribe of Johya, so celebrated in the region skirting the 
Sutlej, and which will be noticed hereafter. I presented a small work entirely 
relating to their history, to the Royal Asiatic Society. As Baber says they are 
of the same family as the JMs, they are probably toe descendants of Jim, the 
brother of Bhatti, who changed the family patronymic from Jadoo or Judoo 
to Bhatti ; and thus it appears, that when the elder branch was driven from 
Giyni, they retreated amongst their relations of the hills of Jfid Bsher was 
quite enamoured with the beauty of the hill of Jiid, which, with its lake and 
valleys, he describes as a miniature Cashmere. — P. 266, 


umbrella (chlietn) made by Viswacarraa. He had a son Bahubal, 
(* strong arm'), who espoused Camlavati, daughter of Vijya Sino", 
Prince of Malwa, who gave in dower {daejd)* one thousand horses 
of Khorasan, one hundred elephants, pearls, gems, and gold innu- 
merable, and five hundred handmaids, with chariots and bedsteads 
of gold. The Pilar (Pramar) Camlavati became the chief queen and 
bore her lord one son, 

*' Bdhu, killed by a fall from his horse ; he left one son, 

** Soobdhu, who was poisoned by his wife, a daughter of Mund 
ja Chohan of Ajm^r : he left a son, 

" Rijh^ who reigned twelve years. He was married to SoohlCag 
Soondri, daughter of Ber Sing, prince of Malwa. Having, when 
pregnant, dreamed that she was delivered of a white elephant, the 
astrologers, who interpreted this as an indication of greatness, 
desired he might be named Ouj :f as he approached manhood, the 
coco-nut came from Jud-bh&n, prince of FoorubdA (the eastern), 
and was accepted. At the same time tidings arrived that from the 
shores of the ocean, the barbarians (APletcha), who had formerly 
attacked Soobdhu^ were again advancing, having Ferid Shah of 

♦ The Pramars were formerly the most powerful potentates of central India. 
Handmaids, and bedsteads of gold, were always a part of the dofjd or dower 
of Hindu princesses. 

t Abuliazi mentions Joga as prince of Gasmien and Cashmere, who was 
ibin by Ogux Khan, the Patriarcn of the Tatar tribes. 

X In this early portion of the annals there is a singular mixture of historical 

facta, and it appears that the Yadu scribes confound their connections with 

the Syrian and Bactrain Greeks, and with the first Mooslem conquerors. 

Imperfect as is this notice of Soobihu, his son R\jh, and grandson Gtg, who 

were thus assailed by Ferid of Khorasan (Bactria), and his auxiUaiy, the king 

of Room (Syria), we have a powerful allusion to Antiochus the Great, who, 

two hundred and four years before Christy invaded Bactria and India. 

Amongst ihe few facts left of this expedition is his treaty with Sophagasenus, 

the Indian monarch, in which the Svrian kin^ stipulated for a tribute in 

^lepbanta There are, even in this medley of incidents, grounds for imagining 

thmt Sophagasenus is the Yadu prince of GujnL Whether, out of Soobi^u and 

Oi\L the Greeks manufactured their Sophagasenus, or whether prince Guj 

eoold have been entitled Soobagh'h-s6n, in compliment to his mother, Soobag'h- 

Soondri, of Malwa, must be left for the speculative to decide. It is not unlikely 

tJ&at the nature of the tribute, said to have been elephants, which the Indian 

«greed to furnish to the Greek prince, may have originated with the name of 

Gm/t which means 'elephant' 

Tfhen is at the same time much that refers to the early progress of Islam in 
these legums of central Asia. Price, in his excellent history, extracting firom 
the XkSautiU-ul'Akbary says, ^ Hejaage was entrusted with the government of 
Khoimaan, and Obaidoolah with Seistan, who had orders from Hejauge, his 
enperior, to invade CabuL whose prince was Reteil or Retpeil, whom the 
anthor supposes either a Tatar or Hindoo prince. Artfully retiring, he drew 
the Mohammedan armv into the defiles, ana blocking up the rear, cut off their 
leCreat, and Obaidoolah was compelled to parchase his liberation by the pay- 
ment of seven hundred thousand dirhems. 

•This was the seventy-eighth year of the Hegira, or A. D. 697. Conjoined to 
what follows, it i^ppears to have reference to K^h, father of Gig. Again, 

** Obaidoolah and Abdoorehraan invaded Seistan with forty thousand men. 
Tlie prince of Cabvl tried the same manoeuvre, but was outwitted by the 


Khorasan at the head of four lacs of horse, from whom the people 
fled iu dismay. Tlie Raja sent scouts to obtain accurate intelligence, 
and marched to Harreou to meet him ; while the foe encamped two 
coss from Koonjsheher.* A battle ensued, in which the invader 
was defeated with the loss of thirty thousand men, and four thousand 
on the part of tlie Hindils. But the foeman rallied, and Raja Rijh, 
who again encountered him, was wounded and died just as prince 
Guj returned with Haasavati, his bride, daughter of Jud-bh4n of 
the east. In two battles the king of Khorasan was vanquished, 
when he obtained an auxiliary in the king of Room (Eomi-pati), to 
establish the Koran and the law of the prophet in infidel laiids. 
While the armies of the Asuras were thus preparing their strength. 
Raja Guj called a council of ministers. There being no strong-hold 
of importance, and it being impossible to stand against numbers, it 
was determined to erect a fortress amidst the mountains of the 
north. Having summoned liis friends to his aid, he sought council 
of the guardian goddess of his race ; who foretold that the power of 
the Hindijs was to cease, but commanded him to erect a fort and call 
it Oujni. While it was approaching completion, news came that 
the kings of Room and Khorasan were near at hand : 

Hooml-pat, Khordsdn-paU hde, gdu paJdhur, pdi, 
Chinta terd, chi£h legt ; soono Jud-pat BaS.f 

" The stick wounded the drum of the Jadoo prince ; the army was 
formed, gifts were distributed, and the astrologers were commanded 
to assign such a moment for marching as might secure the victoiy. 

Mohammedan, who conquered a great part of Cabul and acquired great booty, 
with which he returned to Seistan, to the great displeasure of Hejauge ; and 
Abdoorehman entered into a confederacy with Retpeil to attack Heiaiige, and 
absolve Cabul from tribute. Moghairah was the successor of Abdoorehman 
in Khorasan, while his father, Monilel, was employed beyond the Jehoon^ but 
died at Mem of a burning diarrhoea, bequeathing his government to Yozzid." 

This account of Moghaurah's (the governor of Khorasan) death, while cany- 
ing on war against the Hindu Retpeil of Cabul, has much analog^ to the sud- 
den death of Mamraiz, the foe of Hijh of Zabulisthan. One thing is now proved, 
that princes of the Hindu faith ruled over all these regions in ike first ages of 
Islainism, and made frequent attempts, for centuries after, to reconquer them. 
Of this fact, Baber gives us a most striking instance in his description of Gnjui, 
or, as he writes, Ghazni, He says, " I have seen, in another history, that wk&x 
*^ the Rai of Hind besieged Subskkte^ in Ghazni, Subaktegin ordered dead flesh 
*^ and other impurities to be thrown into the fountain, when there instantly arose 
" a tempest and hurricane, with rain and snow, and by this device he drove away 
** the enemy.'' Baber adds, '^ I made then inquiry in Ghami fortius wdl» but 
'^ nobody could give me the slighest information regarding it,'' p. l&O. Doubtleaa, 
when Baber conouered India, and became better acquainted with the Hindu 
warriors, he would have got to the bottom of this anecdote, and have seen that 
the success of the ruse of Subaktegin arose out of the reU^on of his foee, who 
could not use water thus contaminated by the flesh of the sacred kina The 
celebrated Balabhi was reduced by the same stratagem. 

* Neither of these towns appears in any map. ''There is a Kooiy Reshak in 
" Khorasan, and a Penjher in Balk."— /Str W, Oiuley's Ebn Hauhal, pp. 2ia>223. 

t " The king of Room and the king of Khorasan, with horse {Me) elenhants 
" {gdi or gvj) caparisons (pdkhur) and foot-soldiers (pdi or pd^i) [are at nand]^ 
** Beware, let it enter your mind, oh Ra6, Lord of the Judoos !" 


" Thursday (Vrishpatrvar) the 13th of Mah, the enlightened half 
of the moon, wnen one ghurri of the day had fled, was the auspicious 
hour ; and the drum of departure sounded. That day he marched 
eight 0088, and encamped at Doolapoor. The combined kings advanced, 
but in the night the Shah of Khorasan died of indigestion. When 
it was reported to the king of Room (Shah Secunder Roomi) that 
Shah Mamraiz was dead, he became alarmed and said, ' while we 
mortals have grand schemes in hand, he above bas other views for 
u&' Still his army advanced like waves of the ocean ; caparisons 
and chains clank on the backs of elephants, while instruments of 
war resound through the host. Elephants move like walking 
mountains ; the sky is black with clouds of dust ; bright helms 
reflect the rays of the sun. Four coss (eight miles) separated the 
hostile armies. Raja Guj and his chieftains performed their ablutions, 
and keeping the Joginis* in their rear, advanced to the combat 
£ach host rushed on like famished tigers ; the earth trembled ; the 
heavens were overcast ; nor was aught visible in the gloom but the 
radiant helm. War-bells resound ; horses neigh ; masses of men 
advance on each other, like the dark rolling clouds of Bhadoon. 
Hissing speeds the feathered dart ; the lion roai* of the warriors is 
re-echoed ; the edge of the sword deluges the ground with blood ; 
on both sides the blows resound on the crackling bones. Here was 
Jud-Ra^, there the Khans and Ameers, as if Time had encountered 
his fellow. Mighty warriors strew the earth; heroes fall in the 
csxiee of their lords. The army of the Shah fled ; he left twenty-five 
thousand souls entangled in the net of destruction ; he abandoned 
elephants and horses, and even his throne. Seven thousand Hindus 
lay dead on the field. The dnim of victory resounded, and the 
Jadoon returned triumphant to his capital 

" On Sunday, the 3d of Bys4k, the spring season (Vasant), the 
Rohini Nikhitra, and Samvat Dhenna-raja {^ihidishtra) 3008,f seated 
on the throne of Gujni, he maintained the Jadoon raca With this 
victory his power became firm : he conquered all the countries to the 
west, and sent an ambassador to Cashmere to call its prince Kan- 
dnipk£i^ to his presence. But the prince refused the sunmions : he 
said the world would scofi' at him if he attended the stirrup of 
another without being first worsted in fight. Raja Guj invaded 
GiBhmere ; and married the daughter of its prince^ by whom he had 
a son, caUed Salbahan. 

** When this child had attained the age of twelve, tidings of another 
uiTaaion came from Khorasan. Raja Guj shut himself up for three 
entiie days in the temple of Ctlladevi :§ on the fourth day the god- 

* Tlie andean spirits of Rajpoot martial mythology, who feed on the slain. 

t Tlds date is drcnmstantial, and might be fixed or disproved bv calcu- 
lation^if the heterogeneous mixture of such widely separated incidents as 
tiMwe m Syro-Macedonian and Mahomedan History aid not deter us from the 

t No snch name appears in Wilnoii's Raj Taringini. 

\ Tutelary goddess, or ** of the race (cMa)J' 


dess ap[Teared and revealed to him his destiny ; that Gujni would 
pass from his hands, but that his posterity would re-inberit it, not 
as Hindus but as Mooslems; and directed him to send his son 
Salbahan amongst the Hindus of the east, there to erect a city to be 
named after him. She said that he would have fiileen sons, whose 
issue would multiply ; * that he (Raja Guj) would fall in the defence 
of Gujni, but would gain a glorious reward hereafter/ 

" Having heard his fate revealed, Raja Guj convened his family 
and kin, and on pretence of a pilgrimage to Jowala-mookhi,* he 
caused them to depart, with the prince Salbahan, for the east. 

" Soon after the foe approached within five coss of Gujni. Leaving 
therein his uncle Seydeo for its defence. Raja Guj marched to meet 
him. The king of fehorasan divided his army into five divisions ; 
the Raja formed his into three : a desperate conflict ensued, in which 
both the king and the Raja were slain. The battle lasted fivepuhar8,f 
and a hundred thousand Meers and thirty-thousand Hindus strewed 
the field. The king's son invested Gujni ; for thirty days it "was 
defended by Seydeo, when he perfoimed, the Saica;^ and nine 
thousand valiant men gave up their lives. 

" When tidings of this fatal event were conveyed to Salbahan, for 
twelve days the gi*ound became his bed.§ He at length reached 
the Pimj&b, where he fixed on a spot with abundance of water, and 
having collected his clansmen around him, he laid the foundation of a 
city which he named after himself, Salbahanpoor. The surrounding 
Bhomias attended, and acknowledged his supremacy. Seventy-two 
years of the era of Yicrama had elapsed when Salbahanpoor was 
founded, upon Sunday, the 8th of the month of Bhadoon.|| 

" Salbahan conquered the whole region of the Punj&b. He had 
fifbeen sons, who all became Rajas : viz., Balund, Rasaloo, Dhur- 
mungud, Vacha, Roopa, Soondur, Lek*h, Juskum, Naima, Maut, 
Neepak, Gangeou, Jugeou ; all of whom, by the strength of their 
own arms, established themselves in independence. 

* This volcano is a well-known place of pilgrimage in the Sewaluk mountains. 

t A puhar i& one-fourth of the day. 

X For a description of this rite, see Vol. I, p. 276. 

§ In conformity with the Hindu ordinances of matim^ or mourning. 

II Here is another circumstantial date^ S. 72, or A. D. 16, for the foundation 
of Salbahana in the Punj&b, by the fugitive Yadu prince from Gujmu Of its 
exact position we have no means of judging, but it could not have been remote 
from Lahore. It may be deemed a fortunate coincidence that I should diacover 
that ancient inscription (Vol. I, pp. 700-1,) of this capital, styled Salpoor^ 
governed by a Gete or Jit in the fourth century ; which su^msted the idea 
(which manv facts tend to prove), whether these Yadus (whose iUe^imate 
issue, as will appear in the sequel, are called Juts) may not be theYuti or 
Getes from Central Asia. The coincidence of the date of Salbahan- Yada with 
that of the Saca Salivahan, the Tak, will not fail to strike the enquirer into 
Hindu antiquities : and it is not the least curious circumstance, that these 
Yadus, or Yfitl, displaced the Takshac, or T&k, from this region, as will appear 
immediately. In further corroboration, see notes 2 and 2, pp. 700-1, and 
Inscriptions, II, p. 702 and VI, p. 707. 


" The coco-nut from Raja Jeipdi Tuar was sent from Dehli, and 
accepted.* Balund proceeded to Dehli, whose prince advanced to 
meet him. On his return with his bride, Salbahan determined to 
redeem Qujni from the foe and avenge his father's death. He crossed 
the Attoc to encounter Jellal, who advanced at the head of twenty 
thousand men. Crowned with victory, he regained possession of 
Qojni, where he left Balund, and returned to his capital in the 
Fimj&b: he soon after died, having ruled thirty-three years and 
nine months. 

" Balund Bucceeded. His brothers had now established themselves 
in all the mountainous tracts of the Punj&b. But the Toorksf began 
rapidly to increase, and to subjugate all beneath their sway, and the 
lands around Gujni were again in their power. Balund had no 
mmister, but superintended in person all the details of his govern- 
ment He had seven sons : Bhatti, Bhupati, Kullur, Jinj,J Surmor, 
Bhynsr^ha, Mangreo. The second son Bhupati (i. e., lord of the 
earth) had a son, Chakito, from whom is descended the Chakito 
{Chagiiai) tribe.§ 

" Chakito had eight sons, viz., Dcosi, Bharoo, Khemkhan, Nahur, 
JeipUJ Dharsi, Beejlf-Khan, Shah Summund. 

" Balund, who resided at Salbahanpoor, left Gujni to the charge 
of his grandson Chakito ; and as the power of the barbarian {M'letclia) 
increased, he not only entertained troops of that race, but all his 
nobles were of the same body. They offered, if he would quit the 
idipon of his fathers, to make him master of Balich Bokhai-a, where 
dwelt the Oosbek race, whose king had no offspring but one daughter. 
Chakito married her, and became king of Baiich Bokhara, and loi-d 
rf twenty-eight thousand hoi-se. Between Balich and Bokhara runs 
a mighty river, and Chakito was king of all from the gate of Balich- 
shtn to the face of Hindust'han ; and from him is descended the 
tribe of Chakito MoguklT 

* At every page of these annab, it is evident that they have been transcribed 
y some ignoramus, who has jumbled together events of ancient and modem 
^te. The prince of Dehli might have been Jeipil, but if we are to place any 
»ith in the chronolo^ of the Tiiar race, no prince of this familv could m 
^^itchrouons with the Yadu Salbalian. I am inclined to think that the emigra- 
tion of Salbahan's ancestors from Gujni was at a much later period than iS. 
72, as I shall note as we proceed. 

t Toork is the term in the dialects which the Hindus apply to the races from 
ttntnl Asia, the T&rshka of the Fooraiis, 
I Doubtless the ancestor of the Johya race, termed the JenjMi^h by Baber, 
md who dwelt with the Juds in the hills of Jud, the Juddoo-ca-daug of the 
f However curious this assertion, of the Chagitais being descended from the 
FacfauL it ou^t not to surprise lui : I repeat, that all these tribes, whether 
tenned Indo-Scythic or Tatar, prior to Islamism, professed a faith which may 
be termed Hinduism. 

fl As it is evident the period has reference to the very first years of Islamism, 

and it is stated that the sons of Quj were to be proselytes, it is by no means 

ifflpivbaJble that this is Jypal, the infidel prince of Khwarezm.— See Prices 

Jf^omedan Historjr. 

T This is a most ipuportaut admission of the proselytism.of the ancient Ind(»- 



'' Kullur, third son of Balund, had eight sons, whose descendants 
are designated Kullur * Their names were, Seodas, Ramdas, Abbo, 
Kistna, Samoh, Oango, Jesso, Bhago ; almost all of whom became 
Moosulmauns. They are a numerous race, inhabiting the moun- 
tainous countries west of the river,f and notorious robbers. 

" Jinj, the fourth son, had seven sons ; Champo, Qokul, Mehiaj, 
Hunsa, Bhadon, Rasso, Juggo, all whose issue bore the name of 
Jinj '^ and in like manner did the other sons become the patriarchs 
of tribes. 

" Bhatti succeeded his father Balund. He conquered fourteen 
princes, and added their fortunes to his own. Among his effects, he 
reckoned twenty-four thousand mules§ laden with treasure ; sixty- 
thousand horae, and innumerable foot. As soon as he mounted the 
gadi, he assembled all his forces at Lahore preparatory to the teekor- 
dour\\ destined against Beerbhan Bhagel, lord of Kenekpoor. 
Beerbhan fell in the battle which ensued, at the head of forty 
thousand men. 

'' Bhatti had two sons, Mungul Bao and Musoor Rao. With 
Bhatti, the patronymic was changed, and the tribe thenceforth was 
distinguished by his name. 

" Mungul Rao succeeded, but his fortune was not equal to that of 
his fathers. Dhoondi, king of Guzni, with a mighty force, invaded 

Scythic Tadu princes to the faith of Islam, though there can be no reasonable 
doubt of it. Temugin, better known by his notnme de guerre^ Jungees, the 
father of Chagitai, according to the Mahomedan historians, is termed an infidel, 
and 80 was Tacash, the father of Mahomed of Khwarezm : the one was of the 
Getic or Yuti race ; the other^ as his name discloses, of the T&k or Tak^iac, the 
two grand races of central Asia. The insertion of this pedigree in this place 
completelv vitiates chronology : yet for what purpose it could have been inter- 
polated, ii not founded on some fact, we cannot surmise. 

* We can, by means of the valuable transLition of the Commentaries of 
Baber, trace many of these tribes. 

t It has already been stated, that the fifteen brothers of Balund established 
themselves in the mountainous parts of the Punj&b, and that his sons inherited 
those West of the Indus, or Damaun. The Afghan tribes, whose supnoaed 
genealo^ from the Jews has excited so much cunosity, and who now iiuialnt 
the regions conquered by the sons of Salbahan, are possiblv Yadus, idio. on 
conversion, to give more ^ddt to their antiquitv, converted ladu into Takmdi, 
or Jew, and added the rest of the story from the KordtK That gnuad divisioa 
of Afghans called the Ensofiye, or ' Sons of Joseph,' whose original country 
was Cabul and Guzni, yet retain the name of Jadoon (vulgar of Yadn), as one 
of their principal subdivisions ; and they still occupy a position in the hilly 
region east of the Indus, conquered by the sons of Balund. It would be a 
curious fact could we prove the Afghans not YahudU but Yadus. 

t Doubtless the junction of Jinj with that of Johya, another numerous tribe, 
formed the JenjMich of Baber ; the Johyas of the Bhatti annals, now known 
only by name, but whose history forms a volume. The sons of Jii\j have left 
numerous traces— J enjian on the Garah ; Jinjinialli in the desert, &c. 

§ Even the mention of an animal unknown in the desert of India, evinces the 
ancient source whence these annals are compiled. Had the Yadu colony at 
this period obtained a footing in the desert, south of the Sutlej, the compu* 
tation would have been by cameMoads, not by mules. 

II Sec Vol, I. p. 313, for an account of this military foray. 


Lahore;* nor did Mungul Rao oppose him, but with hi<s eldest son 
fled into the wilds on the hanks of the river. The foe then invested 
Salbahanpoor, where resided the family of the Raja ; but Musoor 
£ao escaped and fled to the Lakhi Jungle.^ There being only a 
eoltivating peassmtry in this tract, he overcame them, and became 
master of the country. Musoor Rao had two sons, Abh^ Rao and 
SftTun Rao. The elder, Abh^ Rao, brought the whole Lakhi Jungle 
nnder his control, and his issue, which multiplied, became famous as 
the Abhoria Bhattis. Sarun quarrelled with and separated from his 
brother, and his issue descended to the rank of cultivatoi^, and ai*e 
well known as the Sarun Juts.:^ 

*' Mungul Rao, the son of Bhatti, and who abandoned his kingdom, 
had six sons : Mujum Rao, KuUursi, Moolraj, Seoraj, Phool, Kewala. 

"When Mungul Rao fled from the king, his children were secreted 
in the houses of his subjects. A Bhomia named Satidas, of the tribe 
of rdik,§ whose ancestors had been reduced from power and wealth by 
the ancestors of the Bhatti prince, determined to avenge himself, and 
informed the king that some of the children were concealed in the 
hoose of a banker (aahoocar). The king sent the Tkk with a party 
of troops, and sun'ounded the house of Sridhar, who was earned 

* This would almost imply that Lahore and Salbahana were one and the 
ttme placcL but from what follows, the intervening distance could not have 
Wen sreat oetween the two cities. There is a Saugaaa, south of Lahore, near 
tlte attars of Alexander, and a Sialkote in our modem maps. Salbahana, 
Silbahanpoor, or simply Salpoora, may have been erected on the ruins of 
Kampilanagri We may hope that researches in that yet untouched region, 
tbePii^lftb, will afford much to the elucidation of ancient history. 

tThe Lakhi Jungle is well known in India for its once celebrated breed of 
wMes, extinct within the last twenty years. 

tThus it is that the most extensive agricultural races spread all over India, 
<!>lled JaU or Jits, have a tradition that they are descended from the Yadu race, 
(<lii Yvti f) and that their original country is Candahar. Such was stated to 
^ tt the origin of the Jats of Biaua and Bhurtpore. Why the descendants 
of Sanm assumed the name of Juts is not stated. 

{This incidental mention of the race of T^k, and of its being in great 
^OQiideration on the settlement of the Yadus in the Pui^ftb, is very important. 
1 kve given a sketch of this tribe (Vol. I, p. 93), but smce I wrote it, I have 
wnrered the capital of the Tdk^ and on the very soot where I should have 
flecked ike nie of Tcunla, the capital of Taxiles, tne friend of Alexander, 
^tittt sketch I hesitated not to say, that the name was not personal, but arose 
pon his being the head of the Takshac or Niiga tribe, which is confirm^. It 
j^toBaber, or.rather to his translator, that I am indebted for this discovery, 
^faoitang the limits of Bftnu. Baber thus mentions it : '* And on the west 
JBDedtt^ which is also called B&zar and T&k ;" to which the erudite translator 
vdi, **• Tak is said lon^ to have been the capital of Damftn." In Mr. Elphin- 
Wi map, BILsar, which Baber makes identical with Tftk, is a few miles norUi 

^tbe dtf of Attoc. There is no question that both the river and citv were 

^JB^ ttter the race of T&k or Takshac, the Nagas, Nagvansi, or ^ snctke racty 

^ Bprcad over India^ Indeed, I would assume that the name of Omphis, 

IjU^foung Taxiles had on his father's death, is OphiSy the Greek version ol 
^ we 'serpent' The Tftks appear to have been established in the same 
'[VOM It the earliest period. The MahabharcU describes the wars between 
•iMi^ja and the Takshacs, to revenge on their king the death of his father 
™»«t, emperor of Indrapreetlia, or Dehli. 


before the king, who swore he would put all his family to death if 
he did not produce the young princes of Salbahana. The alarmed 
banker protested he had no children of the Raja's, for that the 
infants who enjoyed his protection were the offspring of a Bhomia, 
who had fled, on the invasion, deeply in his debt But the king 
ordered him to produce them ; he demanded the name of their vil- 
lage, sent for the Bhomias belonging to it, and not only made the 
royal infants of Salbahana eat with them, but marry their daughters. 
The banker had no alternative to save their lives but to consent: 
they were brought forth in the peasant's garb, ate with the husband- 
men (Juts), and were maiTied to their daughters. Thus the offspring 
of KuUur-i-ai bacame the Kullorea Jats ; those of Moondraj and Seo- 
i*aj, the Moonda and Seora J&ts ; while the younger boys, Phool and 
Kewala, who were passed off as a barber (luie), and a potter 
(khomdr)j fell into that class. 

" Mungul Rao, who found shelter in the wilds of the Garah, 
crossed that stream and subjugated a new territory. At this period, 
the tribe of Baraha* inhabited the banks of the river; beyond them 
were the Boota Rajpoots of Bootaban.f In Poogul dwelt the 
Fmmara ;:!: in Dhat the Soda§ race ; and the Lodra|| Rajpoots in 
Lodorva. Here Mungul Rao found security, and with the sanction 
of the Soda prince, he fixed his future abode in the centre of the 
lands of the Lodras, the Barahas, and the Sodas. On the death of 
Mungul Rao, he was succeeded by 

" Mujum Rao, who escaped from Salbahanpoor with his father. 
He was recognized by all the neighbouring princes, who sent the 
usual presents on his accession, and the Soda prince of Amerkote 
made an offer of his daughter in marriage, which was accepted, and 
the nuptials were solemnized at Amerkote. He had three sons, 
Kehur, Moolraj,ir and GoglL 

♦ The names of these Rajpoot races, several of which are now blotted from 
the page of existence, prove the fidelity of the original manuscript. The 
Baranas are now Mahomedans. 

t The Boota is amongst the extinct tribes. 

t Poogul from the most remote times has been inhabited by the Pramar 
race. It is one of the N6-Koti Marao-cd, the mne castles of the aesert 

§ The Sodas of Amerkote have inhabited the desert from time immemorial, 
and are in all probability the Sogdi of Alexander. See Vol. I, p. 85. 

II Lodorva will be described hereafter. 

if Moolnu had three sons, Raj pal, Lohwa, and Choobar. The elder son had 
two sons, Ranno and Geegoh ; the first of whom had five sons, Dhookur. 
Pohor, Bood, Koolroo, Jeip&l, all of whom had issue, and became h^uis of 
clans. The descendants of Geegoh bore the name of Khen^ (91c chiefs of 
Gimar ?) The annsds of aU these states abound with similar minute genea- 
logical details, which to the Bajpoots are of the highest importance in enabUng 
them to trace the affinities of families, but which it is imperative to omit, as 
they possess no interest for the European reader. I have extracted the names of 
the issue of Moolraj to shew this. The Khengars were famed in the peniiumla 
of Saurashtra — nine of them ruled in Joonagur Gimar ; and but for this inci- 
dental relation, their origin must have ever remained concealed from the 
archseulogist, as the race has long been extinct. 


" Kehur became renowned for his exploits. Hearing of a oaravaii 
(ka/Ua) of five hundred horses going from Arore* to ilooltan, he 
pursued them with a chosen band disguised as camel-merchants, and 
came up with his prey across the Punjnud,+ where he attacked and 
captured it, and returned to his abode. By such exploits he became 
known, and the coco-nut (narjil) was sent to Mujum Rao, and his 
two elder sons, by Allansi Deora, of Jhalore. The nuptials were 
celebrated with great splendour, and on their return, Kehur laid the 
foundation of a castle, which he named Tunnote in honour of Tunno- 
devi. Ere it was completed, Bao Mujum died. 

" Kehur succeeded. On his accession, Tunnote was attacked by 
Jesrit, chief of the Barahas,J because it was erected on the bounds 
of his tribe ; but Moolraj defended it, and the Barahas were com- 
pelled to retire. 

" On Mungulwar (Tuesday), the full moon of Mah, S. 787§ (A.D. 
731), the fortress of Tunnote was completed, and a temple erected to 
Timno-Mata. Shortly after a treaty of peace was formed with the 
Sarahas, which was concluded by the nuptials of their chief with the 
daughter of Mooh-aj." 

Having thus fairly fixed the Yadu Bhatti chieftain in the land of 
Mariic&, it seems a proper point at which to close this initiatory 
chapter with some observations on the diversified history of this 
tribe, crowded into so small a compass ; though the notes of expla- 
nation, snbjoinedas we proceeded, will renderfewer remarks requisite, 

* The remains of this once famous town, the ancient capital of the upper 
valley of the Indus, I had the happiness to discover bv means of one of my 
parties, in 1811. It is the Alore of Abulfazil, the capital of Raja Sehris, whose 
kinfldom extended north to Cashmere, and south to the ocean ; and the Azour 
of D'Anyille, wha on the authority of £bn Haukal, says, '^ Azour est presque 
** eompoTobU d MHUan pour la grandeur J* He adds, that Azizi places it " trenU 
^ paroMangetdde Mansora" If Mansora is the ancient Bekher (capital of the 
Sogdi), we should read three instead of thirty. See Map. 

t Punjnud is the name which the Indus bears ynmeoiately below the point 
<^ confluenoe of the five streams (}mr\j-nadi). The mere mention of such 
temiB as the Funjnud, and the ancient Arore, stamps these annals with 
authenticity, however they may be deformed by the interpolations and 
anachronisms of ignorant copyists. Of Arore, or the Puninud, excepting the 
regnlar cadds, or messengers, perhaps not an individual living in Jessulm^r 
could DOW speak. 

X This shews that the Baraha tribe was of the same faith with the Yadu 
Bhatti ; in fact *' the star of Islam" did not shine in these regions for some 
time after, although Omar, in the first century, had established a colony of the 
faitfaful at Bekher, afterwards Mansoora. The Barahas are mentioned by 
Pottiiiger in his travels in Balochistan. 

( Tliare are but six descents given from Salbahan, the leader of the Yadu 
eowny from Zabuhstlian into the Fui^ab, and Kehur, the founder of their 
fintaettlement in the desert of India. The period of the first is S. 72, of the 
ether S. 787. Either names are wanting, or tlie period of Salbahan is erroneous. 
Kehn'a period, viz., S. 787, appears a landmark, and is borne out by numerous 
nfanqiient most valuable synchronisms. Were we to admit one hundred years 
to haw elapsed between Salbahan and Kehur, it would make the period of 
czimlaion mm Zabulist'hau about S. 687, which is just about the era of 


since with their help the reader may draw his own conclusions as 
to the value of this portion of the Bhatti annals, which may be 
divided into four distinct epochs : 

1st. — That of Heri, the ancester of the Yadu race. 

2d. — Their expulsion, or the voluntaiy abandonment of India by 
his children, with their relations of the Hericula and Pandu races, 
for the countries west of the Indus : their settlements in Maroos- 
t'hali : the founding of Gujni, and combats with the kings of Boom 
and Khorasan. 

3d. — ^Their expulsion from Zabulist'han, colonization of the Punjfi.b, 
and creation of the new capital of Salbahanpoor. 

4th. — Their expulsion from the Punjab, and settlement in Mer, 
the rocky oasis of Maroo, to the erection of Tunnote. 

It is the more unnecessary to enter into greater details on these 
outlines of the early Yadu history, since the subject has been in 
part treated elsewhere.* A multiplicity of scattered facts and 
geographical distinctions, fully wan-ants our assent to the general 
truth of these records, which prove that the Yadu race had dominion 
in central Asia, and were again, as Islamism advanced, repelled upon 
India. The obscure legend of their encounters with the allied Syi'ian 
and Bactrian kings would have seemed altogether illusory, did not 
evidence exist that Antiochus the Great was slain in these very 
regions by an Indo-Scythian prince, called by the Greek writers 
Sophagasenas : a name in all probability compounded from Soobdhu 
and his grandson Guj (who might have used the common affix of 
8^na), the Yadu princes of Gujni, who are both stated to have had 
conflicts with the Bactrian (Khorasan) kings. 

Seestan (the region of cold, ' see') and both sides of the valley, 
were occupied in the earliest periods by another branch of the Yadus ; 
for the Sind-Samma dynasty waa descended from Samba (which 
like Yadu became a patronjrmic) — of which the Greeks made Sambus 
— and one of whose descendants opposed Alexander in his progress 
down the Indus. The capital of this dynasty was Sarmnja-ca-kote, 
or Samanagari, yet existing on the lower Indus, and which was cor- 
rupted into Minagara by the Greeks. 

It is an interesting hypothesis, that would make the Cbagitais 
descendants of the Yadus.f In like manner, Bdppd, the ancestor of 

* See " Essay on the Hindu and Theban Hercules," Transactions of the 
Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. III. 

t Mr. Wilson discovered the name of Pandu in Ptolemy's Geography of 
So^ana ; and according to Ebn Haukal, the city of Herat is also caUed Heri. 
This adjoins Mam, or Murve, and to Maroost'haU the Pandu and Hericula races 
retired on their exile from India. If ever these remote regions are seurch^ for 
ancient inscriptions, we may yet ascend the ladder of Time, What was that 
Hamiri language, inscribed on the gate of Samarkand 9 (Ouseley, Ebn HmiWi^I^^ 

E. 264.) The lamented death of that enterprizing traveller, Mr. Brown, when 
e was about visiting Transoxiana, leaves a fine field to the adventurous. The 
Buddhist colossal sculptures and caves at Bamian, with such inscriptions as 


the Ranas of Mewar, abandoned central India after establishins: 
his line in Cheetore, and retired to Khorasan. All this proves that 
Hinduism prevailed in these distant regions, and that the inter- 
course was unrestricted between central Asia and India. We have 
undiscovered fields of inquiry in Transoxiana, and in the still more 
accessible region of the Punjaib, where much exists to reward the 
archaeologist : Salbahanpoor, Kampilnagari, Behera, the hill of Jud, 
perhaps Bucephalia,* the seven towns of Ooch, but, above all, the 
capital of Taxiles. Let us hope that, in this age of enterprize, these 
suggestions may be followed up : we can promise the adventurer a 
very different result from that which tempts the explorer of bar- 
barous Africa, for here he would penetrate into the first haunts of 
civilization, and might solve one of the great problems which still 
distract mankind. 

th^ may contain, are of the highest importance ; and I have little doubt, will 
be tound of the same character as those discovered in the cave-temples of India, 
attributed to the Pandus. 

• In a portion of the essay " On the Theban and Hindu Hercules," which I 
suppressed as better suited to an intended dissertation '' On the Sepulchral 
**' Monuments of the Eajpoots,'' where I trace a close analogy between their 
imstoms and those of the Scythic and Scandinavian Warriors, my particular 
attention was drawn to that singular monument discovered by Elphinstone, 
called the " Tope Manikvanla." I had before (Trans. R. A. S., Vol I, p. 330) 
conjectured it to be one of the many mausoleums erected to Menander, but on 
observing the geography of St. Croix, in his * Examcn Critique des 
Hidoriens d* Alexandre,' who places the city of Bucephalus on the very spot 
where the monument found by Mr. E. exists, I gave up Menander for 
Alexander's horse, and thi& long anterior to its reported excavation by the 
Chev. Ventura, for whose suDsequent observations we impatiently wait. 



Rao Kehur^ cotemporary of the Caliph Al Walid. — His offspring become heads 
of tribes, — Hehur^ the first who extended his conquests to the plains. — He is 
slain, — Tunno succeeds. — He assails the Barahas and Langas, — Tunnote in- 
vested by the prince of MooUan^ who is defeated, — Boo Tunno espouses the 
daughter of the Boota chief — His progeny. — Ttmno finds a concealed trea- 
sure, — Erects the castle of Be^note. — Tunno dies, — Succeeded by Beeji Roe. — 
He assails the Bahara tribe^ who conspire with the Langas to attack the Bkaiti 
prince, — Treacherous massacre of Beeji Rae and his kindred. — Deoraj saved 
by a Brahmin. — Tunnote taken. — Inhabitants put to the sword, — Deorqj joins 
his mMher in Bootabdn.—^Erects Deorawul, which is assailed by the Boota chief , 
wlio is circumvented andjyul to death by Deoraj, — The Bhatti prince is visited 
by a Jogi, whose disciple he becomes, — Title changed from Rao to Rawvl. — 
Deoraj mxLssacres the Langas, wlio acknotdedge his supremacy. — Account of 
the Langa tribe. — Dewaj conquers Lodorva, capital of the Lodra Rajpoots,-^ 
Avenges an i?isiilt of the prince ofDhdr, — Singular trait of patriotic devotion. 
— Assaults Dhdr. — Returns to Lodorva. — Excavates lakes in Khaddl. — Assas- 
sinated, — Succeeded by Rawul Moond, wivo revenges his fatheads death. — His 
son Bachera espouses the daughter of Bullub-S^, of Puttun Anhultoarra. — 
Cotemporaries of Mahmoud of Gt^ni, — Captures a caravan of horses. — The 
Fahoo Bhattis conquer Poogul from the Johyas. — Doosdj, son of Bachera, 
attacks the Kheechies, — Prooceeds unth his three brothers to the land of Khkr, 
where they espouse the Gohilote chiefs daughters, — Important synchronisms. — 
Bachera dies, — Doosdj succeeds, — Attacked by the Soda prince Hetmir, in 
whose reign the Caggar ceased to flow through the desert, — Traditional couplet. 
— Sons of Doosdj, — The youngest, Lanja Be^i Rae, marries the daughter oj 
Sidraj Solankiy king of Anhulwarra, — The other sons of Doos^\Jesul, and' 
Beeji Rae. — Bhojdeo, son of Lanja Be^i Rae, becomes lord of Lodorva on 
death of Doos6j,-^esul conspires against his nephew Bhqjdeo. — Solicits 
from the Sultan of Ghor, whom he joins at Arore,— -Swears allegiance to 

Sultan. — Obtains his aid to dispossess Bhojdeo, — Lodorva attackedcmd plun 

tiered. — Bhqjdeo slain, — Jesul becomes Rawvl of the Bhattis. — Abandon^^ 

Lodorva a>s too exposed, — Discovers a site for a new capital. — Prophetic in 

scription on the Brimsir-coond, or fountain. — Founds Jessulm^. — Je8^l dies^^ 
and is succeeded by Salbahan II. 

The dates of the varied events related in the preceding chaptei:* 
may bo of doubtful accuracy, but we have at length arrived on tho 
terra Jirma of Bhatti chronology. We may distrust the date, 3008 
of Yudishtra's era, for the victory obtained by the Jadoon prince of 
Gujni over the kings of Room and Khorasan ;* as well as uiat of S. 
72 assigned for the exode of Salbahan and his Yadus from Zaba- 

* The emperor Baber tells us, in his Commentaries, that the people of India 
apply the term K/iorasan, to all the regions west of the Indus. 


list'han, and their colonization of the Piinj&b ;* but their settlements 
ill the desert, and tlie foundation of Tunnote, their first seat of 
power, in S. 787 (A.D. 731), are corroborated by incontrovertible 
syDchronisms in almost every subsequent reign of these annals. 

Kehur, a name highly respected in the history of the Bhatti i-ace, 
and whose exploit has been already recorded, must have been the 
cotemporary of the celebrated Khalif Al Walid, the first whose arms 
extended to the plains of India, and one of whose earliest conquests 
and chief positions was Arore, the capital of Upper Sinde. 

Kehurf had five sons; viz., Tunno, Ooti-rao, Chunnur, Kafrio, 
ThaSm. All of them had ofispring,J who became the heads of clans, 
retaining the patronymic. All were soldiei*s of fortune, and they 
conquered the lands of the Chunna Rajpoots ;§ but the latter revenged 
themselves upon Kehur, whom they attacked and slew as he was 

Tunno succeeded. He laid waste . the lands of the Barahas,|| and 
those of the Langaha of Mooltan. But Husein Shah advanced with 
the Langaha Pat*hans,f clothed in armour with iron helms, with the 
men of Doodl,** of Kheecheeff the Khokur ;JJ: the Mogul, the 
Johya,§§ the Jood,§§ and Syed, all mounted on horses, to the number 

* Notwithstanding the lapse of eleven hundred years since the expulsion of 
the Bhattb from the Punj&b, and in spite of the revolutions in laws, language, 
and religion, since the descendants of Salbahan abandoned that region, yet, even 
to this day, there is abundant testimony in its geoCTaphical nomenclature that 
the HhattLB had dominion there. We have Ftridt Bhattia-ca, Bhaiti-ca-chuk, in 
the very position where we should look for Salbahanpoor. 

t Although I omit the inverted commas indicative of translation, the reader 
is to understand that what follows is a free interpretation of the original 

t Ootl-rao had five sons, Soma, Sehesi, Jeeva, Chako, and Uio'; their issue 
had the generic term of Ootirao, It is thus their clans and tribes are multi- 
plied ad infinitum, and since the skill of the genealogist {bhdt) is required to 
keqp them clear of incestuous marriages, even such uninteresting details have 
some valoe, as they stamp their annals with authenticity. 

i The tribe of Chunna is now extinct. 

H These Indo-Scythic tribes were designated by the names of animals. The 
Barakaa are the hoes ; the Noomries, the foxes ; Taksluics, the snakes ; Aiwas 
or AsL the horses, &c, 

Y Tnese TAngaha Patlians were proselytes from the Solanki Rajpoots, one of 
the four Agnic^lU races. Probably they inhabited the district of Lumghan, 
west of the Indus. It is curious and interesting to find that the Solanki gotra- 
aekatynL or * genealogical creed,' claims Lokote as their settlement. The use of 
the wora Farhan by no means precludes their being Hindus. 

** Babe^ in Ms valuable Autobiography, gives us the names of all the tribes 
he met in his passage into India^ and tms enumeration goes far to prove the 
authenticity of the early annals ot the Bhattis. Baber does not mention ** the 
"" meo of Doodl" 

ft The introduction of the name of this tribe here is highly important, and 
▼erjr interesting to those who have studied, in the Rajpoot bards, their early 
Idflloqr. The bards of the Kheechees give them this northern origin, and state 
that all Sindtagur, one of the dS-dbelu of the Punj&b, belonged to them. 

Jt The Khokur is most probablv the Ghiker. Baber writes the name 
* Gnker.' a singalar race, and decidedly Scythic in their habits even in his day. 

{§ Of the Juodis and Johyajs we have already spoken as inhabiting the range 



of ten thousand men, to attack the Jadoo. They reached the 
territory of the Barahas, who joined them, and there they encamped. 
Tunno collected his brethren around him, and prepared for defence. 
During four days they defended the castle ; and on the fifth the Rao 
ordered the gates to be thrown open, and with his son, Beeji Rae, 
sallied out sword in hand, and attacked the besiegers. The Barahas 
were the first to fly, and they were soon followed by the rest of the 
Asoors. The victors carried the spoils of the field into Tunnota 
As soon as the armies of Mooltan and Langaha were driven off, the 
coco-nut came from Jeejoo, chief of the Bootas of Bootaban,* and an 
alliance offensive and defensive was formed against the prince of 

Tunno had five sons, Beeji Ra^, Maklir, Jeytung, Allan, and 
Kakdcho. The second son, Maktir, had issue Maipah, who had two 
sons, Mohola and Decao, the latter of whom excavated the lake 
known by his name. His issue became carpenters (sootar), and are 
to this day known as the ' Maktir sootar.'f 

The third son, Jeytling, had two sons, Ruttunsi and Chohir. The 
first repaired the ruined city of Beekumpoor.J Chohir had two 
sons, Kola and Gir-rdj, who founded the towns of Kolasir and 

The fourth son, AUun, had four sons, Deosi, Tirpal, Bhaoni, and 
Rakecho. The descendants of Deosi became Rebanis (who rear 
camels), and the issue of Rakecho became merchants (banialis), an 
are now classed amongst the Oswal tribe.§ 

called in the native annals Jyddoo-ca-dangj and by Baber * the hill of Jtid,*"^ J 
skirting the Behat. The position of Behera is laid do^vn in that monmnent oft: ^c 
genius and industry, the Memoir of Rennel (who calls it Bheera), in 32° N- 1? 
and 72° 10' E. ; and by Elphinstone in 32° K/, but a whole degree farther toz^ii 
the east, or 73° 15'. This city, so often mentioned in the Yadu-Bhatti annid^^ 
as one of their intermediate places of repose, on their expulsion from ludis^^ 
and migration to Central Asia, has its position minutely pointed out by the»^ 
Emperor Baber (p. 259), who, in his attack on the hill tribes of Jits, (Joojukl^*?" 
;., adjoining Cashmere, " expelled Hatl Guker from Behreh, on th^-* 

Gukers, &c., 

" Behut River, near the cave-teniples of GAr-kotri at Blkrum," of which the 
able annotator remarks, that as well as those of Biit Bamiau, they were proba—< ^ 
bly Budhist. Baber (p. 294) also found the Jits masters of Sialkote, most Ukclyi^^J 
the Silpoor of the Inscription (Vol. I, p. 707), conquered from a Jit prince it 
the twelfth century by the Patun prince, and presumed to be the Salbahanpooi 
founded by the fugitive Yadu prince of Gigni. 

* Bootaoan, probably from vanu, pronounced in the dialect &m», the * wild' 
or * forest' of Boota. 

t Illegitimate children can never overcome this natural defect amongst th( 
Rajpoots. Thus we find among all classes of artizans in India, some of ro] 
but spurious descent. 

X 'These towns and lakes are well known, but have been seized by Blkandr-i— ^ 
See Map. 

§ The Oswal is the richest and most numerous of the eighty-four mercantile^ 
tribes of India, and is said to amount to one hundred thousana families. Thej^ 
are called * OswaU from their firs^ settlement, the town of OssL They are al/ 
of pure Rajpoot birth, of no single tribe, but chiefly Pilars, SolanJcia, and 
Bhattis. All profess the Jain tenets, and it is a curious fact, tJiough little 


Tunno having, by the interposition of the goddess Beejasennf, 
discovered a hidden treasure, erected a fortress, which he named 
Beejnote ;* and in this he placed a statue of the goddess, on the 13th, 
the enb'gbtened part of the month Me^ir, the Rohini Nikhitra, S. 
813 (A.D. 757). He died after ruling eighty years. 

Beeji Ra^ succeeded in S. 870 (A.D. 814). He commenced his 
reign with the teekd-dour against his old enemies, the Barahas, whom 
he defeated and plundered. In S. 892, he had a son by the Boota 
queen, who was called Deoraj. The Barahas and Langahas once 
more united to attack the Bhatti prince ; but they were defeated 
and put to flight. Finding that they could not succeed by open 
waifare, they had recourse to treachery. Having, under pretence of 
terminating this long feud, invited young Deoraj to marry the 
daughter of the Baraha chief, the Bhattis attended, when Beeji Ra^ 
and eight hundred of his kin and clan were massacred. Deoiuj 
escaped to the house of the Purohit (of the Barahas, it is presumed), 
whither he was pursued. There being no hope of escape, the Brah- 
min threw the Brahminical thread round the neck of the young 
prince, and in order to convince his pursuers that they were deceived 
as to the object of their search, he sat down to eat with him from 
the same dish. Tunnote was invested and taken, and nearly every 
soul in it put to the sword, so that the very name of Bhatti was for 
a while extinct. 

Deoraj remained for a long time concealed in the territory of the 
Barahas ; but at length he ventured to Boota, his maternal abode, 
where he had the happiness to find his mother, who had escaped tho 
massacre at Tunnote. She was rejoiced to behold her son's face, and 
** waved the salt over his head," then threw it into the water, 
exclaiming, " thus may your enemies melt away !" Soon tired of a 
life of dependence, Deoraj asked for a single village, which was pro- 
mised ; but the kin of the Boota chief alarmed him, and he recalled 
it, and limited his grant to such a quantity of land as he could encom- 
pass by the thongs cut from a single buffalo's hide : and this, too, in 
the depth of the desert. For this expedient he was indebted to the 
architect Rekeya, who had constructed the castle of Bhutnair.f 

known, that the pontiffs of that f«iith must be selected from the youth of Ossi. 
The wealthy bankers and mercliants of these regions scattered throughout 
India^ are aU known under one denomination, Marwari, which is erroneously 
sapposed to apply to the Jodpoor territory, whereas, in fact, it means belonging 
to uud desert. It is singular that the wealth of India should centre in this 
ttfdon of comparative sterility ! 


t This deception practised by the Bhatti chief to obtain land on which to 
erect a fortress in not unknown in other parts of India, and in more remote 
r^ons. Bhutnair owes its name to this expedient, from the division {bkatnja) 
of the hide. The etymology of Calcutta is the same, but should be written 
KhaUeuUOy from the cuttings of the hide (khal), Byrsa, the castle of Carthaf^c, 
oxiginates from the same stoiy. If there existed any affinity between the 
ancient PcUi language of India and the Punic or Phoenician (as the names of 
its princes and their adjuncts of bal would indicate), and the letters B and C/h 
wene as little dissimilar in Punic as in Sanscrit, then £i/rm would become 



Deoraj immediately commenced erecting a place of strength, which 
he called after himself Deogurh, or Deorawul,* on Monday, the 5th 
of the month Mah {80od{), the Fook'h Nikhitra, S. 909. 

Soon as the Boota chief heard that his son-in-law was erecting, 
not a dwelling, but a castle, he sent a force to raze it. Deoraj des- 

churaa, ' hide or skin/ which might have originated the capital of the Africao 

Mauritania, as of the Indian Mdnitliau. Thus Ma^occo may be from MarH'^ 

of, or belonging to M4n!i, the desert, also probably the origiu of the Murve of 

Irkn. The term Moor may likewise be corrupted from Mauri, an inhabitant 

of MAnic^ while the Sehi^ of our Indian desert is the brother in name and 

profession of the Saracen of Arabia, from Sehra, a desert, and suddonp to 

dusauU. The Nomadic princes of Mauritania might therefore be the P<ih or 

shepherd kings ot MdrHthan, the great African desert. And who were these 

Philita or Fali kings of Barbary and Egypt ) It is well known that the 

B^rb^rs who inhabited Abyssinia and the south coast of the Red Sea^ migrated 

to the northern coast, not only occupying it, as well as Mount Atlas, but 

pusliing their tribes far into the grand sehra, or desert. To those coloniste, 

that coast owes its name of Barbary. From the days of Solomon and his 

cotemporary Sieh^c, an intimate communication subsisted between the eastern 

coast of Africa and India ; and I have already hazarded the opinion, that we 

must look to this coast of iCthiopia and Abyssinia for the Lanka of the 

Kameses (Buneswar) of India ; and from the former country the most skilful 

archseologists assert that Egypt had her mythology, and more especially that 

mystery^ Uie prominent feature of both systems — ^tne Phallic rites, or worship 

of the hngam. Berber, according to Bruce, means a shepherd, and as hir is 

sheep in uie language of India, bh'h& is a snepherd in the mcfit literal i 

and consequently the synonjrm of Pali, It has been asserted that this 

colonized these coasts of Africa from India about the time of Amenophis, an< 

that tiiey are the Yksos, or ' shepherd-kings,' who subjugated E^rpt. On thi 

account a comparison of the ancient architectural remains of Abj^ssinia an 

Ethiopia with those of the ancient Hindus is most desirable. It is 

and wiUi appearance of truth, that the architecture of the Pyramids is 

from the Pnaraonic, and that they are at once Astronomic and PhaUic. 

India, the symbolic pinnacle surmounting the temples of the son-god 

always pyramidaL If the forthcoming history of the B6rb^rs should rereal 

mjTStery of their first settlements in Abvssinia, a great object would _ 

attaint ; and if search were made in the old cave-temples of that coast, somi 

remains of the characters they used might aid in tracing their analogy to '^ 

ancient Pali of the East : an idea suggested bv an examination of the 

characters found in the grand desert inhabited by the Tuaricks, which have 

certain resemblance to the Punic, and to the unknown characters attributed 

the Jndo-Sc3rthic tribes of India, as on their coins and cave-temples. ¥^i 

asunder as are these regions, the mind that will strive to lessen the histoiica 

separation may one day be successful, when the connexion between A^ldopiflB 

(qu : from ddUya and contracted ait, the Sun X) and Saurashtia, ' the land of ui^ 

Sun,' or Syria of India, may become more tangible. Ferijmta (vide ""^"^ — ''^ 





TranslatioiL VoL IV, p. 408,) Quoting original authorities, says, "the 1 

" of Selandip, or the island of Ceylon, were accustomed to send vesseLi to 

" coast of Africa, to the Bed Sea, and Persian Gulf, from the earliest 

^ Hindu pilgrims resorted to Mecca and Egypt for the purpose ot payu 

'' adoration to the idols. It is related also that this people tradmg from Uesd< 

'* became converts to the true faith at so early a penod as the first calipha ; ' 

which confirms the fact of early intercourse between Egypt and Inoia. — Sec^ 

Vol. I, p. 517. 

* Deorawul is in the map ; it was one of the points of halt in Elphinstone'i 
mission to Cabul. This discloses to us the position of the Boota territory. aD<i 
as astronomical data are given, those inclined to prove or disprove the J3hattx 
chrpnology have ample means afforded. 





patched his mother with the keys to the assailants, and invited the 
leaders to receive the castle and his homage ; when the chief men, 
to the number of a hundred and twenty, entering, they wei*e 
inveigled, under pretence of consultation, ten at a time, and each 

Krty put to death and their bodies thrown over the wall. 
prived of their leadera, the r&st took to flight. 

Soon after, the prince was visited by his patron, the Jogi who 
had protected him amongst the Barahas, and who now gave him 
the title of Sid, This Jogi, who possessed the art of transmuting 
metab, lodged in the same house where Deoraj found protection 
on the massacre of his father and kindred. One day, the holy man 
had gone abroad, leaving his jirghirkii/nta, or ' tattered doublet,' in 
whida was the Rascoovipa, or ' elixir-vessel,' a drop of which having 
fidlen on the dagger of Deoraj and changed it to gold, he decamped 
with both, and it was by the possession of this he was enablea to 
erect DeorawuL The «fogi was well aware of the thief whom he 
now came to visit ; and he confirmed him in the possession of the 
stolen property, on one condition, that he should become his ch^la 
and disciple, and, as a token of submission and fidelity, adopt the 
external symbols of the Jogi. Deoraj assented, and was invested 
with the Jogi robe of ochre.* He placed the moodraf in his ear, 
the little horn round his neck, and the bandage (langotd) about his 
loins ; and with the gourd (cupra) in his hand, he perambulated the 
dwellings of his kin, exclaiming, Aluc ! Aluc !X The gourd was 
filled with gold and pearls ; the title of Rao was abandoned for that 
of Ra/urul ;§ the teeka was made on his forehead ; and exacting a 
pledge that these rites of inauguration should be continued to uie 
fstest posterity, the Baba Ritta (for such was the Jogi's name) 

Deoraj determined to wreak his revenge on the Barahas, and he 
enjoyed it even " to stripping the scarfs from the heads of their 
* females." On his return to Deoiuwul, he prepared for an attack 
on Trfwigaha, the heir of which was then on a marriage expedition at 
Aleepoor. There, Deoraj attacked and slew a thousand of them, the 
rest nenoeforth acknowledged his supremacy. The Langahas were 
gallant Bajpoot& 

As the tribe of Langaha, or Langa, will from this period go hand 
in hand, in all the international wars of the Yadu-Bhattis, firom their 
expulsion from the Punj&b to their final settlement in the Indian 
it is of some interest to trace its origin and destiny. It is 
stated that, at this epoch, the Langas were Bajpoots ; and 
they are in £Etct a subdivision of the Solanki or Chalook race, one of 
the fenr Agnicila ; and it is important to observe that in their gotra- 

* CsUed geeroo ; garments coloured with this dye are worn by all classes of 

t The moodra is a round prickly seed worn by the ascetics as ear-rings. 
X The Supreme Being ; tne umversal and One Qod. 
I BowmI 18 still the title of the princes of Jessulm^r, as it once was that 
of tiie M^war house. 



acliarya, or ' genealogical creed/ they claim Lokote in the Fanj&b as 
their early location ; in all probability prior to their regeneration on 
Mount Aboo, when they adopted Brahminical principles. From tlie 
year S. 787 (A.D. 731), when the castle of Tunnote was erected by 
the leader of the Bhatti colony, down to S. 1530 (A.D. 1474), a 
period of seven hundred and forty-three years, perpetual border- 
strife appeal's to have occurred between the Bhattis and Langas, 
which terminated in that singular combat, or duel, of tribe against 
tribe, during the reign of Rawul Chachik, in the last-mentioned 
period. Shortly after this, Baber conquered India, and Mooltan 
became a province of the empire, when the authority of tribes 
ceased. Ferishta, however, comes to our aid and gives us an account 
of an entire dynasty of this tribe as kings of Mooltan. The first ol 
this line of five kings began his reign A.H. 847 (A.D. 1443), or thirty 
yeara anterior to the death of Eawul Chachik. The Mooslem. 
historian (see Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. IV, p. 388), 3ays that whei 
Khizer Khan Syud was emperor of Dehli, he sent Shekh Yusoopl 
as his lieutenant to Mooltan, who gained the esteem of the surround- 
ing prinees ; amongst whom was RatS Sehra, chief of Seevee, 
of the tribe of Langa, who came to congratulate him, and to oS&nmi ^r 
his services and a daughter in marriage. The ofier was accepted ;;^ i ; 
constant communication was kept up between Seevee and Mooltan«^-c:xi« 
till at length Rad Schm disclosed the object of all this solicitude £ ^ ; 
he threw aside the mask, confined the Shekh, sent him off to Dehlij^-K Ji* 
and crowned himself king of Mooltan under the title of Kootub-d- 

Ferishta calls Rae Sehra and his tribe of Langa, Afghans ; anc 
Abulfazil says, the inhabitants of Seevee were of the Noomrie (fox^. 
tribe, which is assuredly one of the most numerous of the Jit or 
race, though they have all, since their conversion, adopted the distine^^ 
tive term o{ Baloch. The Bhatti chronicle calls the Langas in on^ 
page Pat'hccn, and in another Rajpoot, which are perfectly recon-. 
cileable, and by no means indicative that the Pat'han or A%han ot4 
that early period, or even in the time of Raci Sehra, was a Mabome*< 
dan. The title of iZa^is sufficient proof that they were even ther«^-^^®^ 
Hindus. Mr. Elphinstone scouts the idea of the descent of th^-ci-::^^' 
Afghans from the Jews ; and not a trace of the Hebrew is found icm i ^ -1,^' 
the Pooshtoo, or language of this tribe, although it has much affinitjt*^-^ 
to the Zend and Sanscrit. I cannot refrain from repeating my con--CX<^-^^ 
viction of the origin of the Afghans from the Yadu, converted into^-*^-^ 
Yahudi, or 'Jew.' Whether these Yadus are or are not Yuti, onto «» ^ 
Getes, remains to be proved. 

To the south of Deorawul dwelt the Lodra Rajpoots ; their capital^' ^ ./ 
was Lodorva, an immense city, having twelve gates. Thefamily^t-'^ 's 
Purohit, having been offended, took sanctuary (sima) with Deoraj. t^^^"^^ 
and stimulated him to dispossess his old masters of their territoiy-.."^C^^* 
A marriage was proposed to Nirp-bhan, the chief of the Lodras.**-^^^ 
which being accepted, Deoraj, at the head of twelve hundred chosenc:*^ ^^ 
horse, departed for Lodorviv. The gates of the city were throwi*^^'*^ 
open as the bridegroom approached ; but no sooner had he cntere^^ 


ith his suite, than swords were drawn, and Deoraj made himself 
laster of Lodorva.* He married the chiefs daughter, left a garrison 
I liodorva, and retuned to Deorawul. Deoraj was now lord of fifty- 
JL thousand horse, and a hundred thousand camels.f 

At this period, a merchant of Deomwul, named Jiskurn, having 
one to Dharanagari, was imprisoned by its prince, Brij-bhan Piiar, 
nd compelled to pay a ransom for his liberty. On his return to 
leorawul, he showed the mark of the iron-collar to his sovereign, 
^ho, indignant at the dishonour put upon his subject, swore ho 
rould not drink water until he had avenged the insult. But he had 
lot calculated the distance between him and his foe ; in order, 
lowever, to redeem his pledge, a Dhxi/r of clay (gdr-rd-dhdr) was 
onstructed, on which he was about to wreak his vengeance, but 
here were Pramars in his army, who were at their post ready to 
le&nd their mock capital ; and, as their astonished prince advanced 
o destroy it, they exclaimed — 

Jdn Pilar fhydn Dhdr hyn 
Or Dhdr fhydn Pihdr 
Divdr binna Piidr nuhyn 
Or nvJiyn Pilar binna Divdr. 
prhich may be thus translated : 

* Wherever there is a Piiar, tliere is a Dh£r ; and where there is a 
Dhir, ikere is a Piiar. There is no Dhdr without a Piiar ; neither is 
there a Piiar without a Dhdr."^ 

Under their leaders, Tejsl and Sarung, they protected the mock 
Dhdr, and were cut to pieces to the number of one hundred and 
twenty. Deoraj approved their valour, and provided for their 
children. Being thus released from his oath, he proceeded towards 
Dbiur, reducing those who opposed his progress. Brij-bhan defended 
Dh&r during five days, and fell with eight hundred of his men ; 
upon which Deoraj unfurled the flag of victory and returned to his 
late conquest, the city of Lodoi*va. 

Deoraj had two sons, Moond and Chedoo ; the last, by a wife of 
the Baraha tribe, had five sons, whose descendants were styled Cheda 

* We are not told of what race {cuia) was the Lodra Rajpoot ; in all proba- 
bility it was Pramara, or Pilar, which at one time occupied the whole desert of 
India. Lodorva, as will be seen, became the capital of the Bhattis, until the 
foondinff of theur last and present capital, Jessulm^r : it boasts a high anti- 
quity, though now a ruin, occupied by a few families of shepherds. Many 
towns throughout the desert were formerlv of celebrity, but are now desolate, 
tltioagh the coi^oined causes of perpetual warfare and the shifting sands. I 
ofatained a copper-plate inscription of the tenth century from Lodorva, of the 
period of Beeji Raj, in the ornamental Jain character j also some clay signets, 
giyan to pilgrims, bearing Jain symbols. All these rehcs attest the prevailing 
nligion to have been Jain. 

t A gross exaggeration of the annalist, or a cypher in each added by the 


Dhir, or Dharanagari, was the most ancient capital of this tribe, the most 
munenras of the Agnictila races. See a sketch of the Piiars, or Pramaras, 
Vd. I) p. 82. 


Rq'poots. Deoraj excavated several large lakes in the territory of 
KMd^l (in which Deorawul is situated) ; one at Tunnote is called 
Tunnu-siiT ; another, after himself^ Deo-sirr. Ebiving one day gone 
to hunt^ slightly attended, he was attacked by an ambush of the 
Chunna Rajpoots, and slain with twenty-six of his attendants, after 
having reigned fifty-live years. His kin and clans shaved their locks 
and moustaches, excepting* 

Moond, who succeeded, and performed all the ceremonies during 
the twelve days. Having made his ablutions with the water from 
sixty-eight different wells, in which were immersed the leaves of one 
hundred and eight different shrubs and ti*ees, a female of spotless 
virtue waved the burning frankincense over his head. Before him 
was placed the punj-amrit, consisting of curds, milk, butter, sugar, 
and honey ; likewise pearls, gems, the royal umbrella, the grass 
called d'hoob, various flowers, a looking-glass, a young virgin, a 
chariot, a flag or banner, the vela flower, seven sorts of grain, two 
fish, a horse, a nuklhunk (unknown), a bullock, a shell, a lotus, a 
vessel of water, the tail of the wild ox {ckdonr), a sword, a female 
calf, a litter, yellow clay, and prepared food. Then, seated on the 
lion*8 hide, — (on which were painted the seven dwvpaa or continents 
of Hindu cosmography, apparelled in the dress of the Jogi, and 
covered with ashes (bhuboot), with the moodra in his ears), — the 
white chdonr (ox-tail) was waved over his head, and he was inaugu- 
rated on the gadi of Deoraj, while the Purohit and chiefs presented 
their offerings. The teeka-d/mr was against the assassins of his father, 
who had congregated for defence, eight hundred of whom were put 
to death. lUwul Moond had one son, who was called Bachera. 
When about fourteen years of age the coco-mU came from BuUub- 
sfyi Solanki, Raja of Patun.f He forthwith proceeded to Patun, 
where he married the Solanki princess, and died not long after his 

Bachera succeeded on Saturday the 12th Sravan, S. 1035.J The 
same rites of installation were performed ; the kdnferra (split-eared) 
Jogi was the first to put the regal tiluc on his forehead, and ' his 

* There is no interregnum in Rsg warra : the king never dies. . 

t This affords a most important synchronism, corroborative of the correct- 
ness of these annals. R^a Bullub-s6n.of Patun (Anhulwarra) immediatdy 
followed Chamund Rae, who was dispossessed of the throne by Mahmoud of 
Ghizni, in the year A.D. 1011, or S. 1067. Bullub-s^n died the year of his in- 
stallation, and was succeeded by Doorlubh, whose period has also been syn- 
chronically fixed by an inscription belonging to the Pramaras. — See Transac- 
tions of the Royal Asiatic Society, VoL I, p. 223. 

t This date, S. 1035^ is evidently an error of the copyist Bachera married 
Bidlub-s6n's daughter m S. 1067, and he died in S. 1100 ; so that it should be 
either S. 1055 or 1065. It is important to clear this pK)int, as Rawul Bachera 
was the opponent of Mahmoud of Ghizni in his invasion of India, A. H 309t. 
A.D. 1000,=S. 1056 or S. 1066, the Samvat era being liable to a variation of 
ten vears. (Colebrooke). If we are right, a passage of Ferishta, which has 
puzzled the translators, should run thus : ' Mahmoud directed his march 
against the Bhatti, and passing Mooltan, arrived at Bdua, a Bhatti city."-^ 
Compare Dow, Vol I, p. 58, (4to. edition) and Briggs, Tol. I, p. 38. 


haud upon his back/ Rawul Bachcra had five sons, Doosaj, Singh, 
Bappi fiau, Unkho, and Maal-Pusfto ; all of whom had issue, forming 

A merchant came to Lodorva with a caravan of horses, of which 
there was one of a race so superior, that a lac of rupees was fixed 
aA liis price ; the breed belonged to a Pat'han chief, west of the 
Indus. To obtain it, Doos&j and his son Unkho put themselves at 
the head of a band, crossed the Indus, slew Gazi Khan, the Pat'han 
chief, and carried ofi* his stud. 

Slug had a son, Sacha-ra^ ; his son was Balla, who had two sons, 
Rattim and Jugga ; they attacked the Purihar prince Juggemath of 
Mondore, and carried off five hundred camels : their descendants are 
styled Singr^ Rajpoots. 

Bappi Rao had two sons, Pahoo and Mandun. Pahoo had likewise 
two, Beerum and Toolir, whose numerous issue were styled the Pahoo 
Rajpoots. The Pahoos issued from their abode of Beekumpoor, and 
conquered the lands of the Johyas, as far as Devi-jhdl ; ana having 
made Poogul* their capital, they dug numerous wells in the t'huly 
which still go by the name of the Pahoo wells. 

Near Kh^toh, in the Nagore District of Marwar, there dwelt a 
warrior of the Kheechee tribe, named Jiddra, who often plundered 
even to the gates of Poogul, slaying many of the Jytung Bhattis. 
Doosftj pri'pared a kafila ( ' caravan,*) under pretence of making a 
pilgrimage to the Ganges, invaded unawares the Kheechee chief's 
territory, and slew him, with nine hundred of his men. 

Doosftj, with his three brothers, went to the land of Khdr, where 
dwelt Pertap Sing, chief of the GoluloteSjf whose daughters they 
espoused ** In the land of Kh(5r, the Jadoon showered gold, enrich- 
" ing it" In the daeja (dower) with his daughter, the Gohilote gave 
fifteen Diivd-dan'ies, or * virgin lamp-holders.' Soon after, the 
Baloches made an inroad into the territory of Khadal ; a battle 
ensaedy in which five hundred were killed, and the rest fled beyond 
the river. Bachera died, and was succeeded by 

Doosftj, in the month of As£r, S. 1100. Hamir, prince of the Sodas4^ 
made an incursion into his territories, which he plundered. Doosaj 
unavailingly remonstrated, reminding liim of ancient ties, he 

* See Map. This was one of the points touched at in Mr. Elphinstone's 

t The chief of the Gohilotes is now settled at Bhaonu^gur, at the estuary of 
the Mvhie : where I visited him in 1823. The migration of the family from 
KliOTliitr occurred about a century after that period, according to the docu- 
acnti in the Rao's family. And we have only to look at the opening of the 
Aaaalt of Marwar to see that from its colonization by the llahtores, the Crohil 
CHBimuiity of Kh&dhur was finally extinguished. To the general historian 
tkaw minute facts may be unimportaTit, but they cease to oe so when they 
fnove the character of these annals for fidelity. 

X If this is the Hamira alluded to in the Annals of Blkan^r, in whose time 
tlie Giggir river ceased to fiow in these lauds, we have another date assigned 
to a fact of great physical importance, 



marched into DhAt, and gained a victory. Doofiftj had two sons, 
Jesul and Beejiraj, and in his old a^e a third son, by a Raoawnt 
princess of the house of M^war, ca]Qed Lanja Beeji 'Ra/6, who, what 
Doos&j died, was placed on the throne by the nobles and civil offioen 
of the state. Previous to his elevation, he had espoused a daughter 
of Sidraj Jey Sing, Solanki. During the nuptial ceremonies, as thd 
mother of the briae was marking the forehead of the bridegroooi 
with the tUuk, or ' inauguration mark,' she exclaimed, " My son, do 
" thou become the portal of the north — tlie barrier between us ind 
" the king, whose power is becoming strong."* By the princett of 
Puttun he had a son, who was named Bhojdeo, and who, by tiie 
death of his father when he attained the age of twenty-five, becamft 
lord of Lodorva. The other sons of Doos&j were at this time adyao- 
ced in manhood, Jesul being thirty-five, and Beejiraj thirty-two 
years of age. 

Some years before the death of DoosAj, Raedhuwal Piiar, son (or 
descendflJit) of Udyadit of Dhdr, had three daughters, one of whom 
he betrothed to JeipAl (Ajip&l) Solanki, son of Sidraj ;"f- another to 
Beejiraj Bhatti, and the third to the Rana of Cheetore. The Bhatti 
prince left Lodorva for Dhdr at the head of seven hundred horse, and 
arrived at the same time with the Seesodia and Solanki princes. On 
his return to Lodorva, he erected a temple to Sh&linga, close to 
which he made a lake. By the Pilar princess he had a son named 
Bahir, who had two sons, N^tsi and Keksi. 

Bhojdeo had not long occupied the gadi of Lodorva, when his 

* Here we have another synchronism. In the Komarpal CharUra, or histoif 
of the kings of Anhulwarra Puttun, the reign of Sidraj was from S. 1150to& 
1201, or A.D. 1094 to 1145 ; the point of time intermediate between tiii 
invasion of Mahmoud of Ghizni and the final conc^uest of India by Shabndiiif 
during which there were many imiptions into India by the lieutenants of the 
monarchs of Ghizni. There was one in the reign of Musood, in A.H. 492 (A-R 
1098), four years after the accession of Sidraj ; another in A.D. 1120, in ^ 
reign of Byram Shah, during which, according to Ferishta, the Ghaznevidfl 
general,. Balin, rebelled and assailed the Hindu H aj as from Nagore, where h« 
establiaiied himself. In all probabilitv this is the event alluded to by the queer 
of Puttun, when she nominated the Bnatti prince as her champion. 

t The mention of these simultaneous intermarriages in three of the principi 
Rajpoot monarchies of that day, tnj., DhAr, Puttun, and Cheetore, is important 
not only as estabUshing fresh synchronisms^ but as disclosing the interooun 
between the Bhattis and the more ancient princely families of India. The perk 
of Udyadit Pramar has been established beyond cavil (see Trims. R A. S., Vc 
I, p. 223), and that of Sidraj, likewise, whase son and successor, Ajip&l, had b 
a short reign when he was deposed by Komarpal, whose date is also found fro 
inscriptions. It is a singular fact, that all the Rajpoot dvnasties of these regio 
were established about the same epoch, viz., Puttun by the Chauras, Cbeetoi«) 
the Gehlotes, Dehli, refounded by the Tiiars, and the Bhatti principally 1 
the descendant of Salbahan. This was in the middle of the eignth centoiy 
Vicramaditya, when the older Hindu governments were broken up. T 
admission of the Bhatti to intermarry with their families proves one of t 
facts : either that the^ were considered Rajpoots, notwithstanding their bei 
inhabitants of the regions beyond the Indus ; or, that the families mentioni 
with which they intermarried, were Indo-Scythic like themselves. 


anele Jesul conspired a^dnst him ; but being always surrounded'by 
a fluid of five nundred Solanki Rajpoots, ms person was nnassaiN 
able. At this time, the prince of Puttun was often engaged witli the 
km(f8 troops from Tat*h& Jesul, in pursuance of his plan, deter- 
ndned to coalesce with the king, and cause an attack on Puttun 
(Anhnlwarra), by which alone he could hope for the departure of the 
odantd body-guard. Jesul, with his chief kin, escorted by two 
hmdied horse, marched to the Punjnud, where he saw the king of 
CBwr, who had just overcome the king of Tat'ha,* and placed his 
own garrison there, and he accompanied him to Arore, the ancient 

of Sinde. There he imfolded his views, and having sworn 
to the king, he obtained a force to dispossess his nephew 

territory. Lodorva was encompassed, and Bhojdeo slain in 
Hb defence. In two days the inhabitants were to carry off their 
dfeets, and on the third the troops of Ghor were permitted the 
licflDse of plunder. Lodorva w^as sacked, and Kurecm Khan departed 
fiirBekher with the spoils. 

Jesal thus obtained the gadi of Lodorva ; but it bein^ open to 
invadon, he sought a spot better adapted for defence, and he found 
CDe only five coss (ten miles) from Lodorva. Upon the. summit of a 
rodn^ ridge, he discovered a Brahmin, whose solitary hermitage 
adjoined t£e fountain of Brimsir. Having paid homa^, and dis- 
doKd the purport of his visit, the recluse related the histoiy of the 
triple-peaked hill, which overlooked his hermitage. He said, that in 
tiie Tnta^ or ' silver age,' a celebrated ascetic called E&k, or Eaga, 
nnded at this fountain, after whom the rivulet which issued thence 
hid its name of Kaga ; that the Pandu Arjoon, with Heri Crishna, 
aune there to attend a great sacrifice, on which occasion Crishna 
fimrtold that, in some distant age, a descendant of his should erect a 
iotn on the margin of that rivulet, and should raise a castle on 
fMia^ the triple-peaked moimtf While Crishna thus prophesied, 
it was observed to him by Arjoon that the water was bad, when 
Cridma smote the rock with his chakra (discus), whereupon a sweet 
ipring babbled up, and on its margin were inscribed the prophetic 

* At erery step we see, however meagre may be the outline, the correctness 
if ftis hifltorical sketch. It was, according to Ferishta, in A.U. 555 (A.D. 1 159, 
*& 1215), that the prince of Ghor conquered Ghizni, and immediately after 
iMm Mooltan and Sind (see Briggs, V oL I, p. 157) ; and doubtless it was on 
ttvoeeaoon that the Bhatti prince swore allegiance to Shabudin, and obtained 
tb force which drove his nephew from Lodorva, which heing sacked by his 
"^T^riff, he founded Jessulm^r in S. I2l2. The three years' discrepancy 
h we u the Mahomedan and Hindu dates is of little consequence ; but even 
(beiraldbe remedied, when we recollect that the Sam vat, according to Mr. 
ChUnookey is liable to a variation of ten years. 

f If there were no better support for the assumed descent of the Bhatti 
onderofJessnlm^r from the Tadiis of the Bhdrat, than this prophecy, we 
koild be confirmed in our suspicion that they are a colony of the luti, and 
ttftthe Brahmins took advantage of the nominal resemblance to incorporate 
in the CkaUe6 RajcHlay or thirty-six royal races. 


stanzas which the hermit Eesul now pointed out to the Bhatti prince?^, 
who read as follows : 

'* Oh prince of Jidoo-vansa ! come into this land, and on this mountain's to] 
erect a triangular castle. 

" Lodorva is destroyed, hut only five coss therefrom is Jesanoh, a site 
twice its strength. 

" Prince, whose name is Jesul, who vrill he of Yadu race, ahandou Lodor-"^^r- 
poora ; here erect thy dwelling." 

The hermit Eesul alone knew the existence of the fountain OE:«:«n 
whose margin these lines were engraved. All that he stipulated foK'^cDr 
himself was, that the fields to the westward of the castle shoulc^ Jd 
retain his name, '' the fields of EesuL" He foretold that the intendec^^^ 
castle should twice and a half times be sacked ; that rivers of bloo L.^ ^d 
would flow, and that for a time all would be lost to his descendantnr"^ 'ff 

On Rubwdr, ' the day of the sun/ (a favourite day for commence 
ing anv ^*and undertaking with all these tribes), the 12th of Sravi 
the enughtened half of the moon, S. 1212 (A.D. 1156), the foundatioKi'^n 
of Jessulmer was laid, and soon the inhabitants, with all that wn ^mn 
valuable, abandoned Lodorva,* and began to erect new habitation^' ^i« 
Jesul had two sons, Kailun and Salbahan. He chose his chief mini^^c-s- 
ters and advisers fi-om the children of Sodil, of the Pahoo tribe, wh^czno 
became too powerfuL Their old enemies, the Chunna Rajpool 
again invaded the lands of Kh^ddl ; but they sufiered for th< 

audacity. Jesul survived this event five years, when he died, ao^Eiuid 
was succeeded by his youngest son, Salbsiian the II. 

* Lodorva remains in ruins • a journey thither might afford suhject-matf^^z^ter 
for the antiq[uary, and enable him to throw light upon the origin of the Bhac^eatti 
tribe. I omitted to place it in the Map : it is ten miles N. W. of the pres» -^sent 



Miminary chservatums, — The early history of the BhaUis not devoid of inter- 
td<— Traces of their anderU manners aiid religion, — The chronicle resumed. — 
Jend survives the change of capital tufelve years, — The heir Kailun banished, — 
Salbakan^ his younger brother^ succeeds,— Expedition against the Catti or 
Mki— Their supposed origin, — Application from the Yadu prince of Badri- 
wmthjor a prince to Jill the vacant gadi. — During Salbahan*s absence, his son 
Be^U usurps the gadL — Salbahan retires to Khdddl, and falls in battle against 
Ike Bdoches. — Be^il commits suicide. — Kailun recalled and placed on the 
H^—His issue form clans, — Khizzur Khan Baloch again invades KhAddl, — 
Keikin attadlcs him, and avenges his father^s death, — DecUh of Kailun. — Sue- 
cuded by ChachikDeo, — He expels the Chunna Rajpoots, — Defeats the Sodas of 
Amerkote. — The Rahtores lately arrived in the desert become troublesome. — 

. ImporioMt synchronisms, — Deaih of Chachick, — He is succeeded by his grand- 
tm Kurrunj to the prejudice of the elder, Jaetsi, who leaves Jessulmer, — Re- 
imstt the wrongs of a Baraha Rajpoot. — Kurrun dies. — Succeeded by Lakhur 
Skr-His imbecile character. — Replaced by his son Poonpai, who is dethroned 
mihamshed. — His grandson, Raning-deo, establishes himself at Marote and 
fi»guL — On the deposed of Foonpal, Jaetsi is recalled and placed on the 
pi^—He chords a refuge to the Furihar Prince of Mundore, when cUtacked 
kffAUcHHMn. — The sons of Jaetsi carry off the imperial tribute of Tafha and 
Mnlkm. — 2%* king determines to invade JessulmJer. — Jaetsi and his sons 
fftpve for the storm. — Jessulmer invested. — First assault remised, — The 
Niattis keep an army in the field. — Rawvl Jaetsi dies, — Th>e siege continues, — 
Sn^klar friendship betu^en his son Ruttun and one of the besieging generals. 
—Mooing succeeds. — General Assault. — Again defeated* — Garrison reduced 
to great extremity. — Council of war. — Determination to perform the saka. — 
Generous conduct of the Mahomedan friend of Ruttun to his sons. — Final 
AsudL—Rauml Mooing and Ruttun and their chief kin fall in battle. — 
JmnSMr takeny dismantled, and abandoned. 

H&viNO thus epitomized the Bhatti annals, from the expulsion of 
tbe tribe from the Punj&b, and the establishmeDt of Tunnote in the 
Indian desert^ in A.D. 731, to the foundation of the existing capital, 
Je88alin6r, in A.D. 1156, we shall continue the sketch to the present 
^y, ^nearly in the language of the chronicle, adding explanatory 
iKteB as we proceed. 

Hid interval between the erection of the castle of Tunnote and 
^ present time is exactly eleven hundred years ; during which the 
ittlorical narrative, whatever may be its value, is at least continuous, 
iBlihe events recorded are corroborated, even in the darkest period, 
^ numerous synchronisms in the annals of the other states ; and 
'wwed synoptically, it presents matter of deep interest to the 
explorer of Indian history. The period of four hundred and twenty- 

^ years, embraced in the preceding chapter, is full of incidents. 

*Vtt a record of a people who once deemed their consequence and their 

&aeimperiahable. And even were it less diversified by anecdotes 


descriptive of mannei's, it would still possess claims to interest u m 
simple relation of the gradual peopling of a great portion of tto 
Indian desert. We see tribes and cities disappearing ; new noes 
and new capitals taking their place ; and although not a syllable is 
written which bears directly upon religion, we can see, iucidenttlly, 
the analogy of these Indo-Scythic tribes, from Zabulist'han ini 
Salbahana^ with the Hindu, confiiming what Menu says, that IIm 
Sdcds, Yavanas, Pehlavis, and the Khaaas* of Central Aisia, were all 
Ch'hettris or Bajpoots. We now proceed with the chronicle. 

Jesul, the founder of Jessulm^r, survived the change of capitil 
only twelve years. His elder son, Kailun, having given displeasnm 
to the Pahoo minister, was expelled, and his younger brother placed 
upon the gadi. 

Salbahan, a name of celebrity in the annals, renewed in the 
of Jesul, succeeded in S. 1224 (A.D. 1168). His first expedition 
against the Catti or Cat'hi tribe, who, under their leader, Jogbhao, 
dwelt between the city of Jahlore and the Aravulli.-f The Catlii 
Rao was killed, and his horses and camels were carried to Jessulmlr. 
The fame of this exploit exalted the reputation of Salbahan. He 
had three sons, Beejir, Banar, and Hasso. 

In the mountains of Bhadrinath, there was a state, whose princes 
were of the Jadoon (Yadu) race, descended from the first Sfdbahan 
at the period of the expulsion from Gujni.^ At this time, the prince 
of this state dying without issue, a deputation came to Jessuhn&to 
obtain a prince to fill the vacant gadi. Hasso was accordingly sent^ 
but died just as he amved. His wife, who was pregnant, was takes 

* There is a race in the desert, now Mahomedan, and called Khoucu, Elphin- 
stone mentions the Khasa-KheL Khasgar is ^ the region of the Khasas,' the 
Catia Regia of Ptolemy. 

t We can scarcely refuse our assent to the beHef, that the Cafhi, or Cstti 
tribe, here mentioned, is the remnant of the nation which so manfulljy oppoidi 
Alexander. It was then located about Mooltan, at this period occupied l^ the 
Langas. The colony attacked by the Bhatti was near the AravoUi^ ^^ jt 
probabihty a predatory band from the region they peopled and gave tibeimiaie 
to, Cattiawar, in the Saurashtra peninsula. 

X Mr. Elphinstone enumerates the Jadoon as a subdivision of the EnaofiM 
one of the great Afghan tribes, who were originally located about Cabal and J 
GhiznL I could not resist surmising the probability of the t^rm JadooBt 
applied to a subdivision of the Afghan race, originating from the Hindn- 
Scythic Jadoon, or Yadu ; whence the boasted descent of the Afghans from 
Saul king of the Jews {YdhUdls), The customs of the Afghans would saracst 
this hjrpothesis : *' The Afghans (sa^s the Emperor Baber, page 159XTOa 
'^ reduced to extremities in war, come into the presence of their enemywiu giMi 
'* between their teeth, being as much as to say, *' I am your ox.' " This custom 
is entirely Rajpoot, and ever recurring in inscriptions recording victories. Tliey 
have their bards or poets in like manner, of whom Mr. Elphinstone gives as 
interesting account. In features, also, they resemble the Northern £jpoot8| 
who have generally acquiUne noses, or, as Mr. Elphinstone expresses it, in the 
account of his journey through the desert, '^ Jewish features f thouig^ this 
might tempt one to adopt the converse of my deduction, and say, that these 
YddiSs of Gujni were, with the Afghans, also of YdhH^ origin ; from tie Iwt 
tribes of Israel. 


with the pains of labour on the journey, and was delivered of a son 
onder the shade of a palas tree, whence the child was called Palaseo. 
This infant succeeding, the raj (principality) was named after him 

Proposals of marriage came from Maunsi Deora of Sirohi. The 
Bawiu left Jessulmer to the care of his eldest son BeejiL Soon afler 
his departure, the foster-brother (dhabhae) of the young prince propa- 
gated the report of the RawuFs death in an encounter with a tiger, 
and prompted Beejil to assume the dignity. Salbahan, on his return, 
hmg his seat usurped, and having in vain expostulated with his 
tiaitorous son, proceeded to Kh&d^, of which Deora wul is the capital, 
where he was slain, with three hundred of his followers, in repelling 
an irruption of the Baloches. Beejil did not long enjoy the dignity : 
haying in a fit of passion struck the dhahhai, the blow was returned, 
upon which, stung with shame and resentment, he stabbed himself 
TOi his dagger. 

Kulnn, the elder brother of Salbahan, who was expelled by the 
hhoos, was now (A.D. 1200) recalled, and installed at the age of 
8%. He had six sons, Chachick Deo, Palhan, Jeichund, Peetumsi, 
Petomchund, and Usrao. The second and third had numerous issue, 
wbo are styled Jaseir and Seehana Rajpoots. 

Khizzur Elhan Baloch, with five thousand men, at this time again 
ooned the Mehran (Indus), and invaded the land of Kh&d&l, which 
W the second in*uption since he slew Salbahan. Kailun marched 
ipinat him at the head of seven thousand Rajpoots, and, after a 
Kvere enga^raent, slew the Baloch leader and fifteen hundred of 
lusmen. !^ilun ruled nineteen years. 

Chachick Deo succeeded, in S. 1275 (A.D. 1219). Soon after his 
tttession, he carried on war against the Chunna Rajpoots (now 
extinct), of whom he slew two thousand, capturing fourteen thousand 
ttniB^ and compelling the tribe to take refuge with the Johyas. 
Soon after, the Rawul invaded the lands of Rana Urmsi, prince of 
Aft Sodas, who, though taken by surprise, assembled four thousand 
koise: but was defeated, and forced to fly for shelter to the walls of 
Itts capital, Amerkote. The Pilar was glad to obtain the absence of 
Usfoe by the offer of his daughter in marriage.'f' 

(See lir. Elphinstone's map for the position of the Jadoon branch of the 
bofagres at the foot of the Sewalik hills. 

* In this single passage we have revealed the tribe \gote\ race {dUa\ capital, 

gjpropqr oame, of the prince of DhM, The Soda tribe, as before stated, is an 

i>pQitint branch of the rramara (Piiar) race, and with the Oomraa and Soomras 

int^masties to the valley of Sinde from the most remote period. The SodcLs, 

1 hfB ilready observed, were probably the Sogdi of Alexander, occupying 

W9 Sinde when the Macedonian descended that stream. The Soomra 

^PM| is mentioned by Ferishta from ancient authorities, but Ihe Mahomedan 

jfftoaittknew nothing, and cared nothing, about Rigpoot tribes. It is from 

^^ooimaiitB as these, scattered throughout the annals of these nrincinahties, 

w BQm the ancient Hindu epic poems, that I have concentrated tne ** Sketches 

J"«ftRi^Ipoot Tribes," introductory to the first volume, which, however slight 

^ W^tt, cost more research than the rest of the book. 1 write this note 



The Rahtores, recently established in the land of Kh^r, had beoora 
troublesome neighbours; Chachick obtained the aid of the Sodb 
troops to chastise them, and he proceeded to Jessole and Bhidotai) 
where they were established ; but Chadoo and his son Thedk 
averted his wrath by giving him a daughter to wife.* 

Rawul Chachick ruled thirty-two years. He had only one soo, 
Tej Rao, who died at the age of foi-W-two, fix)m the small-poi^ 
leaving two sons, Jaetsi and Kurrun. To the youngest the Bawol 
was much attached ; and having convened the chiefs around hk 
death-bed, he entreated they would accede to his last wish, that Ui 
youngest grandson might be his successor. 

Kurrun having succeeded, his elder brother, Jaetsi, abandoned Uk 
country, and took service with the Mahomedans in Guzzerat. Aboot 
this time, MozufFer Khan, who occupied Nagore with five thouflaod 
horse, committed great outrages. There was a Bhomia of the Baabs 
tribe, named Bhagaoti-das, who resided fifteen coss from Nagore, and 
was master of one thousand five hundred horse. He had an odf 
daughter, who was demanded by the Khan, and being unwilling to 
comply, and unable to resist, he resolved to abandon the countiT. 
For this purpose he prepared carriages, in which he placed hii 
family and chattels, and at night proceeded towards Jessulmer; M 
the Khan, gaining intelligence of his motions, intercepted the convoy; 
A battle ensued, in which four hundred of the Baranas were killed; 
and his daughter and other females were carried off. The a£9ictfld 
Baraha continued his route to Jessulmer, and related his distress it 
Rawul Kurrun, who immediately put himself at the head of hii 
followers, attacked the KLhan, whom he slew, with three thousand 
of his people, and reinducted the Bhomia in his possessions. Kuiroii 
ruled twenty-eight yeai's, and was succeeded by his son, 

Lakhur Sen, in S. 1327 (A-D. 1271). He was so great a simples' 
ton, that when the jackals howled at night, being told that it was 
from being cold, he ordered quilted dresses {duglas) to be prepared 

for them. As the howling still continued, although he was adored 

— — * 

chiefly for the information of the patriarch of oriental lore on the Contineiit^ 
the learned and ingenuous De Sacy. If this Mentor ask, *' Where are now tbf 
" Sodas ]" I reply, the ex-prince of Amerkote, with whose ancestors Hemayooi 
took refuge, — in whose capital in the desert the great Akb^r was born,— ani 
who could on the spur of the moment oppose four thousand horse to inyuioD 
has only one single town, that of Chore, left to him. The Rahtores, who. i] 
the time of Urmsi Rana and Rawul Chachick, were hardly known in Marmk 
have their flag waving on the battlements of the '^ immortal castle" {dmiurMi 
and the Ameers of Sinde have incorporated the greater part of Dh&t with thei 
state of Hydrabad. 

* To those interested in the miction of these tribes, it must be gratifyin 
to see these annals thus svnchronically corroborating each oUier. About ti 
centuries before this, in the reign of Doosij, when the Bhatti capital wis ) 
Lodorv^ an attack was made on the land of Kh^r, then occupied l^ the Qo\ 
lotes, wno were, as related in the Annals of Marwar, dispossessed by tl 
Kahtores. None but an inquirer into these annals of the desert tribes can co 
ceive the satisfaction arising from such confirmations. 


his orders had been fulfilled, he comuiconded houses to be built for 
the animals in the royal preserves (ramna), many of which yet 
remain. Lakhur was the contemporary of Kanirdeo Sonigurra, whoso 
life was saved by his (Lakhur s) wife's knowledge of oraens. Lakhur 
was ruled by this Kani, who was of the Soda tribe. She invited 
her brethren from Amerkote ; but the madman, her husband, put 
them to death, and threw tlieir bodies over the walls. He was 
allowed to inile four yeai-s, and was then replaced by his son, 

Poonp&l. This prince was of a temper so violent that the nobles 
dethroned him, and recalled the exiled J^ietsi from Guzzerat Poon- 

gj had a residence assigned him in a remote quarter of the state. 
e had a son, Lakumsi, who had a son called Rao Raningdeo, who 
by a stratagem pointed out by a Khurl* Rajpoot, took Marote fi"om 
the Johyas, and Poogul fi-om the Thories, thieves by profession, 
whose chief, styled Rao, he made captive ; and in Poogul he settled 
his family. Rao Raning had a son called Sadool, who alternately 
bathed in the sea of pleasure, and struggled in that of action : to 
their retreat the father and son conveyed tne spoils seized from all 
around them. 

Jaetsi obtained the (/(uU in S. 1332 (A-D. 1276). He had two 
SODS, Moolraj and Ruttunsi. Deoraj, the son of Moolraj, espoused 
the daughter of the Sonigurra chief of Jhalore. Mahomed [khooni] 
Padsha invaded the dominions of Rana Roopsi, the Purihar prince 
of Mundore.l" who, when defeated, fled with his twelve daughters, 
and found refuge with the Riiwul, who gave him Baroo as a 

Deoraj, by his Sonii^rra wife, had three sons, Janghan, Sirwun, 
and Hunir. This Hamir was a mighty warrior, who attacked 
Kompoh Sen of Mehwo, and plundered his lands. He had issue 
three sons, Jaito, Loonkurn, and Mairoo. At this period, Ghori 
AUa-o-din commenced the war against the castles of India. The 
tribute of Tat'ha and Mooltan, consisting of fifteen hundred horses 
and fifteen hundred mules laden with treasure and valuables, was at 
Bekher in progress to the king at Dehli. The sons of Jaetsi 
determined to lay an ambush and capture the tribute. Disguised 
as grain-merchants, with seven thousand horse and twelve hundred 
^■Mn^la^ they set out on their expedition, and on the banks of the 
Piinjnud found the convoy, escorted by four hundred Mogul and tho 
like number of Pat'han horse. The BhattLs encamped near the 
ocvnvoy ; and in the night they ix>se upon and slew the escort, 
earryinff the treasure to Jcssulmer. The surv^voi-s carried the news 
to Uie King, who prepared to punish this insult. When tidings 
reached Bawul Jaetsi that the king was encamped on the Anasagur 
at Ajm^, he prepared Jessulmer for defence. He laid in immense 
stores of grain, and deposited all round the ramparts of the fort 

* This tribe is miknown to Central India. 

t The title, tribe, and capital of this race, shew that the Bhattis were iuti- 
loately connected with the neighbouring states. 



large round stones to hurl on the besiegei-s. All the aged, the 
infirm, and his female grand-children, were removed into the 
interior of the desert, while the countiy around the capital for 
many miles was laid waste, and the towns made desolate. The 
Bawul, with his two elder sons and five thousand warriors, remained 
inside for the defence of the castle, while Deoraj and Hamir formed 
an army to act against the enemy from without. The Sooltan in 
person remained at Ajm^r, and sent forward an immense force of 
Khorasanis and Koreishes, cased in steel armour, '' who rolled on 
" like the clouds in Bhadoon." The fifty-six bastions were manned, 
and three thousand seven hundred heroes distributed amongst them 
for their defence, while two thousand remained in reserve to succour 
the points attacked. During the first week that the besiegers 
formed their entrenchments, seven thousand Moosulmans were slain, 
and Meer Mohabet and Alii Khan remained on the field of battle. 
For two years the invaders were confined to their camp by Deora} 
and Hamir, who kept the field, after cutting off their supplieB, 
which came from Mundore, while the garrison was abunaantAy 
furnished from Kh&ddl, Bannair, and Dhd^t. Eight years* had tli« 
siege lasted, when Rawul Jaetsi died, and his body was buxrBl 
inside the fori 

During this lengthened siege, Ruttunsi had formed a friendsbip 
with the Nawab Maboob Khan, and they had daily friendJy 
meetings under a khaijra-iree, between the advanced posts, estdk 
attended by a few followers. They played at chess together, an A 
interchanged expressions of mutual esteem. But when duty calle^j 
them to oppose each other in arms, the whole world was enamou 
with their heroic courtesy. Jaetsi had ruled eighteen years whei 
he died. 

Moolraj III, in S. 1350 (AD. 1294), ascended the grodi surrounded 
by foes. On this occasion, the customary rejoicings on installation 
took place, at the moment when the two friends, Ruttunsi and 
Maboob Khan, had met, as usual, under the khaijra tree. The cause 
of rejoicing being explained to the Nawab, he observed that the 
Sooltan had heard of, and was ofiended with, these meetings, to 
which he attributed the protracted defence of the castle, and 
acquainted Ruttunsi that next day a general assault was com- 
manded, which he should lead in person. The attack took place ; 
it was fierce, but the defence was obstinate, and the assailants were 
beaten back with the loss of nine thousand men. But the foe 
obtained reinforcements, and towards the conclusion of the year, the 
garrison was reduced to the greatest privations, and the blockade 
being perfect, Moolraj assembled his kinsmen and thus addressed 
them : " For so many years we have defended our dwellings ; bat 
" our supplies are expended, and there is no passage for more. 

* This can mean nothing more than that desultory attacks were carried on 
against the Bhatti capital It is certain that Alia never carried his arms in 
person against Jcssuhn6r. 




" What is to be done ?' The chiefs, Sehir and Bikurasi, replied, 
" a saka must take place ; we must sacrifice ourselves :" but that 
same day the royal army, unaware of the distress of the besieged, 

The friend of Ruttunsi had a younger brother, who, on the retreat 
of the royal forces, was caiTied inside the fort, when, seeing the real 
state of things, he escaped and conveyed intelligence of it, upon 
which the siege was renewed. Moolraj reproached his brother as 
the cause of this evil, and asked what was fit to be done ? to which 
Ruttunsi replied, " there is but one patli open ; to immolate the 
females, to destroy by fire and water whatever is destructible, and 
to bury what is not ; then open wide the gates, and sword in hand 
■ rush upon the foe, and thus attain awerga." The chiefs were 
sBBembled ; all were unanimous to make Jesa-nuggur resplendent 
by their deeds, and preserve the honour of the Jadoo race. Moolraj 
thus replied : "you ai-e of a warlike race, and strong are your arms 
" in the cause of your prince ; what heroes excel you, who thus tread 

* in the Chetrie's path ? In battle, not even the elephant could stand 
" before you. For the maintenance of my honour the sword is in 
•your hands ; let Jessulm^r be illumined by its blows upon the foe." 
tiaving thus inspired the chiefs and men, Moolraj and Ruttun 
repaired to the palace of their queens. They told them to take the 
9ckag* and prepai*e to meet in heaven, while they gave up their 
lives in defence of their honour and their faith. Smiling, the Soda 
Banf, replied, " this night we shall prepare, and by the morning's 

• light we shall be inhabitants of awergal* (heaven) ; and thus it 
was with the chiefs and all their wives. The night was passed 
together for the last time in prep<aration for the awful mom. It 
came ; ablutions and prayers were finished, and at the Rajdwdraf 
were convened bdld, prdde, and hriduX They bade a last farewell 
to all their kin ; the johur commenced, and twenty-four thousand 
femalesy from infancy to old age, surrendered their lives, some by 
the sword, others in the volcano of fire. Blood flowed in torrents, 
while the smoke of the pyre ascended to the heavens : not one feared 
to die, every valuable was consumed with them, not the worth of a 
straw was preserved for the foe. This work done, the brothers 
looked upon the spectacle with horror. Life was now a burthen, 
and they prepared to quit it. They purified themselves with water, 
pud adoration to the divinity, made gifts to the poor, placed a branch 
of the tool8i& in their casques, the aaligrarnJ^ round their neck ; and 

[ cased themselves in armour and put on the safiTron robe, they 

* Sokdffmn, one who becomes sati previous to her lord's death : Dokdgun, who 
follows him after death, 
f Literally, ' the royal gate ;' an allusion to the female apartments, or 

X BdUkf ia under sixteen ; prdidey middle-aged ; hridU, when forty. 
I The funereal quaUties of tlie tooUi plant, and the emblematic taligramy or 
atone found in the Qunduc river, have been often described. 



bound the mor* (crown) around their heads, and embraced each 
other for the last time. Thus they awaited the hour of battle. Three 
thousand eight hundred warriors, with faces red with wrath, pre- 
pared to die with their chiefs. 

Ruttunsi had two sons, named Garsi and Kanur, the eldest only ^ 
twelve years of age. He wished to save them from the impending-^^g 
havoc, and applied to his courteous foeman. The Mooslem chiefi;^ " 
swore he would protect them, and sent two confidential servants tc 
receive the trust ; to whom, bidding them a last farewell, their faUiei 
consigned them. When they reached the royal camp they were kindlj 
welcomed by the Nawab, who, putting his hand upon their headSs^ 
soothed them, and appointed two Brahmins to guard, feed, aDC~ 
instruct them. 

On the morrow, the army of the Sooltan advanced to the assault-c^^ ^t 
The gates were thrown wide, and the fight began. Ruttun was 
in the sea of battle ; but one hundred and twenty Meers fell 
his sword ere he lay in the field. Moolraj plied his lance on th^ ^^^^ 
bodies of the barbarians : the field swam in blood. The undeaiiz^i^-An 
spirits were gorged with slaughter ; but at length the Jidoon 
fell, with seven hundred of the choice of his kin. With his 
the battle closed ; the victors ascended the castle, and Maboob 
caused the bodies of the brothers to be carried from the field 
bullied. The saka took place in S. 1351, or A.D. 1295. Deoraj 
who commanded the force in the field, was carried off by a fevei 
The royal garrison kept possession of the castle during two 
and at length blocked up the gateways, and dismantled and a1 
doned the place, which remained long deserted, for the Bhattia 
neither means to repair the kanstras (battlements), nor men tc#^ to 
defend them. 

* On two occasions the Rajnoot chieftain wears the mor, or * coronet ;' on h^=f Mb 
marriage, and when going to aie in battle ; symbolic of his nuptials with tlEs^* the 
Aptara, or * fair of heaven.' 



te Raklores qf Mekwo settle amidst the ruins of Jessidnier. — Driven out bf/ 
the Bhatti chieftain Doodoo, who is elected Rawid, — He candies off the stud of 
Ftenn Shah. — Second storm and saka of Jessulmer. — Doodoo slain, — Mogul 
iuwanoH of India,-~The Bhatti princes obtain their liberty, — Rawul Gursi 
re'UtMishes JessulmJer, — Kehur, son of Deoraj. — Disclosure of his destiny by 
a prodigy. — Is adopted by the wife qf Ravml Gursi, who is assassinated by the 
trib$ qf Jesur, — Kehur proclaimed. — Beemlade becomes BaXL — The successioti 
eniailed an the sons of Hamir, — Mairimanial overture to Jaitafrom Mewar, 
— Bngagement broken qff. — The brothers slain. — Penitential act of Boo Baning. 
Q^nring of Kehur. — Soma the elder departs with his bussie and settles at 
OiroMp. — Sons of Rao Baning become MoosUms to avenge their father^ s death. 
— Cwiseqnewt forfeiture of their inheritance. — They mix with the Abhoria 
BkaUis. — Kailun, the third son of KeJiur^ settles in the forfeited lands. — Drives 
ike Dakyasfrom Khdddl. — Kailun erects the fortress of Kerroh on the Behah 
or Chra. — Assailed by the Johyas and Langas under Ameer Kfian Kordi, 
tffAo iff defealed. — Subdues the Chahils and Mohils. — Extends his authority to 
the Punjnud. — Bao Kailun marries into the Samma family.— Account of thsr 
SBomma race. — He seizes on the Samma dominions. — Makes the river Indus 
kit boundary, — Kailun dies. — Succeeded by Chachik. — Makes Marote his head- 
fmarters. — League headed by the chief of MooUan against Chachik^ w1u> 
ismades that territory^ and returns wiOi a rich booty to Marote. — A second 
meiory, — Leaves a garrison in the Punjdb. — Defeats Maipal, chief of the 
Doondis, — Asini, or Aswini-Kote. — Its supposed position. — Anecdote. — Feud 
wUk Saiilmer. — Its consequences. — Alliance with Hybut Khan. — Bao Chachik 
vsModei FeeUebunga. — The Khokurs or Ghikers described.— The Langas drive 
hit garrison from Dhooniapoor, — Bao Chachik falls sick. — Challenges the 
prmce'qfMooltan. — Beaches Dhooniapoor. — Bites preparatory to the combat, — 
WmrMp i^ the sword. — Chachik is slain with all his bands. — Koombho, hitherto 
imtOMef <M9enges his falher's feud. — Birsil re-estaJblislhes Dhooniapoor. — Bepairs 
to Kerore, — Assailed by the Langas and Baloches. — Defeats them. — Chronicle 
cf Jessvlmler resumed. — Bawul Bersl meets Bao Birsil on his return from his 
sxpedUion in the Funj^.— Conquest of Mooltan by Baber. — Probable conver- 
sion qf the Bhattis of the Pury'db. — Rawul Berst^ Jait, Noonkum, Bheem^ 
Munokur-das, and SuJbbul Sing, six generations. 

iOME years subsequent to this disastrous event in the Bhatti annals, 
rugmal, son of Maloji Rahtore, chief of Mehwo, attempted a settle- 
Dent amidst the ruins of Jessulmer, and brought thither a large 
bioe, with seven hundred carte of provisions. On hearing this, the 
Bhatti chiefs, Doodoo and Tiluksi, the sons of Jesir, assembled their 
dnsmen, surprised the Rahtores, drove them from the castle, and 
Aptmed the suppliea Doodoo, for this exploit, was elected Rawul, 
Old commenced the repairs of Jessuhner. He had five sons. Tiluksi, 
lis farother, was renowned for his exploits. He despoiled the Baloch, 
hf) MaDguleo, the Mehwo, and the Deoras and Sonigurras of Aboo 


and Jhalorc felt his power. He even extended his ndds to Ajnii6; 
and carried off the stud of Feeroz Shah from the Anasagur (lakej^ 
where they were accustomed to be watered. This indignity provokedi 
another attack upon Jessuhn^r, attended with the same aisastnooi 
results. Again the saka was performed, in which sixteen thouand 
females* were destroyed ; and Doodoo, with Tiluksi and seventeeQ 
hundred of the clan, fell in battle, after he had occupied the gaU 
ten years. 

On the death of Rawul Doodoo, in S. 1362 (AD. 1306), the ywnig 
princes, Gursi and Kanur, by the death of their patron Maboob, ven 
left to the protection of his sons, Zoolficar and Gazi Khan. Kanor 
went privately to Jessulmdr, and Gursi obtained leave to proceed 
westward to the Mehwo ti^t, where he married Bimladevi, a widow, 
sister to the Bahtore, who had been betrothedf to the Deoia. Wbib 
engaged in these nuptials, he was visited by his relation SoningdeOb 
a man of gigantic strength, who agreed to accompany him on hit 
return to DehlL The kmg made trial of his force, by giving him to 
string an iron bow sent by the king of Khorasan, which the nenrooB 
Bhatti not only bent but broke. The invasion of Dehli by Timoor 
ShahJ having occurred at this time, the services of Gursi were n 
conspicous that he obtained a grant of his hereditary dominioDib 
with permission to re-establish Jessulmer. With his own kindndp 
and the aid of the vassals of his friend Jugmal of Mehwo, be sooii 
restored order, and had an efficient force at command. Bbunir and 
his clansmen gave their allegiance to Gursi, but the sons of Jeeir 
were headstrong. 

Deoraj, who married the daughter of Roopra, Rana of Mundoie^ 
had a son named Kehur, who, when Jessulmer was about to be 
invested by the troops of the Sooltan, was conveyed to Mundoie 
with his mother. When only twelve years of age, he used to acooin* 
pany the cowherds of the old Rao's kine, and his favourite amose' 
ment was penning up the calves with twigs of the dk, to imitate the 
picketting of horses. One day, tired of this occupation, young Kehur 
fell asleep upon the hole of a serpent, and the reptile issuing there- 
from, arose and spread its hood over him as he slept. A CJaru* 
(bard, or genealogist), passing that way, reported the fact and its 

♦ The Rajpoots, by their exterminating sakas, facilitated the views of the 
Mahomedana. In every state we read of these horrors. 

t The mere act of being betrothed disqualifies from a second marriage ; tfci 
affianced becomes a rand (widow), though a komarl (maid). 

X Even these anachronisms are proofs of the fidelity of these Annab* 
Ignorant native scribes, aware but of one great Mogul invasion, consider tha 
invader to be Timoor ; but there were numerous Mogul invasions during tto 
reign of AUa-o-din. In all probability, that for which the services of di9 
Bhatti prince obtained liim the restoration of his dominions, was that of Eibilc 
Khan, general of the king of Transoxiana, who invaded India in AJL 706 
(A.D. 1305), and was so signally defeated, that only three thousand oat of 
nfty-seven thousand horse escaped the sword, and these were made prisonen 
and trod to death by elephants, when pillars of skulls were erected to 
commemorate the victory.— See Briggs' Ferisnta, Vol I, p. 364. 


import immediately to the Rana, who, proceeding to the spot, found 
it was hia own grandson whom fate had thus pointed out for 
sovereignty. Gursi, having no offspring by Bimladevi, proposed to her 
to adopt a son. All the Bhatti youth were assembled, but none 

Sualled Kehur, who was chosen. But the sons of Jesir were dis- 
used, and conspired to obtain the gacU. At this time, Rawul 
Gursi was in the daily habit of visiting a tank, which he 
was excavating, and they seized an occasion to assassinate him ; 
whereupon, in order to defeat their design, Bimladevi immediately 
had Kehur proclaimed. The widowed queen of Gursi, with the 
view of securing the completion of an object which her lord had 
mach at heart, namely, finishing the lake Gurai-sirr, as well as 
to ensure protection to her adopted son Kehur, determined to protract 
the period of self-immolation ; but when six months had elapsed, 
and both these objects were attained, she finished her days on the 
pyre. Bimladevi named the children of Hamir as the adopted sons 
and successors of Kehur. These sons were Jaita and Loonkurn. 

The coco-nut was sent by Koombho, Rana of Chcetore, to Jaita. 
The Bhatti prince marched for Mewar, and when within twelve coss 
of the Aravulli hills, was joined by the famous Sankla Meeraj, chief 
of Salbanny. Next morning, when about to resume the march, a 
partridge began to call from the right : a bad omen, which was 
interpreted by the brother-in-law of the Sankla, deeply versed in the 
science of the Sookuni and the language of birds.* Jaita drew the 
rein of his horse, and to avert the evil, halted that day. Meanwhile, 
the partridge was caught and found to l)e blind of an eye, and its 
ovaiy quite filled. The next morning, as soon as they had taken 
horse^ a tigress began to roar, and the Sookuni chieftain was again 
called upon to expound the omen. He replied that the secrets of 
great houses should not be divulged, but he desired them to despatch 
a youth, disguised as a female Nae (barber class), to Komulmer, who 
there would learn the cause. The youth gained admission to ' the 
mby of Mdwar,' {Laid Mewari), who was anointing for the nuptials. 
He saw things were not riglit, and returning made his report ; upon 
hearing whicn, the Bhatti prince married Marrud, the daughter of 
the Sankla chief. The Rana was indignant at this insult, but a 
sense of shame prevented liis resenting it ; and instead of proclaim- 
ms the slight, he oflered his daughter s hand to the famous Kheechee 
pnncey Acmildas of Gagrown, and it was accepted. f Jaita met his 
death, together with his brother Loonkurn, and his brother-in-law, 
attempt to suq)risc Poogul : he fell with a hundred and 

* It is scarcely necessary to repeat that this is a free translation of the 

t TOe Kheechee prince, we may supnose, had no follower skilled in omens — 
thej lived very happily, as ap})ear8 by the Kheechee chronicle, and she bore 
Um a son, who was orivcn from Gagrown. The scandal propagated agiunst the 
• mbgr of Mdwar* was no doubt a ruse of the Sankla chief, as tlie conclusion 
ahewa However small the intrinsic worth of these anecdotes, they afford 
hnks of synchronisms, which constitute the value of the aimals of all these 


twenty followers. When the old Rao, Raningdeo, discovered against 
whom he had thus successfully defended himself, he clad himself in 
black garments, and in atonement performed pilgrimage to all the 
shrines in India.* On his return, he was foi^ven and condoled 
with by Kehur. 

Kehur had eight sons : 1st, Somaji, who had a numerous oflbpring, 
called the Soma-Bhattis ; 2d, Lulanun ; 3d, Kailim, who forcibly 
seized Beekumpoor, the appanage of his elder brother Soma, who 
departed with all his biissi^^f and settled at Giraup ; 4th, Eilkum ; 
5th, Satul, who gave his name to an ancient town, and called it 
Satulmer. The names of the rest were Beejo, Tunno, and TejsL 

When the sons of Raningdeo became converts to Islam, in order 
to avenge their father's feud with the Rah tore prince of Nagore, they 
forfeited their inheritance of Poogul and Marote, and thenceforwara 
mixed with the Abhoria Bhattis, and their descendants are termed 
Momun Moosulmd^n Bhutti. On this event, Kailun, the third son of 
the Rawul, took possession of the forfeited lands, and besides Bee- 
kiunpoor, regained Deorawul, which had been conquered by their 
ancient foes, the Dahya Rajpoots. 

Kailun built a fort on the Beyah, called, after his father, Kerroh, 
or Kerore, which again brought the Bhattis into collision with the 
Johyas and Langas, whose chief. Ameer Khan Korai, attacked him, 
but was defeated. Kailun became the terror of the Chahils,^ the 
Mohils4: and Johyas,J who lived in this quarter, and his authority 
extended as far as the Funjnud. Kailun married into the Samma 
family of Jam,§ and arbitrated their disputes on succession, which 

* Sadoo was the son and heir of Raningdeo, and it was from this portion of 
the Bhatti annals I extracted that sing:ular story, related at page 539, VoL I, to 
illustrate the influence which the females of Raj poo tana have on national 
manners. The date of this tragical event was S. 1462, according to the Bhatti 
annals ; and Rana Mokiil, the cotem]>orary of Ilawul Jjiit and Kao Raningdeo, 
was on the throne of M^war from S. 1454 to S. 1475. The annals of this state 
(p. 238) notice the marriage of the * Rtiby to Dheruj, son of Achildas, but say 
nothing on the other point. A vague recollection of some matrimonial insult 
being offered evidently yet prevails, for when a marriage was contracted in 
A.D. 1821, through the author's in terv^cntion, between the Kana of Oodipoor's 
daughter and the present Rawul Guj Sing of Jessuluier, it was given out that 
there was no memorial of any marria<je-alliance between the two houses. 
After all, it may be a vain-glorious invention of the Bhatti annalist 

t The term buss-ie has been explained in Vol. L p. 158. The 6««««i8a8lave in 
the mildeiit sense ; one who in distress sells his liberty. His master cuts the 
choH, or lock of hair, from the centre of tlie head, as a mark of bondage. They 
are transferable, like cattle. This custom prevails more in the desert states 
than in central Raiwarra ; there every great man has his bume, Shiam Sing 
Champawut of Pokum had two hundred when he fled to Jeipoor, and they aU 
fell with him lighting against the Mahrattas. All castes, Brahmins and Bi^- 
poots, become busgies : tiiey can redeem their liberty by purchase. 

t These three tribes are either extinct, or were lost on b^Doming proselytes to 

§ The Samma or Summa tribe, which is well known in Mahomedan history, 
as having given a dynasty to Sinde in modem times, is a ffreat branch of Uie 
Yadus, and descended from Samba, son of Crishna ; and while the other bnnch 


had cauRcd much bloodshed. Shujaliit Jam, whom he supported, 
accom])anied him to Marote, on whose death, two years after, Kailuu 
iK>s.sessed himself of all the Samma territoiy, when the Sinde nver 
became the boundary of his dominion. Kailun died at the age of 
seventy-two, and was succeeded by* 

Chaehick-deo, who made Marote his head-(juartci's, to cover his 
territories from the attacks of Mooltan, which took umbrage at the 
return of the Bhattis across the Garah. The chief of Mooltan united 
in a leajjue all the ancient foes of the Bhjitti.s, the Langas. tlie 
Johyas, the Kheechees, and all the tribes of that region. Chachick 
formed an anny of seventeen thousand horse and fourteen thousand 
foot, and crossed the Beyah to meet liis foes. The encounter was 
desperate ; but the Bhattis were victorious, and returned with rich 
spK)il to Marote. In the year following another battle took place, 
in which seven hundred and forty Bhattis were slain, and three 
thousand of the men of Mooltan. By this success, the conqxiests of 
Chachick wei*e extended, and he left a garrison [tluiniia) under his 
son in Asini-kote, beyond the Behah, and returned to Poogul. Ho 
then attacked Maipal, chief of the Doondis, whom he defeated. 
After this victory he repaired to Jessulnier, to visit his brother 
Lukmun, i-eserving the produce of the lands dependent on Asini- 
kotet for his expenses at c«>urt. On his return nome by Baroo, he 
was accosted by a Jinj Rajpoot,^ pasturing an immense flock of 

cfilonized Zabulist'han, niaiiitaiiiing the original name of Yadus, the sons of 


of Alexander, it is fair to inft?r, was the cliief of the Samma tribe. Samba, 
meaning * of, or belonging to Sham or Sama' (an e])ithct of Crishna, from his 
dark complexion), was son of Jambuvati, one of the eight wives of this deified 
Yadu. Tne Jharejas of Cutch and Jams of Sinde and Saiirashtra are of the 
ftame stock. The Sind-Samma dynasty, on the loss of their faith and coming 
into contact witli Islam, to wliich tht;y became pi-oselytes, were eager to adopt a 

patriarch of the Sanmias, in lieu of the legitimate Samba. Fcrishta giv 
ail account of this dynasty, but was ignorant of their origin. He says, *' The 
^Zemindars of Sinde were originally of two tribes or families, Somuna and 
^ Soomura ; and the chief of the former was distinguished by the appellation of 
** Jam." — Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. IV, p. 422. The historian admits they were 
Hindus until A.H. 782 (A.D. 1380, S. 1436) ; a point of little doubt, as we see the 
Bhatti prince intermarrying with this family about twenty years subsequent 
eveo to the date assigned by Fcrishta for their proselytism. 

I may here again state, once for all, that I append these notes in order not to 
int«fere with the text, which is abridged from the original chronicle. 

^ It is said that Rinmul succeeded : but this was only to the northern portion, 
hn nmnage : he lived but two montns. 

t raitiunnnkaown, unless it be the Tchin-kot of D'Anville, at the confluence 
of the river of Cabul with the Indus. There is no doubt that this castle of tlie 
Bhatti prince was in the Pui^&b ; and coupled with his alliance with the chief 
erf Sehat or SwAt, that it is the Tchin-kot. or Ashnagur of that celebrated 
geosrapher, whence the Acesines of the Greeks. 
1 1 may here repeat, that the J inj and Johya were no doubt branches of the same 
; tne Jenjfia^h of Baber, who locates them about the mountains of Joude. 



goats, who presented the best of his flock, and demanded protection^ 
against the raids of Birjung Rahtore. This chief had wrested th^ 
celebrated fortress of Satulmer,* the abode of wealthy merchants, 
from a Bhatti chief, and extended his forays far into the deser'fc, 
and the Jinj was one of those who had suffered by his succe&^s. 
Not long after Rao Chachick had passed by the pastures of the JiiM_j, 
he received a visit from him, to complain of another inroad, whic^^^i 
had carried off the identical goat, his oflering. Chachick assembl^^- d 
his kinsmen, and foimed an alliance with Shoomar Khan, chief -^cdF 
the Seta tribejl* who came with three thousand horse. It was tfczae 
custom of the Rahtores of Satulmer to encamp their horse at a t(vr-^k 
some distance from the city, to watch, while the chief citizens 
daily to go abroad. Chachick surprised and made prisoners of t! 
whole. The bankers and men of wealth offered large sums for thi 
ransom ; but he would not release them from bondage, except -^mn 
condition of their settling in the tenitory of Jessulm^r. 
hundred and sixty-five heads of families embraced this altemati' 
and hence Jessulm^r dates the influx of her wealth. They wi 
distributed over the principal cities, Deorawul, Poogul, Marote, 
The three sons of the Rahtore were also made prisoners ; the t 

youngest were released, but Mairah, the eldest, was detained a j i a 
hostage for his father's good conduct. Chachick dismissed his a^Bly> 
the Sita chief, whose grand-daughter, Sonalddvi, he married, 
father of the bride, Hybat Khan,§ gave with her in da^a (do^ 
fifty horses, thirty-five slaves, four palkis, and two hundred fei 
camels, and with her Chachick returned to Marote. 

Two years after this, Chachick made war on Thir-raj Khokur, ^p^he 

chief of Fceleebunga, | on account of a horse stolen from a Bha^^^^« 
The Khokurs were defeated and plundered ; but his old enenr:=a^es 
the Langas, taking advantage of this occasion, made head agai -^ 
Chachick, and drove his garrison from the new possession of 

* Now belonging to Marwar, and on its north-western frontier ; but I beU^^Fe 
in ruins. 

t Most likely the Swatees, or people of Sw&t, described by Mr. Elphinstone 
(Vol. I, p. 506), as of Indian origin, and as possessing a Mngdom from the 
Hydaspes to Jellalabad, the Suastene of Ptolemy. 

X It must not be forgotten, that Satulmer was one of the Bhatti castles 
wrested from them by the Rahtores, who have greatly curtailed their frontien. 

§ From this and many other instances we come to the conclusion that the 
Tatar or Indo-Scythic title of Khan is by no means indicative of the Mahome* 
dan faith. Here we see the daughter of the prince of Swdt^ or Suvat^ with a 
genuine Hindi name. 

II The position of Peeleebunga is unknown ; in all probability it has under- 
gone a metamorphosis with the spread of ' the faith' over these r^ons. As 
before mentioned, I believe this race called Khokur to be the Ghiker, so ii«ll 
known to Baber, and described as his inveterate foes in all his irraptioni into 
India. Their manners, especiallv that distinctive mark, polyandiiaoi, 
mentioned by Ferishta, mark the Ghikers as Indo-Scvthic. The names of their 
chiefs are decidedly Hindu. They were located with the Joudis in the upper 
part of the Punj&b, and, according to Elphinstone, they retain their old posi- 
tion., contiguous to the Eosofzye Jadoans. 


Dhooniapoor.* Disease at length seized on Rawol Chachick, after a 
long oourse of victorious warfare, in which he subdued various tracts 
of country, even to the heart of the Punj&b. In this state he deter- 
mined to die as he had lived, with arms in his hands ; but having 
no foe near with whom to cope, he sent an embassy to the Langa 
prince of Mooltan, to beg, as a last favour, the jood-ddn, or ' gift of 
iMLtile,' that his soul might escape by the steel of his foeman, and 
not fiedl a sacrifice to slow disease, j Tlie prince, suspecting treachery, 
hesitated ; but the Bhatti messenger pledged his word that his master 
only wished an honourable death, and that he would only bring five 
hundred men to the combat. The challenge being accepted, the 
Rawul called his clansmen around him, and on recounting what ho 
had done, seven hundred select Rajpoots, who had shared in all his 
victories, volunteered to take the last field, and make sunlduf 
(oblation) of their lives with their leader. Previous to setting forth, 
he arranged his affairs. His son Guj Sing, by the Seta Rani, he sent 
with her to her father s house. He had five ouier sons, viz., Koombho, 
Birsil, Bheemdeo (by Lala Rani, of the Soda tribe), Rutto and Rind- 
heer, whose mother was Soorajdevl, of Chohan race. Bireil, his eldest 
son, he made heir to all his dominions, except the land of Khadiil 
(whose chief town is Deorawul), which he bestowed upon Rindheer, 
and to both he gave the tika, making them separate states. Birsil 
marched to Kerore,J his capital, at the head oi seventeen thousand 

Meanwhile, Rawul Chachick marched to Dhooniapoor, ' to part 
with life.' There he heard that the prince of Mooltan was within 
two C088. His soul was rejoiced ; he performed his ablutions, 
worshipped the 8word§ and tlie gods, bestowed charity, and withdrew 
lus thoughts from this w^orld. 

The battle lasted four ghurris (two hours), and the Jadoon prince 
fell with all his kin after perfoiining prodigies of valour. Two 
thouiaand Khans fell beneath their swords : rivers of blood flowed in 
the field ; but the Bhatti gained the abode of Indra, who shared his 
throne with the hero. The king crossed the Behah, and returned to 

While Rindheer was performing at Deorawul the rites of the 
twelve days of matum, or ' mourning,* his elder brother, Koombho, 

* Dhooiiiapoor is not located. 

t In this chivalrous challenge, or demand of the Jood-ddn, we recognize 
another strong trait of Scythic manners, as depicted by Herodotus. The 
andent Oeie of Transoxiana could not bear the idea of dying of disease ; a 
feelinff which his offspring carried with them to the shores of the Baltic, to 
Yrat-wnd, or Jutland ! 

t This fortreM, erected by Rao Kailun, is stated to be twenty-two coss, about 
forty miles, iirom Bahwulpoor ; but though the direction is not stated, there Ls 
little doubt of its being to the northward, most probably in that do-dbeh called 

§ Couple this martial rite with the demand of jood-ddn, and there is an 
a^^ifinMl reason for calling these Yadus, Indo-Scythic. See Vol. I, p. 499^ for 
an account of the worship of the sword, or Kftarg-ihapiid, 


afflicted with insanity, rushed into the assembly, and swore to 
avenge his father's death. That day he departed, accompanied by a 
single slave, and reached the prince's camp. It was surrounded by a 
ditch eleven yards wide, over which the Bhatti leaped his horse in 
the dead of ni^ht, reached the harem, and cut off the head of Elaloo 
Shah, with which he rejoined his brethren at DeorawuL Birsil 
re-established Dhooniapoor, and then went to Kerore. Hi« old foes, 
the Langas, under Hybat Elhan, again attacked him, but they were 
defeated with great slaughter. At the same time, Husein Khan 
Baloch invaded Beekumpoor.* 

Rawul B^rsi, who at this time occupied the gadi of Jessulm^r, 
went forth to meet Rao Birsil on his return from his expedition in 
the Punjfirb. In S. 1530 (A.D. 1474?), he made the gates and palace 
of Beekumpoor. 

We may, in this place, desert the literal nan-ative of the chronicle; 
what follows is a record of similar border-feuds and petty ware, 
between * the sons of Kailun'f and the chiefs of the Punj&b, alter- 
nately invaders and invaded, which is pregnant with mighty words 
and gallant deeds, but yielding no new facte of historical value. At 
length, the numerous offspring of Kailun sepai-ated, and dividei 
amongst them the lands on both sides of the Uarah ; and as SultaJi- 
Baber soon after this period made a final conquest of Mooltan fixyscL 
the Langas, and placed therein his own governor, in all probabilit>y 
the Bhatti possessors of Kerore-kot and Dhooniapoor, as well 
Poogul and Marote (now Mahomedans), exchanged their fai 
(sanctioned even by Menu) for the preservation of their estat^^— 
The bard is so much occupied with this Poogul branch that ti^ 
chronicle appears almost devoted solely to them. 

He passes from the main stem, Rawul Bersi, to Rawuls Jai^^ 
Noonkurn, Bheem, Munohur-das, to Subbul Sing, five generations^ 
with little further notice than the mere enumeration of their issue..: 
With this last prince, Subbul Sing, an important change occurred in 
the political condition of the Bhattis. 

* The foregoms (from page 233), inchiding the actions of Kailun, Chacliick, 
and Birsil, must be consiaered as an episode, detailing the exploits of the Kaos 
of Poogul, established by Kailun, third son of Kawul Kehur of Jessulm^r. It 
was too essential to the annals to be placed in a note. 

t Rao Kailun had established his authority over nine castles, heads of 
districts, viz., Asini, or Aswini-kote, Beekumpoor, Marote, Poogul, Deorawnl, 
Kerore (twenty-two coss, or about fortv miles, from Bahwulpore), Gk>omnn| 
Bahun, Nadno, and Matailoh, on the Indus. 

wife ; but let him at all events preserve himself, even at the hazard of his 
" wife and riches." — Menu on GovemTnent, or on the Military Class. The entire 
history of the Rajpoots shews they do not pay much attention to such unmanly 



JcssulviSr becomes aJU/ofthe empire. — Changes in the succession. — SuhhulSing 
serves with the Bhatti contin^fent. — His services obtain him the gadi ofJessul- 
wSr. — Boundaries of Jessulmer at the peridd of Baber^s invasion. — Subbul 
succeeded by his son, Umra Sing, who leads the tika-dour into the Baloch 
territory. — Crowned on the field of victory. — Demands a relief from his sttb- 
jects to portion his daughter. — Puts a chief to death who refuses, — Revolt of 
the Chunna Rqjpoots. — The Bhatti chiefs retaliate the inroads of the Rahtores 
of Bihan^. — Origin of frontier -feuds. — Bhattis gain a victpry. — The princes 
ofJes9ulmJer and Bikaner are involved in the feuds of their vassals. — Raja 
An&p Sing calls on all his chiefs to revenue the disgrace. — Invasion of Jessul- 
mtr. — The invaders defecUed. — The Rawul recovers Poogul. — Makes Barmair 
tributary. — Umra dies. — Succeeded by Jesuncnt. — The chronicle closes, — De- 
cline of Jessulmer. — Poogul. — Barmair. — Filodi wrested from her by the 
Rahtores. — Importance of tliese traiisactions to the British Government. — 
Khdddl to the Gdrah seized by the Ddodpoira^, — Akht Sing succeeds. — His 
uncle, Tej Sing, usurps the government. — The usurper assassinated during 
the ceremony of L&s. — Akhi Sing recovers the gadl. — Reigns forty years. — 
Bahund Khan seizes on Khdddl. — Rawul Moolraj. — Suroop Sing Mehta made 
minister. — His haired of the Bhatti 'nobles. — Conspiracy against him by tJie 
heir apparent, Rae Sing. — Deposal and confinement of the Rawvl. — The 
prince proclaimed. — Refuses to occupy the gadl. — Moolraj emancipcUed by a 
Rqjpootni, — Resumption of the gadl. — The prince Rae Sing receives the black 
khelat of banishment. — Retires to Jodpoor. — Outlawry of the Bhatti nobles. — 
Their lands sequestrated, and castles destroyed. — After twelve years, restored 
to their lands. — Rae Sing decapitates a merchant. — Returns to Jessulmer. — 
Sent to the fortress ofDewoh. — Salim Sing becomes minister. — His character. 
— Falls into the hands of his enemies, but is saved by the magnanimity of 
Zoorawur Sing. — Plans his destruction, through his oum brother^s wife, — 
Zoorawur is poisoned. — The Mehta then a^ssassinates her and her husband, — 
Fires the castle of Dewoh. — Rae Sing burnt to death. — Murder of his sons. — 
The minister proclaims Gvq Sing. — Younger sons of Moolraj fly to Bihanh*. 
— The Umgest reigns in the Rajpoot annals are during ministerial usurpation. 
— Retrospective view of the Bhatti history. — Reflections. 

^Wb have now reached that period in the Bhatti annals, when Shah 
njehssi was emperor of India. Elsewhere, we have minutely related 
the measure which the great Akber adopted to attach his Rajpoot 
Taasalage to the empire ; a policy pursued by his successors. Subbul 
Sing, the first of the princes of Jessulmer who held his dominions 
as a fief of the empire, was not the legitimate heir to the ' gad{ of 
Jeaeal/* Munohur-das had obtained the gadi by the assassination of 

* Noonkum had three sons, Hur-raj^ Maldeo, and Ealiandas ; each had issue. 
Hnr-ny had Bheem (who succeeded his grandfather Noonkum). Maldeo had 
Kaetsi, who had Dialdis, father of Subbul Sing, to whom was given iu 


his nephew, Rawul Nat'hoo, the son and heir of Bheem, Vho 
returning from his nuptials at Bfkandr and had passed the day a» 
Filodi, then a town of Jessulm^r, when poison was administered 
him by the hands of a female. But it was destined that the lin 
of the assassin should not rule, and the dignity fell to Subbul Sin^ 

the third in descent from Maldeo, second son of Rawul Noonkum. 

The good qualities of young Subbul, and the bad ones of 

chund, son of the usurper, aflbrded another ground for the prefc 

ence of the former. Moreover, Subbul was nephew to the prince c ;^ f 

Amber, under whom he held a distinguished post in the govemmen—^iait 
of Peshore, where he saved the royal treasure from being capture^^sd 
by the Afghan mountaineers. For this seivice, and being a favouri^^^ to 
of the chiefs who served with their contingents, the king gave Jeft-=^58- 
wunt Sing of Jodpoor command to place him on the g(mi. ThirAe 
celebrated Nahur Khan Koompawut* was entrusted with this dut .-jzziy, 
for the performance of which he received the city and domain of 

Pokura, ever since severed from Jessulm^r. 

This was the first considerable abstraction from the ten-itori 
which had been progressively increased by Rawul Jessul and h 
successors, but which have since been wofully curtailed. A shoe 
time before Baber*s invasion, the dependencies of Jessulmer extendi— ed 
on the north to the Gdrah river,f west to the Mehran or Indus ; sj=nd 
on the east and south, they were bounded by the Rahtores of 

Bikan^r and Marwar, who had been gradually encroaching for i\^=^o 
centuries, and continue to do so to this day. The entire t*hul of 
Baimair and Kottorah, in the south, were Bhatti chieftainships, a^cnd 
eastward to the site of Bikan^r itself. 

Umra Sing, son of Subbul, succeeded. He led the tika-do 
against the Baloches, who had invaded the western tracts, and ¥ 
installed on the field of victory. Soon after, he demanded aid fit^- 
his subjects to portion his daughter, and being opposed by 

appanage the town of Mundilla, near Pokum. The third son, Kaliandaa, 
Munohur-daa, who succeeded Bheem. Ramchund was the son of ^' ' 
A slip from the genealogical tree will set this in a dear Light. 

1. Noonkum. 



Hur-raj. Maldeo. Kaliandas. 

2. Bheem. EaetsL 3. Munonurdas. 

Nathoo. Diald^ Ramchund. 

4. Subbul Sing. 

♦ Another synchronism (see Annals of Marwar for an account of Nahii^*^ 
Khan) of some value, since it accounts for the first abstraction of territory by 
the Rahtores from the Bhattis. 

fThe Girah is invariably called the Behah in the chronicle. QArah, or 
Oharra, is so called, in all probability, from the mud ((far) suspended in its 
waters. The Oarah is composed of the waters of the Bchah and Sutlej. 


Rajpoot, minister, Raghonat'h, he put him to death. The Chunna 
Rajpoots from the north-east, having renewed their old raids, lie in 
person attacked and compelled them to give bonds, or written obli- 
gations, for their future good conduct. 

Provoked by the daily encroachments of the Kandulote Rahtores, 
Soonder-das and Dilput, chiefs of Beekumpoor, determined to reta- 
liate : " let us get a name in the world," said Dilput, " and attack the 
" lands of the Rahtorea" Accordingly, they invaded, plundered, 
and fired the town of Jujoo, on the Bikandr frontier. The Kandu- 
lotes retaliated on the towns of Jessulm^r, and an action took place, 
in which the Bhattis were victorious, slaying two hundred of the 
Rahtores. The Rawul partook in the triumph of his vassals. Baja 
An6p Sing of Bikan^r was then serving with the imperial armies in 
the Dekhan. On i*eceiving this account, he commanded his minister 
to issue a summons to every Kandulote capable of carrying arms to 

invade Jessulmer, and take and raze Beekumpoor, or he would 
oonsider them traitors. The minister issued the summons ; every 
Rahtore obeyed it, and he added, as an auxiliary, a Pat'han chief 
with his band from Hissar. Rawul Umra collected his Bhattis 
around him, and instead of awaiting the attack, advanced to meet 
it; he slew many of the chiefs, burnt the frontier towns, and 
Recovered Poogul, forcing the Rahtore chiefs of Barmair and 
•Kottorah to renew their engagements of fealty and service. 

Umra had eight sons, and was succeeded by Jeswunt, the eldest, 
iti S. 1758 (A.D. 1702), whose daughter was married to the heir- 
apparent of Mdwar. 

Here ends the chronicle, of which the foregoing is an abstract : 
e concluding portion of the annals is from a MS. furnished by a 
ving chronicler, corrected by other infoimation. It is but a sad 
of anarchy and crime. 

Soon after the death of Rawul Umra, Poogul, Barmair, Filodi, 
d various other towns and territories in Jessulmer, were wrested 
3rom this state by the Rahtores.* 

The territory bordering the G&rah was taken by D4od Khan, an 
_ an chieftain from Shikarpoor, and it became the nucleus of a 
tate called after himself Daodpotnu 

Jeswunt Sing succeeded. He had five sons, Juggut Sing, who 

* The most essential use to which my labours can be applied, is that of 
^iiiblinfl; the British Government, when called upon to exercise its functions, 
«B protector and arbitrator of tne international auarrels of R^pootana, to 
^udentaad tiie legitimate and original grounds of cUspute. Here we proeive 
the 0enn of the border-feuds, which have led to so much bloodshed between 
i>|kAti4y and Jessulmer, in which the former was the first aggressor ; but as the 
to; for the purpose of redeeming her lost territory, most trequentlv appears 
tiia a^tator of public tranquillity, it is necessary to look for the remote 
in prommnciDg our award. 


committed suicide, Esuri Sing, Tej Sing, Sirdar Sing, and Sooltan 
Sing. Juggut Sing had three sons, Akhi Sing, Bood Sing, and 
Zoorawur Sing. 

Akhi Sing succeeded, Bood Sing died of the small-pox ; Tej 
Sing, uncle to the Rawul, usurped the government, and the princes 
fled to Dehli to save their lives. At this period, their grand-uncle, 
Hurri Sing (brother of Rawul Jeswunt), Wiis serving the king, and 
he returned in order to displace the usurper. It is customaiy for 
the prince of Jessulmer to go annually in state to the lake Gursi-sirr, 
to perform the ceremony of Lds, or clearing away the accumulation 
of mud and sand. The Raja first takes out a handful, when rich 
and poor follow his example. Hum Sing chose the time when this 
ceremony was in progress to attack the usurper. The attempt did 
not altogether succeed ; but Tej Sing was so severely wounded that 
he died, and was succeeded by his son, 

Sowae Sing, an infant of three years of age. Akhi Sing collected 
the Bhattis from all quarters, stormed the castle, put the infant to 
death, and regained his rights. 

Akhi Sing ruled forty years. During this reign, Bahwul Khan, 
son of Dd,od Khan, took Deorawul and all the tract of Kh&d&L, the 
first Bhatti conquest, and added it to his new state of Bahwulpoor, 
or Daodpotra. 

Moolraj succeeded in S. 1818 (A.D. 1762). He had three sons, 
Rae Sing, Jaet Sing, and Man Sing. The unhappy choice of a 
minister by Moolmj completed the demoralization of the Bhatti 
principality. This minister was named Suroop Sing, a Bania of the 
Jain faith and Mehta family, destined to be the exterminators of the 
laws and fortunes of the ' sons of Jessul.' The cause of hatred and 
revenge of this son of commerce to the Bhatti aristocracy arose out 
of a disgraceful dispute regarding a Bukktun, a fair frail one, a 
favourite of the Mehta, but who prefen-ed the Rajpoot, Sirdar Sing, 
of the tribe of Aef. The Bhatti chief carried his complaint of the 
minister to the heir-apparent, Ra^ Sing, who had also cause of 
grievance in the reduction of his income. It was suggested to the 
prince to put this presumptuous minister to death ; this was effected 
by the prince's own hand, in his father s presence ; and as the 
Mehta, in falling, clung to Moolraj for protection, it was proposed to 
take off Moolraj at the same time. The proposition, however, was 
rejected with horror by the prince, whose vengeance was satisfied. 
The Rawul was allowed to escape to the female apartments ; but 
the chieftains, well knowing they could not expect pardon from the 
Rawul, insisting on investing Ra^ Sing, and if he refused, on placing 
his brother on the gadi. The dn of Rae Sing was proclaimea ; but 
no intreaty or threat would induce him to listen to the proposal of 
occupying the throne ; in lieu of which he used a pallet (JAdL) 
Three months and five days had passed since the deposal and 
bondage of Moolraj, when a female resolved to emancipate him : 
this female was the wife of the chief conspirator, and conii- 


deutial adviser of the regent prince. This noble dame, a Rahtoro 
Kajpootnl, of the Mahecha clan, was the wife of An6p Sing of 
Jiujinialli, the premier noble of Jessulmer, and who, wearied 
with the tyranny of the minister and the weakness of his prince, 
had proposed the death of the one and the deposal of tlie other. 
We are not made acquainted with any reason, save that of 
siViiimVIiernaa, or * fealty,* which prompted the Rahtomi to rescue 
her prince even at the risk of her husband's life ; but lier appeal to 
her scm Zoorawur, to perform his duty, is preserved, and we give it 
%'^rbatim : " should your father oppose you, sacrifice him to your 
" duty, and I will mount the pyi-e with his corpse." The son yielded 
ol^edience to the injunction of his magnanimous parent, who had 
suflicient influence to gain over Aijoon, the brother of her husband, 
as well as Meg'h Sing, chief of Baroo. The three chieftains forced 
ail entrance into the prison where their prince was confined, who 
i-efuse<l to be released from his manacles, until he was told that the 
Mah^hi had promote<l the plot for his liberty. The sound of the 

gi-aud iiakarra, i)roclaiming Moolraj s repossession of the gacli, awoko 
is 60n from sleep ; and on the herald depositing at the side of his 
pallet the sable »iropa* and all the insignia of exile, — the black 
.steed and black vestments, — the prince, obeying the command of the 
emancipated Rawul, clad himself thei*ein, and accompanied by his 
party, bade adieu to Jessulmer and took the road to Kottoroh. 
When he arrived at this town, on the southern frontier of the state, 
the chiefs propased to * run the country ;* but ho replied, " the 
*• country was his mother, and every Rajpoot his foe who injured 
" it" He repaired to Jodpoor, but the chieftains abided about Sheo 
Kottoroh ana Barmair, and during the twelve years they remained 
outlaws, plundered even to the gates of Jessulmer. In the first 
three years they devastated the country, their castles were dismantled, 
the wells therein filled up, and their estates sequestrated. At the 
end of the twelve, having made the tildk, or oath against further 
plunder, their estates wcixj restored, and they were re-admitted into 
their country. 

The banished prince remained two years and a-half with Raja 
Beejy Sing, who treated him like a son. But he carried his arrogant 
demeanour with him to Jodpoor ; for one day, as he was going out 
to hanty a Bania, to whom he was indebted, seized his horse by the 
bridle, and invoking the dn of Beejy Sing, demanded payment of 
his debt. The prince, in turn, i^c^uired him, with the invocation 
"* by Hoolraj !" to imloose his hold. But the man of wealth, disre- 
garding the appeal, insolently replied, " what is Moolraj to me ?" It 
was the last word he spoke ; the sword of Rae Sing was unsheathed, 
and the Bania's head rolled on the ground : then, turning his horse's 
head to Jessulmer, he exclaimed, " better be a slave at once, than 

*Siropa is the Rigpoot term for Ihelat, and is used by those who, like the 
Rana or Oodipoor, prefer the vernacular dialect to the corrupt i argon of the 
IsLunite. Sir-o-pd (trom * head/ sir, to * foot' pa) means a complete dress ; in 
short, eap-^'pita, 



'* live on the bounty of another." His unexpected arrival outside 
his native city brought out the entire population to see him. His 
father, the Rawul, sent to know what had occasioned his presence, 
and he replied, that it was merely prepai*atory to pilgrimaffe. He 
was refused admittance ; his followers were disarmed, and ne was 
sent to reside at the foi*tress of Dewoh, together with bis sons Abbe 
Sing and Dhonkul Sing, and their families. 

Salim Sing, who succeeded his father as prime minister of Jessol- 
mer, was but eleven years of age at the time of his murder. His 
young mind appeal's, even at that early age, to have been a hot-bed for 
revenge; and the seeds which were sown soon quickened into a luxuri- 
ance rarely equalled even in those regions, where human life is held in 
little estimation. Without any of that daring valour which distin- 
guishes the Rajpoot, he overcame, throughout a long course of years, 
all who opposed him, uniting the subtlety of the serpent to the 
ferocity of the tiger. In person he was effeminate, in speech bland ; 
pliant and courteous in demeanour ; promising, without hesitation, 
and with all the semblance of sincerity, what he never had the 
most remote intention to fulfil. Salim, or, as he was generally 
designated by his tribe, the Mehta, was a signal instance of a fact of 
which these annals exhibit too many examples, namely, the inade- 
quacy of religious professions, though of a severe character, as a 
restraint on moral conduct : for though the tenets of his faith (the 
Jain) imperatively prescribe the necessity of " hurting no sentient 
'' being," and of sitting in the dark rather than, by luring a moth 
into the flame of a lamp, incur the penalty attached to me sin of 
insect-murder, this man has sent more of " the sons of Jessoh** to 
Yamaloca* than the sword of their external foes during his long • 
administration. He had scarcely attained man's estate when the m 
outlawed chiefs were restored to their estates by a singular interven- - 
tion. Baja Bheem Sing had acceded to the gadi of Marwar, and Ji 
the Mehta was chosen by the prince of Jessulm^r, as his representa-^- 
tive, to convey his congi^atulations, and the tika of acknowlec^ment^ 
on his succession, to Raja Beejy Sing. On his return from thia^ 
mission, he was waylaid and captured by the outlawed chieftainSi^' 
who instantly passed sentence of death upon the author of their^3 
miseries. The sword was uplifted, when, * placing his turban at th 
feet of Zoorawur Sing,' he implored his protection — and he found it 
Such is the Rajpoot ; — an anomaly amongst his species ; his character' 
a compound of the opposite and antagonistical qualities which impel 
mankind to virtue and to crime. Let me recal to the mind of tba 
reader, that the protector of this vampire was the virtaous 90tk 
of the virtuous Rajpootni wJho, with an elevation of mind 
equal to whatever is recorded of Greek or Roman heroinea, 
devoted herself, and a husband whom she loved, to the one 
predominant sentiment of the Rajpoot, &ivamcPherma, or * fealty 

* Pluto's realm. 


to the sovereign/ Yet had the wily Mehta e£fected the disgrace of 
this brave chief, to whom the Rawul owed his release from bondage 
and restoration to his throne, and forced him to join the outlaws 
amidst the sand-hills of Barmair. Nothing can paint more strongly 
the influence of this fii*st of the Bhatti chiefs over his brethren than 
the act of preserving the life of their mortal foe, thus cast into their 
hands ; for not only did they dissuade him from the act, but pro- 

Shesied his repentance of such mistaken clemency. Only one con- 
ition was stipulated, their restoration to their homes. They were 
recalled, but not admitted to coui*t: a distinction reserved for 
Zoorawur alone. 

When Ra^ Sing was incai'cerated in Dewoh, his eldest son, Abhd 
Sing, Bajkorruir, * heir-apparent,* with the second son, Dhonkul, were 
left at Barmair, with the outlawed chiefs. The Rawul, having in 
vain demanded his grand-children, ])repared au army aud invested 
Bannair. It was defended during six months, when a capitulation 
was acceded to, and the children were given up to Moolraj on the 
bare pledge of Zoorawur Sing, who guaranteed their safety ; and 
they were sent to the castle of Dewoh, where their father was con- 
fined. Soon after, the ciistle was fired, and Rae Sing and his wife 
were consumed in the flames. On escaping this danger, which was 
made to appear accidental, the young princes were confined in the 
fartreaa of Kamgurh, in the most remote corner of the desert, bor- 
dering the valley of Sinde, for theii- security and that of the Rawul 
(aooording to the Mehta's account), and to prevent faction from 
having a nucleus around which to foiin. But Zoorawur, who enter- 
tained doubts of the minister's motives, reminded the Rawul that 
the proper place for the heir-apparent was the court, and that hi« 
bonoar stood pledged for his safety. This was sufficient for the 
Mrfr*^f whose mind was instantly intent upon the means to rid 
liiiDBelf of so conscientious an adviser. Zooitiwur had a brother 
^mOTi^ Eaitsi, whose wife, according to the courtesy of Rajwarra, 
liad adopted the minister as her brother. Salim sounded his adopted 
as to her wish to see her husband become lord of Jinjinialli. 
tempter succeeded : he furnislied her with poisoned comfits, 
irhich ahe administered to the gallant Zoorawur ; and her lord was 
inducted into the estates of Jinjinialli. Having thus disposed of 
the aoul of the Bhatti nobility, he took off in uetail the chiefs of 
BaroOy Dangri, and many others, chiefly by the same means, though 
mne by the dagger. Kaitsi, who, whether innocent, or a guilty 
participant in his brother s death, had benefited thereby, was mai*ked 
m the long list of proscription of this fiend, who determined to ex- 
terminate every Rajpoot of note. Kaitsi knew too much, and those 
oonneeted with him shared in this dangerous knowledge: wife, brother^ 
I, were therefore destined to fall by the same blow. Tlie immediate 
of enmity was as follows. The minister, who desired to set 
aiide the claims of the children of Rae Sing to the gadi, and to 
nominate the youngest son of Moolraj as heir-apparent, was opposed 
by Kaitsi, as it could only be cflbctcd by the dciitruction of tho 


former ; and he replied, thai " no co-operation of his should sanction 
'' the spilling of the blood of any of his master's family." Salim 
treasured up the remembi*ance of this opposition to his will, tboi^ 
without any immediate sign of displeasure. Soon after, ELaitsi and 
his brother Suroop were returning from a nuptial ceremony at 
Kunero, in the district of Bhalotra. On reaching Beejoraye, on Uio 
Jessulm^r frontier, where the ministers of theMehta's vengeaoee 
were posted, the gEdlant Zoorawur and his bi*other were condocied 
into the castle, out of which their bodies were brought only to to 
burnt. Hearing of some intended evil to her lord, Eaitsi's wife, with 
her infant son, Megha, sought protection in the minister's own abode, 
where she had a double claim, as his adopted sister, to sanctaaiy 
and protection. For five days, the farce was kept up of sending foci 
for herself and child ; but the slave who conveyed it remarking, in 
coarse, unfeeling language, that both her husband and her broihflr 
were with their fathers, she gave a loose to grief and determined on 
revenge. This being reported to the Mehta, he sent a dagger &r 
her repose. 

The princes, Abh^ Sing and Dhonkul Sing, confined in the fortress 
of Bamgurh, soon after the murder of Kaitsi were carried oflj 
together with their wives and infants, by poison. The murderer 
then proclaimed Guj Sing, the youngest but one of all the posteri^ 
of Moolraj, as heir-apparent. His brothers sought security in fligbl 
from this iiend-like spirit of the minister, and are now i-efugees ia 
the Bikan^r territory. The following slip from the gene^ogicai 
tree will shew the branches so unmercifully lopped off by this 
monster : 


Ka^ Sing, Jaet Sing (kana)f Min Sing, 

poisoned. living. killed by a fall from his horse. 

I I . I 

Abh^ Dhonkul Maha Tej Sing, Devi Sing, Gnj Sing, Fatti 

Sing, Sing, Sing, in in rei^^ning Sinft 

poisoned. poisoned. blind. exile. exile. pnnce. in enikt 

Maha Sing, being blind of one eye* (kana) could not succeed ; 

* A person blind of one eye is incompetent to succeed, according to Hind* 
law. Aana is ihe nickname given to a person labouring imder tms peiaooal 
defect, which term is merely an anagram of dnka, * the eye.' The loss ot an ew 
does not deprive an occupant of his rights — of wnich we had a curious examplft 
in the siege of the impenal city of Dehli, which gave rise to the remark, that 
the three greatest men therein had only the complement of one man amongst 
them : the Emperor had been deprived of both eyes by the brutality of Ghouun 
Kadir ; the besieging chief Holcar was Jcanay as was the defender. Sir D, 
Ochterlony. Holcar's name has become svnonimous with hand, and many a 
horse, dog, and man, blind of an eye, is called after this celebrated Mahratti 
leader. The Hindus, by what induction I know not, attach a degree of mora 
obliquity to every individual kana, and appear to make no distinction betweei 
the natural and the acquired defect 3 though to all kanas they apply aaothe 


andlUn Sing being killed by a fall from his horse, the Mehta was 
saved tiie crime of adding one more " mortal murther to his crown." 

It is a singular fiEU^t, that the lons[est reigns we know of in 
Bajwarra occurred during ministerial usurpations. The late 
Haharao of Kotah occupied the gadi upwards of half a century, and 
tlie Bawul Moolraj swayed the nominal sceptre of this oasis of the 
desert upwards of fifty-eight years. His father ruled forty years, 
and I doubt whether, in all history, we can find another instance of 
fitiher and son reigning for a century. This century was prolific in 
Asaagb to the dynasty, whose whole history is full oi strange 
fidssitudes. If we go back to Jeswunt Sing, the grandfather of 
Hodiaj, we find the Bhatti principality touching the GMLrah on the 
north which divided it from Mooltan ; on the west it was bounded 
bjT the Punjnud, and thus included a narrow slip of the fertile valley 
of Sinde ; and we have seen it stretch, at no remote period, even to 
the ancient capital Mansoora, better known to the Hindu as Bori- 
Bekher, the islandic capital of the Sogdi (Soda) of Alexander. To 
flie south, it rested on Dhat, including the castles of Sheo, Kottoroh, 
aiMi Barmair, seized on by Marwar ; and in the east embraced the 
districts of Filodi, Pokum, and other parts, also in the possession of 
Marwar or Bikan^r. The whole of the state of Bhawulpoor is 
fcimed out of the Bhatti dominion, and the Rahtores have ootained 
tlierefrom not a small portion of their western frontier. This 
abstraction of territory will account for the heart-burnings and 
border feuds which continually break out between the Bhattis and 
Bahtores, and ** the children of David {Bdodpotras)" 

Codd the same prophetic steel which carved upon the pillar of 
Brimsir the destinies of the grandson of the deified Heri, eleven 
hundred years before Christ, have subjoined to that of Jessoh the 
&te which awaited his descendant Moolraj, he would doubtless have 
regarded the prophecy as conveying a falsehood too gross for belief. 
mi the ofispring of the deified prince of Dwarica, who founded 
Gtizni, and fought the imited kings of Syria and Bactria, should, at 
kng(h, be driven back on India, and compelled to seek shelter under 
tike sign of the cross, reared amidst their sandhills by a handful of 
strangers, whose ancestors, when they were even in the maturity of 
tkeir &me, were wandering in their native woods, with painted 
bodies, and offering human sacrifices to the sun-god, — more resem- 
Hing Balsfva than Balcrishna, — these would have seemed prodigies 
ioo wild for f^th. 

aad Bore dignified appellation, Siikrdckdrvd, the Jupiter of their astro-mytho- 
loor, which very grave persona^ came by ms misfortune in no creditable way,— 
for, althooi^ ihe gUrily or spiritual head of the Hindu gods, he set as bad a 
Mai eonmi^e to them as aid the classical Jupiter to the tenants of the Greek 
■d Aoman rantheon. 



Eavnil Moolraj enttrs into treaty vnth the English. — The Raja dda^—ITu 
grandson^ Gvj Sing, proclaimed, — He becomes a mere puppet in the mimtUr's ] 
hands, — Third article of the Treaty,— Inequality of the aUiainee,—lis 
importance to JesstUm^er, — Consequences to be apprehended by the BriM 
Government— Dangers attending the enlarging the circle of our politiced 
connexions, — Importance of JesstUmer in the event of Jiussian tMKUum. — 
British occupation of the valley of the Indus considered, — &iUm Sinfs 
administration 'resumed, — His rapacity and tyranny increcue, — Wishes ki$ 
office to be hereditary, — Report of the British agent to his Govemmeni — 
PaUiwals self-exiled, — Bankers^ families kept as hostages, — Revenue arimig 
from co7\fiscation, — WecUth of the minister, — Border-feud detailed to ezemjilifw 
the interference of the paramount power. — The Maldotes of Baroo,—Tkesr 
history, — Nearly exterminated by the Rahtores of Bikaner, — Stimulatei ftjf 
the minister Salim Sing, — Cause of this treachery. — He calls for BrUitk 
interference. — Chranted. — Result, — Rauml GvJ Sing arrives at Oodipoor, — 
Marries tJie Rana^s daughter, — Influence of this lady. 

It was in the Samvat (era) of Vicrama, 1818, thatRawul MoobiB 
was inaugurated on the throne of Jessoh ; and it was in the year dt 
our Lord 1818, that a treaty of '' perpetual friendship, alliance, and 
'' unity of interests'' was concluded between the Honourable Eart 
India Company and Maha Bawul Moolraj, the Raja of JessulmSr, hii 
heirs and successors, the latter agreeiug '' to act in subordioabi 
'* co-operation with the British govemment, and with submission to 
" its supremacy."* This was almost the last act of Bawul Moolraj» 
who had always been a mere puppet in the hands of Mehta SaliiD 
Sing or his father. He died A,D. 1820, when his grandson, 
Guj Sing, was proclaimed. 

Bawul Guj Sing was fitted, from his years, his past sedosioOy 
and the examples which had occurred before his eyes, to be th6 
submissive pageant SaJim Sing required. Isolated, in every 
sense, from intercourse with the rest of mankind, by the policy 
of the minister, •he had no community of sympathy with thefliy 
and no claim upon their aid. SuiTounded by the creatures d 
Salim Sing, who, even to their daily dole, ascribe everything to 
this man's favour, each word, each gesture, is watched and reported- 
The prince himself, his wives and family, are alike dependents oil 
the minister's bounty, often capriciously exercised. If he requires » 
horse, he must solicit it; or if desirous of bestowing some reoompen8e» 
he requests to be furnished with the means, and deems himadf 
fortunate if he obtain a moiety of his suit. 

It will be observed from the date of this treaty (Dec. 1818), thai j 
Jessulmer was the last of the states of India received under the 
protection of the British Government. Its distance made it an 
object of little solicitude to us ; and the minister, it is said, had 

* See Appendix No. HI, for a copy of this treaty. 


many long and serious consultations with his oi^cles before he united 
his destiny with ours. He doubted the security of his power if the 
Rawul should become subordinate to the British Govemment ; and 
he was only influenced by the greater risk of being the sole state in 
Rajwarra without the pale of its protection, which would have left 
him to the mercy of those enemies whom his merciless policy bad 
created around him. The third and most important article of the 
treaty* tranquillized his apprehensions as to external foes ; with 
these apprehensions all fear as to the consequences arising from 
ministerial tyranny towards the princely exiles was banished, and 
we shall presently find that this alliance, instead of checking his 
rapacity and oppression, incited them. But it is necessary, in the 
fint place, to bestow a few remarks on the policy of the alliance as 
regards the British Government. 

Its inequality requires no demonstration : the objects to be attained 
by it to the respective parties having no approximation to parity. 
llie advantages to Jessulmdr were immediate ; and to use the phra- 
seology of the treaty, were not only of " great magnitude," but were 
vitally important. From the instant the treaties were exchanged, 
her existence as a permanent state, which was not worth half a 
century's purchase, was secured. Her power had been gradually 
declining, and reign after reign was narrowing her possessions to the 
vicinity of the capital. One state, Bhawulpoor, nad been formed 
from her northern territory; while those of Sinde, Bikaner and 
Jodpoor, had been greatly aggrandized at her expense ; and all were 
ineimed, as occasion arose to encroach upon her feebleness. The 
faithless character of the minister, Salim Sing afforded abundant 
pretexts for quarrel, and the anarchy of her neighbours proved her 
only safeguard during the later years of her independent existence. 
Now, the British Government having pledged itself to exert its 
power for the protection of the principality, in the event of any 
** serious invasion," her fears either of Sindies, Dd*odpotras, or of 
Bahtores, are at rest. The full extent of this pledge may not have 
been contemplated when it was given ; like all foimer alliances, it is 
the base of another step in advance. Instead of restricting the 
vast circle of our political connexions, it at once carried us out of 
India^ placing us in actual contact and possible collision with the 
mlers of Sinde and the people beyond the Indus. Marwar and 
Bfkan£r being already admitted to our alliance, the power of settling 
thrnr feuds with the Bhattis is comparatively simple; but with 
Diodpotm we have no political connexions, and with Sinde, only 
thoae of ** perpetual friendship, and mutual intercourse :" but no 
stipulation ensuring respect to our remonstrances in case of the 
n of their subjects on our Bhatti ally. Are we then to push 

* Axi, UL *^ In the event of any serious invasion directed towards the over- 
'^tlirow of the principality of Jessulm^r, or other danger of great magnitude 
** o ec ui 'i iii g to that prmcipaHty, the British Qovemment will exert its power for 
^ the protection of the prmdpaiity, provided that the cause of the quarrel be 
^ not sBcribtUe to the JR^ja of Jessulm^r.'' 


our troops through the desert to repel such acts, or must we furnish 
pecuniary subsidies (the cheapest mode), that she may enterUiu 
mercenaries for that object ? We must view it, in this light, as an 
event, not only not improbable, but of very likely occurrence. Our 
alliance with Cutch involved us in this perplexity in 1819. Our 
armies were formed and moved to the frontier, and a declaration 
of war was avoided only by accepting a tardy amende in no way 
commensurate with the insult of invading, massacring, and pillaging 
our allies.* In this instance, our means of chastisement west 
facilitated by our maritime power of grappling with the enemy; 
but if the insult proceeds from the government of Upper Sinde (only 
nominally dependent on Hydrabad), or from Bhawulpoor, how ar» 
we to cope with these enemies of our ally ? Such wars might lead 
us into a tenu incognita beyond the Indus, or both the spirit and 
letter of the treaty will be null. 

What, therefore, are the advantages we can hold out to ourselves for 
the volunteer of our amity and protection to this oasis of the desert! 
To have disregarded the appeal of Jessulm^r for protection, to have 
made her the sole exception in all Rajpootana from our amicable rela- 
tions, would have been to consign her to her numerous enemies, and to 
let loose the spirit of rapine and revenge, which it was the main objed 
of all these ti*eaties to suppress : the Bhattis would have become a 
nation of robbers, the Bedouins of the Indian desert. JessulmA 
was the first link in a chain of free states, which formerly united 
the commerce of the Ganges with that of the Indus, but which inter- 
minable feuds had completely severed ; the possibility of reunion 
depending upon a long continuance of tranquillity and confidenoa 
This object alone would have wairanted our alliance with Jessulm^. 
But if we look to futurity, to the possible invasion of India, whid ' 
can be best effected through the maritime provinces of Persia, the 
valley of the Indus will be the base of the invader's operations. Tlw 
possession of Jessulm^r would then be of vital importance, by giving 
us the command of Upper Sinde, and enabling us to act against the 
enemy simultaneously with our aimies east of the Delta, the most 
practicable point of advance into India. We may look upon inva- 
sion by the ancient routes pursued by Alexander, Mahmood, and 
Timoor, as utterly visionary, by an army encumbered with all the 
TTVcUM^l necessaiy to success, and thus the valley of Sinde presents 
the only practicable route. But it would be a grand error, both in ft 
political and military point of view, to possess ourselves of this valley» ^ 
even if an opportunity were again to occur. It is tnie, the resourcca 

* The attitude assumed by the energetic Governor of Bombay^ Mr.Elphinstoo^ 
on that occasion, will for a long time remain a lesson to the tnumvin^ govep' 
ment of Sinde. To the author it still appears a subject of regret, thi^ with 
the adequate preparation, the season, and everything promising a certainty » 
success, the pacinc tone of Lord Hastings' poUcy should have prevented tb^ 
proper assertion of our dignity, by chastising an insult, aggravated in evec^ 
shape. A treaty of amity ana mutual intercourse was the result of ths^ 
armament ; but although twelve years have since elapsed, our intercourse ~ ^ 
remained in statu quo : but this is no ground for quarrel 


of that fertile region, so analogous to Egypt, would soon, under our 
management, maintain an army sufficient to defend it ; and this 
would bring us at once into contact with the power (Peraia) which 
clings to us for support, and will be adverse to us only when ren- 
dered subservient to Russia. It were well to view the possible 
degradation and loss of power to Russia, in Europe, as likely to 
afford a fresh stimulant to her ancient schemes of oriental aggran- 
disement By some these schemes are looked upon as Quixotic, and 
I confess myself to be of the number. The better Russia is acquainted 
•with the regions she would have to pass, the less desire will she evince 
for an undertaking, which, even if successful in the outset, would 
be useless ; for if she conquered, she couM not maintain India. But, 
to me, it still appeal's imperative that this power should formally 
renounce such designs : the state of perpetual preparation ren- 
dered necessary by her menacing position, being so injurious to our 
finances, is worse than the actual attempt, which would only entail 
upon her inevitable loss. We lost, through our unwise economy, a 
noble opportunity of maintaining an ascendancy at the court of 
Gabol, which would have been easily prevailed upon, for our 
pecuniary aid, to make over to us the sovereignty of Sinde 
(were this desirable), which is still considered a grand division 

Bat setting the political question aside, and considering our pos- 
session of the valley of Sinde only in a military point of view, our 
oecopation of it would be prejudicial to us. We snould have a long 
line to defend, and rivei*s are no barriers in modern warfare. Whilst 
an impassable desert is between us, and we have the power, by 
means of our allies, of assailing an enemy at several points, though 
we are liable to attack but irom one, an invader could not maintain 
himself a single season. On this ground, the maintenance of friend- 
ship with this remote nook of Rajpoot civilization is defensible, and 
have the additional incitement of rescuing the most industrious 
wealthy commercial communities in India from the fangs 
of a harpy : to whom, and the enormities of his government, we 

No language can adequately represent the abuse of power with 
irhich the treaty has armed the rapacious minister of Jessulm^r, and 
it 18 one of the many instances of the inefficacy of our system of 
alliances to secure prosperity, or even tranquillity to these long- 
afflicted regions ; which although rescued from external assailante, 
aie still the prey of discord and passion within. It will not be 
difficult, at the proper time and place, to make this appear.* The 
Hehta felt the advantages which the treaty gave him, in respect to 
nrighbouring states ; but he also felt that he had steeped himself 

* It is my intention (if space is left) to give a concise statement of the effects 
of oar illianceSy individually and collectively, in the states of Rajwarra, with a 
few hints towards amending the system, at tne conclusion of this volume. 



too deeply in the blood of his master's family, and in that of his 
noblest chieftains, to hope that any repentajice, real or affected, 
could restore to him the confidence of those he had so outnged. 
With commercial men, with the industrious husbandman or pastonl 
communities, he had so long forfeited all daim to credit, that his 
oath was not valued at a single grain of the sand of their own desert 

The bardic annalist of Rajpootana, when compelled to record the 
acts of a tyrant, first announces his moral death ; then comes ilie 
metempsydiosis, — the animating his frame with the spirit of ft 
demon. In this manner is delineated the famed Yisaldeo, tlie Ghohaa 
king of Ajmdr. Whether the Bhatti minister will obtain sudi ft 
postibumous apology for his misdeeds, a fiiture historian will lean; 
but assuredly he is never mentioned, either in poetry orprose, bat 
as a vampire, draining the life-blood of a whole people. For a shoit 
time after the treaty was formed, he appeared to fall in with the 
march of universal reformation ; but whether it was that his crimeB 
had outlawed him from the sympathies of all around, or that he 
could feel no enjoyment but in his habitual crimes, he soon gate 
ampler indulgence to his rapacious spirit. The cause of his 
temporary forbearance was attributed to his anxiety to have 
an article added to the treaty, guaranteeing the ofiSice of prime 
minister in his family, perhaps with a view to legalize his plunder ; 
but seeing no hope of fixing an hereditary race of vampires on the 
land, his outrages became past all endurance, and compelled the 
British agent, at length, to report to his government (on the 17th 
December 1821), that he considered the alliance disgraceful to our 
reputation, by countenancing the idea that such acts can be tolerated 
under its protection. Representations to the minister were ft 
nullity ; he protested against their fidelity ; asserted in spedoos 
language his love of justice and mercy ; and reconmienced his 
system of confiscations, contributions, and punishments, with 
redoubled severity. All Eajwarra felt an interest in these proceed- 
ings, as the bankers of Jessulm^r, supported by the capital of that 
singular class, the Palliwals, are spread all over India. But this ridi 
community, amounting to five thousand families, are nearly all iB 
voluntary exile, and the bankers fear to return to their native land 
with the fruits of their industry, which they would renounce for 
ever, but that he retains their families as hostages. Agriculture is 
almost unknown, and commerce, internal or external, has ceased 
through want of security. The sole revenue arises from confiscation 
It is asserted that the minister has amassed no less than two crofHt 
which wealth is distributed in the various cities of Hindust'han,aDd 
has been obtained by pillage and the destruction of the most opulent 
families of his country during the last twenty years. He has also 
it is said, possessed himself of all the crown-jewels and property c 
value, which he has sent out of the country. Applications wei 
continually being made to the British agent for passports (perwana^ 


by commercial men, tx) withdraw their families from the country. 
But all have some tics which would be hazarded by their with- 
drawing, even if such a step were otherwise free from danger ; for 
"while the minister afforded passports, in obedience to the wish of 
the agent, he might cut them off in the desert. This makes many 
bear the ills they have. 

We shall terminate our historical sketch of Jessulm^r with tho 
details of a border-feud, which called into operation the main condi- 
tion of the British alliance, — the right of universal arbitration in the 
international quarrels of Rajpootana. The predatory habits of the 
Maldotes of Baroo originated a inipture, which threatened to involve 
the two states in war, and produced an invasion of the Rahtores, 
suflBciently serious to warrant British interference. It will hardly 
be credited that this aggression, which drew down upon the 
Maldotes the vengeance of Bikaner, was covertly stimulated by the 
minister, for the express purpose of their extirpation, for reasons 
which will appear presently ; yet he was the first to complain of the 
retaliation. To imderstand this matter, a slight sketch of the Maldoto 
tribe is requisite. 

The Maldotes, the Kailuns, the Birsungs, the Pohurs, and Tezma- 
lotes, are all Bhatti tribes ; but, from their lawless habits, these names 
have become, like those of Bedouin, Kuzzak, or Pindarri, synonimous 
with ' robber.' The first ai-e descended from Bao Maldeo, and hold 
the fief (pvita) of Baroo, consisting of eighteen villages, adjoining 
the tract called Khari-putta, wrested from the Bhattis by the Rah- 
tores of Bikaner, who, to confess the truth, morally deserve the per- 
petual hostility of this Bhatti lord-marcher, inasmuch as they were 
the intruders, and have deprived them (the Bhattis) of much terri- 
tory. But the Rahtores, possessing the right of the strongest, about 
twenty-five years ago exercised it in the most savage manner ; for, 
having invaded Baroo, they put almost the entire community to tho 
sword, without respect to age or sex, levelled the towns, filled up the 
-wells^ and carried off the herds and whatever was of value. The 
fmrvivors took shelter in the recesses of the desert, and propagated 
a progeny, which, about the period of connection with tne British, 
re-occapied their deserted lands. The minister, it is asserted, beheld 
the levival of this infant colony with no more favourable eye than 
did their enemies of Bikaner, whom, it is alleged, he invited once 
more to their destruction. The lawless habits of this tribe would 
have been assigned by the minister as his motive for desiring their 
extermination ; but if we look back (p. 243), we shall discover the 
real cause in his having incurred the lasting enmity of this clan for 
the fool assassination of their chief, who had been a party to tho 
views of the heir-apparent, Ra^ Sing, to get rid of this incubus on 
their freedom. The opportunity afforded to take vengeance on the 
Maldotes arose out of a service indirectly done to the British govern- 
ment. On the revolt of the Feshwa^ he sent his agents to Jessulm(5r 


to purchase camels. One herd, to the number of four hundred, had 
left the Bhatti frontiers, and whilst passing through the Bikan^r 
territory, were set upon by the Maldotes, who captured the whole, 
and conveyed them to Baroo. It is scarcely to be supposed that 
such an aggression on the independence of Bikandr would have 
prompted her extensive armament, or the rapidity with which her 
troops passed the Bhatti frontier to avenge the insult, without some 
private signal from the minister, who was loud in his call for 
British interference; though not until Nokha and Baroo, their 
principal towns, were levelled, the chief killed, the wells filled 
up, and the victorious army following up its success by a rapid 
march on Beekumpoor, in which the fiscal lands began to suffer. 
The minister then discovered he had overshot the marl^ and claimed 
our interference,* which was rapid and effectual ; and the Bikan^r 
commander the more willingly complied with the request to 
retire within his own frontier, having effected more than his 

The tortuous policy, the never-ending and scarcely-to-be-compre- 
hended border-feuds of these regions, must, for a long while, generate 
such appeals. Since these associated bands attach no dishonour to 
their predatory profession, it will be some time before they acquire 
proper notions ; but when they discover there is no retreat in v^ch 
punishment may not reach them, they will leam the benefits of 
cultivating the arts of peace, of whose very name no trace exists in 
their history. 

We have lost sight of the Rawul, the title of the prince of Jessul- 
mdr, in the prominent acts of his minister. Guj Sing, who occupies 
the gadi of Jessoh, to the prejudice of his elder brothers, who are 
still in exile in Bikaner, appears very well suited to the minister's 
purpose, and to have little desire beyond his horses, and v^etating 
in quiet. The physiognomists of Jessulmer, however, prognosticate 
the development of moral worth in due season : a consummation 
devoutly to be wished, and the first symptom of which must be the 
riddance of his minister .by whatever process. The artful Salim 
deemed that it would redound to his credit, and bolster up his 
interest, to seek a matrimonial alliance with the Rana's family of 
M^war. The overture was accepted, and the coco-symbol transmitted 
to the Rawul, ^^ho put himself at the head of the Bhatti chivaliy to - 
wed and escort his bride through the desert. The Rahtore prin< 
of Bikaner and Kishengurh, who were at the same time suitors foi 
the hands of another daughter and a grand-daughter of the Rana» 

* The author has omitted to mention that he was PoUtical -Agent forr= 
Jessulmer ; so that his control extended uninterruptedly, almost from Siade to^^ 
Sinde : t. e., from the Indus, or great Sindli, to the ChootOrSincTh^ or little^^ 
river.— (See Map.) There are several streams designated Sind'h, in CentnJ^ 
India, a word purely Tatar, or Scythic. Abd-Sin, ' the Father-liver,' is on^ 
of the many names of the Indus. 


simultaneously arrived at Oodipoori with their respective ccni^^es ; 
mnd this triple alliance threw a degree of splendour over the capital 
of ibe Seesodias, to which it had long been a stranger. Quj Sing 
lives very happily with his wife, who has given him an heir to his 
desert domain. The influence of high rank is seen in the respect 
paid to the Ranawut-ji, (the title by which she is designated,^ even 
by the minister, and she exerts this influence most humanely for 
the amelioration of her subjects.* 


Utographical position of Jeuulmer. — Its superficial area, — List of its chief 
touns. — FopiUcUion. — Jessulmer chiefly desert, — Muggro, a rocky ridge, 
traced from Cutch, — Sirrs, or salt-marshes, — Kanoad Sirr. — SoU, — Prodvc- 
tiong, — Husbandry, — Manufactures. — Commerce, — Kuttirs, or caravans, — 
Articles of trade. — Revenues, — Land and transit taxes, — Dhanni, or Collector. 
— Awumnt of land-tax exacted from the Cultivator, — Dhooa, or hearth-tax. — 
Thall, or tax on food, — Dind, or forced contribution, — Citizens refuse to pay. — 
Enormous vfealth accumulated by the minister by extortion. — Establishments, 
— Expenditure. — Tribes. — Bhattis. — Their moral estimation. — Personal ap- 
pearance and dress. — Their predilection for opium and tobacco, — Palliwals, 
tkdr history. — Numbers, weaUk, employment.— Curious rite or worship, — Pcdli 
eoisu. — Pokuma, BraAmins, — TiUe, — Numbers. — Singular typical worship, — 
Mace qf JuL — Castle of Jessulmer, 

Thk country still dependent on the Rawul extends between 70** 30' 
and 72* 30' E. long., and between the parallels of 26** 20' and 27* 60' 
N. lat^ though a small strip protrudes, in the N.R angle, as high as 
88^ 30'. This irregular surface may be roughly estimated to contain 
fifteen thousand square miles. The number of towns, villages, and 
IiAinlets, scattered over this wide space, does not exceed two nundred 
and fifty ; some estimate it at three hundred, and others depress it 
to two hundred : the mean cannot be wide of the truth. To enable 
the reader to arrive at a conclusion as to the population of this 

Spon, we subjoin a calculation, from data furnished by the best- 
ormed natives, which was made in the year 1815 ; but we must 
add, thai from the tyranny of the minister, the population of the 
capital (which is nearly half of the country), has been greatly 

*I had the honour of receiving several letters from this queen of the desert 
mh» looked to her father's house and Ms friends, as the best objects for support, 
wkSkt nch a bcdng as Salim was the master of her own and her husband's 







Fiscal and 



Number of 


Nachna — 









Capital.. . 

































Two hundred and twenty-five 
villaj^es and hamlets, from four 
to fifty houses ; say, each aver- " 
age twenty, at four inhabitants I 
to each. J 












The chief has the title of Rmh 
and twenty-four yillaM 
dependent, not ineludediii 
this estimate. 

Kailim Bhatti : the Kailan 
tribe extends to PooguL 

Rawulote chief. 

I Rawulote : first noble of Jea^ 

( sulmdr. 

( Maldote : has eighteoi 
< villages attached, not 
( included in this. 

All of the Rawulote dan. 

According to this census, we have a population not superior to 
of the secondary cities of Great Britain, scattered over 
thousand square miles ; nearly one-half, too, belonging to the capital^ 
which being omitted, the result would give from two to three aouba 
only for each square mile. 

Face of the Country. — The greater part of Jessulm^r is fhul oc 
roo^, both terms meaning ' a desert waste.' From Lowar, on thcs 
Jodpoor frontier, to Kharra, the remote angle touching Sind, tto 
country mav be described as a continuous tract of arid sand^ 
frequently rising into lofly teebas (sand-hills), in some parts ooveredT 
with low jungle. This line, which nearly bisects Jessulmer, is alaci 


the line of demaxcation of positvc sterility and comparative cultiva- 
tion. To the north, is one uniform and naked waste ; to the south, 
are ridges of rock termed muggro, roo^, and light soil. 

The ridge of hills is a most important feature in the geology of 
this desert region. It is to be traced from Cutch Bhooj, strongly or 
faintly marked, according to the nature of the country. Sometimes 
it assumes, as at Chohtun, the character of a mountain ; then dwindles 
into an insignificant ridge scarcely discernible, and often serves as a 
balwark for the drifting sands, which cover and render it difiicult to 
trace it at alL As it reaches the Jessulm^r country it is more 
developed ; and at the capital, erected on a peak about two hundred 
and fifty feet high, its presence is more distinct, and its character 
defined. The capital of the Bhattis appears as the nucleus of a 
series of ridges, which diverge from it in all directions for the space 
of fifteen miles. One branch terminates at Ramghur, thirty-five 
miles north-west of Jessulm^r ; another branch extends easterly to 
Pokum (in Jodpoor), and thence, in a north-east direction, to 
Filodi ; from whence, at intervals, it is traceable to Qurriala, nearly 
fifty miles due north. It is a yellow-coloured sand-stone, in which 
ochre is abundantly found, with which the people daub their houses. 

These barren ridges, and the lofty undulating teebas of sand, are 
the only objects which diversify the almost uniform sterility of these 
regions. No trees interpose their verdant foliage to relieve the eye, 
or shelter the exhausted frame of the traveller. It is nearly a 
boiindless waste, varied only by a few stunted shrubs of the acacia 
or mimoaa family, some succulent plants, or prickly grapes, as the 
bhoorut or burr, which clings to his garment and increases his 
miseries. Yet compared with the more northern portion, whei-e 
* a sea of sand without a sign of vegetation"* forms the prospect, 
the vicinity of the capital is a paradise. 

There is not a running stream throughout Jessulm^r ; but there 
are many temporary lakes or salt-marshes, termed sirr, formed by 
the collection of waters from the sand-hills, which are easily 
dammed-in to prevent escape. They are ephemeral, seldom lasting 
but a few months ; though after a very severe monsoon they have 
been known to remain throughout the year. One of these, called 
the Kanoad Sirr, extends from Kanoad to Mohungurh, covering a 
apace of eighteen miles, and in which some water remains throughout 
tae year. When it overflows, a small stream issues from the Sirr, and 
ponaes an easterly direction for thirty miles before it is absorbed : 
ita existence depends on the parent lake. The salt which it produces 
is tibe property of the crown, and adds something to the revenue. 

* So Mr. Elphinstone describes the tract about Poogul, one of the earhest 
posBCsrionB of the Bhattis, and one of the No-koti Maru-ca, or ' nine castles of 
tte desert,' aronnd whose sand-hills as brave a colony was reared and main- 
tabled as ever carried lance. Rao Raning was lord of Poogul, whose son 
erigmated that episode given in YoL I, p. 539. Even these sand-hills, which in 
Nonmber appeared to Mr. Elphinstone without a sign of vegetation, could be 
to yield good crops of bajra. 


Soil, husbandry, and products, — Notwithstanding the apparent 
poverty of this desert soil, nature has not denied it the powers of 
production ; it is even favourable to some grains, especially the bajra, 
which prefers a light sand. In a favourable season, they grow 
sutBcient for the consumption of two and even three years, and then 
they import only wheat from Sinde. When those parts &vourable 
for bajra have been saturated with two or three heavy showers, 
they commence sowing, and the crops spring up rapidly. The great 
dai^er is that of too much rain when the crops ai*e advanced, for, 
having little tenacity, they are often washed away. The bajixL of 
the sand-hills is deemed far superior to that of Hindust'han, and 
prejudice gives it a preference even to wheat, which does not bear a 
higher price, in times of scarcity. Bajra, in plentiful seasons, sells 
at one and a half maunds for a rupee :* but this does not often occur, 
as they calculate five bad seasons for a good one. Jooar is also 
grown, but only in the low flats. Cotton is produced in the same 
soil as the bajra. It is not generally known that this plant requires 
but a moderate supply of water ; it is deteriorated in the plains of 
India from over-irrigation : at least such is the idea of the desert- 
farmer, who perhaps does not make sufficient allowance for the cooler 
substratum, of his sand-hills, compared with the black loam of 
Malwa. A variety of pulses grows on the sheltered sides of the 
teebas, as mong, moth, &c. ; also the oil-plant (tU) and abundance of 
the gowar, a diminutive melon, not larger than a hen's egg, which is 
sent hundreds of miles, as a rarity. Around the capital, and between 
the ridges where soil is deposited or formed, and where they dam-up 
the waters, are grown considerable quantities of wheat of very good 
quality, turmeric, and garden-stuffs. Barley and gram are, in good 
seasons, reared in small quantities, but rice is entirely an artide of 
import from the valley of Sinde. 

Implements of husbandry, — Where the soil is light, it will be 
concluded that the implements are simple. They have two kinds of 
plough, for one or two oxen, or for the camel, which animal is most 
m requisition. They tread out the grain with oxen, as in all parts 
of India, and not unfrequently they yoke the cattle to their 
hakerries, or carts, and pass the whole over the grain. 

Manufactures, — There is little scope for the ingenuity of the 
mechanic in this tract They make coarse cotton cloths, but the raw 
material is almost all exported. Their grand article of manufacture 
is from the wool of the sheep pastured in the desert, which is fabri- 
cated into looes, or blankets, scarfs,f petticoats, turbans, of eveiy 
quality. Cups and platters are made from a mineral called oftoor, a 
CEdcareous substance, of a dark chocolate ground, witJi light brown 
vermiculated stripes ; female ornaments of elephants' teeth, and arms 
of an inferior quality. These comprehend the artificial productions 
of this desert capital 

* About a hundred- weight for two shillings. 

1 1 brought home several pairs of these, with crimson borders, soiBciently 
fine to be worn as a winter shawl in this country. 


Commerce. — Whatever celebrity Jessulm^r possesses, as a commer- 
cial mart, arises from its position as a place of transit between the 
eastern countries, the valley of the Indus, and those beyond that 
stream, the Kuttars (the term for a caravan of camels) to and from 
Hydrabad, Rory-Bekher, Shikarpoor and Ootch, from the Oangetic 
provinces, and the Punj&b, passing through it The indigo of the 
l>6ab, the opium of Kotah and Malwa, the famed sugar-candy of 
Bfkandr, iron implements from Jeipoor, are exported to Shikarpoor* 
and lower Sinde; whence elephants' teeth (from Africa), dates, 
ooco-nuts, drugs, and chundus,f are imported, with pistachios and 
dried fruits from Bhawulpoor. 

Revenues and Taxes. — The personal revenue of the princes of 
Jessulmdi^ is, or rather was, estimated at upwards of four lacs of 
mpees, of which more than one lac was from the land. The transit 
duties were formerly the most certain and most prolific branch of 
Ae fiscal income ; but the bad faith of the minister, the predatory 
habits of the Bhatti chiefs proceeding mainly from thence, and the 

Sneial decrease of commei-ce, have conspired nearly to annihilate 
is source of income, said at one time to reach three lacs of rupees. 
These imposts are termed dan, and the collector dannie, who was 
stationed at convenient points of all the principal routes which 
'divei^ from the capital. 

Land-taa. — From one-fifth to one-seventh of the gross produce of 
the land is set aside as the tax of the crown, never exceeding the 
tint nor fiEdling short of the last.§ It is paid in kind, which is 
parchafled on the spot by the Palliwal Brahmins, or Banias, and the 
value remitted to the treasury. 

Bhood, — ^The third and now the most cei-tain branch of revenue is 
the dhood, literally ' smoke,' and which we may render ' chimney 
or bearth-tax/ though they have neither the one nor the other in 
these r^ons. It is also termed tlidliy which is the brass or silver 
platter out of which they eat, and is tantamount to a table-aUow- 
It never realizes above twenty thousand rupees annually. 

* Shikaipoor, the great commercial mart of the valley of Sinde, west of the 


t Ckmmdui is a scented wood for maUas, or * chaplets.' 

1 1 bave no correct data for estimating the revenues of the chieftains. They 
anscnsrally almost double the land-revenue of the princes in the other states 
of Biuwam ; perhaps about two lacs, which ought to bring into the field 
sevm imiidred horse. 

I TinM, if strictly true and followed, is according to ancient principles : Menu 
oraiins the sixth. I could have wished Colonel Bri^ra to nave known this 
fMftt, when he was occupied on his excellent work on " The Land-tax of India ;'' 
bat it had entirely escaped my recollection. In this most remote comer of 
BjDdiudsii, in spite of oppression, it is curious to observe the adherence to 
primitive autom. These notes on the sources of revenue in Jessulm^r were 
oommonicated to me so far back as 1811, and I laid them before the Bengal 
Qoveniment in 1814-15. 



-which, however, would be abundant for the simple fare of JesBulmer. . 
No house is exempt from the payment of this tax. 

Bind, — There is an arbitrary tax levied throughout these regions, 
universally known and detested under the name of dind, the make- 
weight of all their budgets of ways and means. It was first imposed 
in Jessulmer in S. 1830 (A.D. 1774), under the less odious appella- 
tion of "" additional dhood or fhdli" and the amount was only two 
thousand seven hundred rupees, to be levied from the monied 
interest of the capital. The Mah^sris agreed to pay their share, but 
the Oswals (the two chief mercantile classes) holding out, were 
forcibly sent up to the castle, and suffered the ignominious punish- 
ment of the bastinado. They paid the demand, but immediately 
on their release entered into a compact on oath, never again to look 
on the Rawul's (Moolraj's) face, which was religiously kept during 
their mutual lives. When he passed through the streets of his 
capital, the Oswals abandoned their shops and banking-houses,^^ 
retiring to the interior of their habitations in order to avoid the 
of him. This was strenuously persevered in for many years, 
had such an effect upon the prince, that he visited the princi] 
persons of this class, and '' spreading his scarf' (ptdla pusadond)* 
intreated forgiveness, giving a writing on oath never again 
impose dind, if they would make the (mood a permanent tax. 
Oswals accepted the repentance of their prince, and agreed to hh 
terms. In S. 1841 and 1852, his necessities compelling him to rals 
money, he obtained by loan, in the first period, twenty-sev< 
thousand, and in the latter, forty thousand rupees, which he Uetith- - 
fully repaid. When the father of the present minister came inters 
power, he endeavoured to get back the bond of his sovereigcs 
abrogating the obnoxious diiid, and offered, as a bait, to renounce 
the dhood. The Oswals placed more value on the virtue of this 
instrument than it merited, for in spite of the bond, he in S. 1857 
levied sixty thousand, and in 1863, eighty thousand rupees. A 
visit of the Rawul to the Qanges was seized upon as a fit opportunity 
by bis subjects to get this oppression redressed, and mah oaths 
were made by the prince, and broken by the minister, who has 
bequeathed his rapacious spirit to his son. 

Since the accession of Guj Sing, only two yeajrs ago.-f Salim Sing 
has extorted fourteen lacs (£140,000). Burdbhan, a merchant of 
great wealth and respectability, and whose ancestors are known and 
respected throughout Bajwarra as Sahoocars, has l)6en at various 
times stripped of all his riches by the minister and his father^ who, 
to use the phraseology of the sufferers, " will never be satisfied 
" while a rupee remains in Jessulmer." 

* PuUa pu8s6ond, or *' spreading the cloth or scarf,' is the figurative laagnage 
of intreaty, arising from the act of spreading the garment^ preimratory to 
bowing the head thereon in token of perfect sumnission. 

t Tms was written in 1821-2. 


Establishments, Expenditure. — We subjoin a rough estimate of 

the household establishment, &c., of this desert king. 


Burr* 20,000 

Rozgar Sirdarf. 4fO,000 

Sebundies or Mercenaries! 75,000 

Household horse, 10 elephants, 200 camels, ) „g qq^ 

chariots j ' 


500 Bargeer horse 60,000 

Rani's or queen's establishment 15,000 

The wardrobe 5,000 

Gifts 5,000 

The kitchen 5,000 

Guests, in hospitality 5,000 

Feasts, entertainments 5,000 

Aunuai purchase of horses, camels, oxen, &c..... 20,000 

Total Rs. 2,91,000 

The ministers and officers of government receive assignments on 
^iie transit-duties, and some have lands. The whole of this state- 
expenditure was more than covered, in some years, by the transit- 
duties alone ; which have, it is asserted, amounted to the almost 
incredible sum of three lacs, or £30,000. 

Tribes, — ^We shall conclude our account of Jessulmer with a few 
remarks on the tribes peculiar to it ; though we reserve the general 
enumeration for a sketch of the desert. 

Of its Rajpoot population, the Bhattis, we have already given an 
outline in me general essay on the tribes.S Those which occupy the 
present limits of Jessulmer retain their Hindu notions, though with 
lome degree of laxity from their intercourse with the Mahomedans 
on the northern and western frontiers ; while those which long occu- 
pied the north-east tracts, towards Phoolra and the Garah, on 
becoming proselytes to Isl&m ceased to have either interest in or 
connection with the parent state. The Bhatti has not, at present, 
the same martial reputation as the Rahtore, Chohan, or Seesodia, 
but he is deemed at least to equal if not surpass the Cutcliwaha, or 

* The ^vrr inclades the whole household or personal attendants, the guards, 
and slaves. They receive rations of food, and make up the rest of their sub- 
nstence by labour in the town. The Burr consists of about 1,000 people, and 
n estimated to cost 80,000 rupees annually. 

t Bojqssr-Sirdar is an allowance termed kansa, or ' dinner,' to the feudal 
chieftaiiu who attend the Presence. Formerly they had an order upon the 
Dmiuiis, or collectors of the transit duties ; but being vexatious, Pansa Sah, 
minister U\ Rawul Chaitra, commuted it for a daily allowance, varying, with 
the rank of the person, from half a silver nipee to seven nipccs each, daily. 
This disbursement is calculated at 40,000 nipees annually. 

t Sebundies are mercenary soldiers in the fort, of whom 1,000 arc estimated 
to cost 75,000 rupees annually. 

k VoL I, p. 78. 


any of its kindred branches, Nirookaor Shekhavat There are occa- 
sional instances of Bhatti intrepidity as daring as may be found 
amongst any other tribe ; witness the feud between the chiefii of 
Foogul and Mundore. • But this changes not the national charac- 
teristic as conventionally established : though were we to go back 
to the days of chivalry and Fii*thiraj, we should select Achileaa 
Bhatti, one of the bravest of his champions, for the poitrait of his 
race. The Bhatti Rajpoot, as to physical power, is not perhaps so 
athletic as the Rahtore, or so tall as the Cutchwaha, but generally 
fairer than either, and possessing those Jewish features wnich Mr. 
Elphinstone remarked as characteristic of the Bikaner Rajpoots. 
The Bhatti intermarries with all the families of Rajwarra^ though 
seldom with the Ranas of Mewar. The late Juggut Sing of Jeipoor 
had five wives of this stock, and his posthumous son, real or reputed, 
has a Bhattiani for his mother. 

Dress. — The dress of the Bhattis consists of a jamah, or tunic of 
white cloth or chintz reaching to the knee ; the cumurbund, or 
ceinture, tied so high as to present no appearance of waist ; trowsers 
very loose, and in many folds, drawn tight at the ancle, and a turban, 

fenerally of a scarlet colour, rising conically full a foot from the 
ead. A dagger is stuck in the waistband ; a shield is suspended by 
a thong of deer-skin from the left shoulder, and the sword is girt by 
a belt of the same material. The dress of the common people is the 
dhdti, or loin-robe, generally of woollen stuff, with a piece of the same 
material as a turban. The dress of the Bhattianis which discrimi- 
nates the sex, consists of a gagrd, or petticoat, extending to thirty 
feet in width, made generally of the finer woollen, dyed a brilliant 
red, with a scarf of the same material. The grand ornament of rich 
and poor, though varying in the materials, is the chaori, or rings of 
ivory or bone, with which they cover their arms from the shoulder to 
the wrist.* They are in value fi om sixteen to thirty-five rupees a 
set, and imported from Muska-Mandvie, though they also manufiac- 
ture them at Jessulmer. Silver km^ris (massive rings or anklets) 
are worn by all classes, who deny themselves the necessaries of life 
until they attain this ornament. The poorer Rajpootnis are very 
masculine, and assist in all the details of husbandry. 

* The chaori of ivory, bone, or shell, is the most ancient ornament of the 
Indo-Scjrthic dames, and appears in old sculpture and {painting. I was much 
struck with some ancient sculptures in a verv old Gothic church at MoLBsac, 
in Languedoc. The porch is the only part left of this most antique fane attri- 
buted to the age oi^ Dagobert. It represents the conversion of Gloyis, and 
when the subject was still a matter of novelty. But interesting as this is, it is 
as nothing when compared to some sculptured figures below, of a totally 
distinct age j in execution as far superior as they are dissimilar in character, 
whidi is decidedly Asiatic : the scarf, the champakuUi or necklace, representing 
the buds of the jessamine (champa)^ and chaoris^ such as I have been describing. 
To whom but the Visigoths can we ascribe them 1— and does not this supp^ 
the connecting Hnk of this Asiatic race, destined to change the moral aspect of 
Europe 1 I recommend all travellers, who are interested in tracing such 
analo^es, to risit the church at Moissac, though it is not known as an oSjectc^ 
curiosity in the neighbourhood. 


The Bhatti is to the full as addicted as any of his brethren to the 
immoderate use of opium. To the umlpani, or ' infusion/ succeeds 
the pipe, and they continue inhaling mechanically the smoke long 
after tney are insensible to all that is passing around them ; nay, it 
is said, you may scratch or pinch them while in this condition without 
exciting sensation. The ^oXxi is the desert to the umlpani; the 
panacea for all the ills which can overtake a Rajpoot, and with 
which he can at any time enjoy a paradise of his own creation. To 
aak a Bhatti for a whiff of his pipe would be deemed a direct insult. 

PalUwals. — Next to the lordly Rajpoots, equalling them in 

numbers and far surpassing them in wealth, are the Falliwals. They 

aure Brahmins, and denominated Palliwal from having been temporal 

proprietors of Pali, and all its lands, long before the Rahtores 

€X>loniEed Marwar. Tradition is silent as to the manner in which 

they became possessed of this domain ; but it is connected with the 

liistory of the Pcdi, or pastoral tribes, who from the town of Pali to 

Palit'hana, in Saurashtra, have left traces of their existence ; and 

I am much mistaken if it will not one day be demonstrated, that all 

the ramifications of the races figuratively denominated Agnicijila, 

were Pali in origin : more especially the Chohans, whose princes and 

chiefs for ages retained the distinctive afiix of pal. 

These Brahmins, the Palliwals, as appears by the Annals of Mar- 
war, held the domain of Pali when Seoji, at the end of the twelfbh 
century, invaded that land from Canouj, and by an act of treachery 
fint established his power.* It is evident, however, that he did not 
extirpate them, for the cause of their migration to the desert of Jes- 
solmdr is attributed to a period of a Mahomedan invasion of Marwar, 
when a general war-contribution (dind) being imposed on the 
inhabitants, the Palliwals pleaded caste, and refased. This exasper- 
ated the Raja ; for as their habits were almost exclusively mercantile, 
their stake was greater than that of the rest of the community, and 
he threw their principal men into prison. In order to avenge this, 
they had recourse to a m:und chdTidi, or ' act of suicide ;' but instead 
of gaining their object, he issued a manifesto of banishment to eveiy 
P^kliiwal in his dominions. The greater part took refuge in Jessul- 
mer, though many settled in Bikan^r, Dhat, and the valley of Sinde. 
At one time, their number in Jessulmdr was calculated to equal that 
<^ the Rajpoots. Almost all the internal trade of the country 
panes through their hands, and it is chiefly with their capital that 
its merchants trade in foreign parts. They are the Metayers of the 
desert^ advancing money to the cultivators, taking the security of 
the crop ; and they buy up all the wool and gliee (clarified butter), 
which they transport to foreign parts. They also rear and keep 
flocks. The mimster, Salim Sing, has contrived to diminish their 
wealth, and eonsequently to lose the main support of the country's 
prosperity. They are also subject to the visits of the Maldotes, 
Tejmalotes, and other plunderers ; but they find it difficult to leave 

* See page 12, 


the country owing to the restrictive cordon of the Mehta. The 
Palliwals never marry out of ther own tribe ; and, directly contrary 
to the laws of Menu, the bridegroom gives a sum of money to the 
father of the bride. It will be deemed a curious incident in the 
history of superstition, that a tribe, Brahmin by name, at least, 
should worship the bridle of a horse. When to this is added the 
fact, that the most ancient coins discovered in these regions bear the 
Falli character and the effigies of the horse, it aids to prove the 
Scythic chai*acter of the early colonists of these regions, who, 
although nomadic (Pali), were equestrian. There is Httle doubt 
that the Palliwal Brahmins ai*e the remains of the priestd of the 
Pali race, who, in their pastoral and commercial pursuits, have lost 
their spiritual power. 

Pokuma Brahmvna. — Another singular tribe, also Brahminical, is 
the Pokuma, of whom it is calculated there are fifteen hundred 
to two thousand families in Jessulmer. Tliey are also numerous in 
Marwar and Bikan^r, and are scattered over the desert and valley 
of the Indus. They follow agricultural and pastoral pursuits chiefly, 
having little or no concern in trade. The tradition of their origin is 
singular : it is said that they were BUddrs, and excavated the sacred 
lake of Poshkur or Pokur, for which act they obtained the favour of 
the deity and the grade of Brahmins, with the title of PohivTia, 
Their chief object of emblematic worship, the khocUUd, a kind of 
pick-axe used in digging, seems to favour this tradition. 

Juts or Jits, — ^The Juts here, as elsewhere, form a great part of 
the agricultural population : there are also various other tribes, 
which will be better described in a general account of the desert. 

CastU of JessvZm^, — The castle of this desert king is erected on 
an almost insulated peak, from two hundred to two hundred and 
fifty feet in height, a strong wall running round the crest of the hill. 
It has four gates, but very few cannon mounted. The city is to the 
north, and is surrounded by a seherpunna, or circumvallation, 
encompassing a space of nearly three miles, having three gates and 
two wickets. In the city are some good houses belonging to rich 
merchants, but the greater part consists of huts. The Raja^ palace 
is said to possess some pretension to grandeur, perhaps comparative. 
Wei'e he on good terms with his vassalage, he coula collect for its 
defence five thousand infantry and one thousand horse, besides his 
camel-corps ; but it may be doubted whether, under the oppressive 
system of the monster who has so long continued to desolate that 
region, one-half of this force could be brought together.* 

* It has been reported that the dagger has since rid the land of its Arrant 
The means matter httle, if the end is accomplished. Even assassination loses 
much of its odious character when resorted to for such a purpose. 





General a»pe€t» — BouTidaries and divisions of the desert, — Probable etymology of 
the Greek oasis. — Absorption of the Caggar river, — The Loom, or salt-river, — 
The Runny or Bin, — Distinction of t'hul and roo^ — Thul of the Loom, — 
Jkalort, — Sewdnchi, — Macholah and Morseen. — Beenmal and Sanchore, — 
Bkadrajoon,—Mekwo, — BhcUoira and Tilwarra, — Eendovdti, — Gogadeo-cor 
fAttl— Thul of lYrrurex?.— rhul of^Khawur,'-MaUina£hrca-^hul, or 
Barmair, — Xherdhur^ — J-dndh Chotun, — Nuggur Goorah, 

Ha VINO never penetrated personally further into the heart of the 
desert than Mundore, the ancient capital of all Maroost'hali, the old 
castle of Hissar on its north-eastern frontier, and Aboo, Nehrwalla, 
and Bhooj, to the south, it may be necessary, before entering upon 
the details, to deprecate the charge of presumption or incompetency, 
hy requesting the reader to bear in mind, that my parties o( 
diBOOvery have traversed it in every direction, adding to their 
jounials of routes living testimonies of their accuracy, and bringing 
to me natives of every thvl from Bhutnair to Omurkote, and from 
▲boo to Arore.* I wish it, however, to be clearly understood, that 
I look upon this as a mere outline, which, by shewing what might 
be done, may stimulate further research ; but in the existing dearth 
of infoimation on the subject, I have not hesitated to send it forth, 
with its almost inevitable errors, as (I trust) a pioneer to more 
extended and accurate knowledge. 

* The jatinuJs of all these routes, with others of Central and Western India, 
fbm eleren moderate-sized folio volumes, from which an Itinerary of these 
legionB nufiht be constructed. It was my intention to have dra¥m up a more 
perfect ana detailed map from these, but my health forbids the attempt They 
are now deposited in the archives of the Company, and may serve, if judiciously 
med, to fill up the only void in the great map of India, executing by their 



After premising thus much, let us commence with details, which, 
but for the i*easons already stated, should have been compriBed in 
the geographical portion of the work, and which, though irrelevant 
to the historical part, are too important to be thrown into noten. 
I may add, that the conclusions formed, partly from personal 
observation, but chiefly from the sources described above, have been 
confirmed by the picture drawn by Mr. Elphinstone of his passage 
through the northeni desert in the embassy to Cabul, which renders 
perfectly satisfactory to me the views I before entertained. It may 
be well, at this stage, to mention that some slight repetitions must 
occur as we proceed, haying incidentally noticed many of the 
characteristic features of the desert in the Annals of Bikan^r, which 
was unavoidable from the position of that state. 

The hand of Nature has defined, in the boldest characters, the 
limits of tlie great desert of India, and we only require to follow 
minutely the line of demarcation ; though, in order to be distinctly 
understood, we must repeat the analysis of the term Maroosfhah, 
the emphatic appellation of this ' region of death/ The word is 
compounded of the Sanscrit mri, ' to die,' and sfhali, ' arid or dry 
land,' which last, in the corrupted dialect of those countries, 
becomes t*hul, the converse of the Greek oasiSy denoting tracts parti- 
cularly sterile. Each fhul has its distinct denomination, as the m 
* fhul of Kawur,' the ' fhul of Gogd,' &c. ; and the cultivated spots, ^ 
compared with these, either as to number or magnitude, are so scanty, « 
that instead of the ancient Roman simile, which likened Afiica to the 4 
leopard's hide, reckoning the spots thereon as the oaais, I would i 
compare the Indian desert to that of the tiger, of which the long ' 
dark stripes would indicate the expansive belts of sand, elevated 
upon a plain only less sandy, and over whose surface numerous 
thinly-peopled towns and hamlets are scattered. 

Maroost'hali is bounded on the north by the flat skirting the 
'Garah; on the south by that grand salt-marsh, the Rin, and 
Eoliwarra ; on the east by the Aiavulli ; and on the west by the 
valley of Sinde. The two last boundaries are the most conspicuous, 
especially the AravuUi, but for which impediment. Central India 
would be submerged in sand ; nay, lofty and continuous as is this 
chain, extending almost from the sea to Dehli, wherever there are 
passages or depressions, these floating sand-clouds are wafted 
thi*ough or over, and form a little fhul even in the bosom of fertility. 
Whoever has crossed the Bunas near Tonk, where the sand for some 
miles resembles waves of the sea, will comprehend this remark. Its 
western boundary is alike defined, and will recal to the "j^^wglish 
traveller, who may be destined to journey up the valley of 
Sinde, the words of Napoleon on the Lybian-desert : " Nothing 
" so much resembles the sea as the desert ; or a coast, as the 
" valley of the Nile :" for this substitute " Indus," whence, in 
journeying northward along its banks from Hydrabad to Ootdi, 
the range of vision will be bounded to the east by a bulwark 


of sand, which, rising often to the height of two hundred feet above 
the level of the river, leads one to imagine that the chasm, now 
forming this rich vaUey, must have originated in a sudden melting 
of all the glaciers of Caucasus, whose congregated waters made this 
break in the continuity of Maroost'hali, wliich would otherwise be 
united wiUi the deserts of Arachosia 

We may here repeat the tradition illustrating the geography of 
the desert, i. e., that in remote ages it was ruled by princes of the 
Pow4r (Pramara) race, which the sl-oca, or verse of the bard, record- 
ing the names of the nine fortresses (No-koti AlaroO'Ca), so admir- 
aUy adapted by their position to maintain these regions in subjec- 
tion, further corroborates. We shall divest it of its metrical form. 
and begin with Poogul, to the north ; Mundore, in the centre of all 
Maxoo ; Aboo, Kheraloo, and Parkur, to the south ; Chotun, 
Omurkote, Arore, and Lodorva, to the west ; the possession of which 
sasuredly marks the sovereignty of the desert. The antiquity of 
this legend is supported by the omission of all modem cities, the 
present capital of the Bhattis not being mentioned. Even Lodor\'a 
and Arore, cities for ages in ruins, are names known only to a few 
who frequent the desert ; and Cliotun and Kh^iuloo,* but for the 
traditional stanzas which excited our research, might never have 
appeared on the map. 

We purpose to follow the natural divisions of the country, or 
ihose employed by the natives, who, as stated above, distinguish 
them as fhuls ; and after describing these in detail, with a summary 
notice of the piincipal towns whether ruine<l or existing, and the 
various tribes, conclude with the chief lines of route diverging from, 
or leading to, Jessulm^r. 

The whole of Blkan^r, and that part of ShekhavatI north of the 
Aravulli, are comprehended in the desert If the reader will refer 
to the map, and look for the town of Kanorh, within the British 
frontier^ he will see what Mr. Elphinstone considered as the com- 
mencement of the desert, in his interesting expedition to Cabul.-t" 
" From Delly to Canound (the Kanorh of my map)^; a distance of one 
hundred miles is through the British dominions, and need not be 
described. It is sufficient to say, that the country is sandy, though 
not ill-cultivated. On approaching Canound, we had the tii-st speci- 
men of the desert, to which we were looking forward with anxious 
cariosity. Three miles before reaching that place we came to sand- 
hills, which at first were covered with bushes, but afterwards were 
naked piles of loose sand, rising one after another like the waves of 
the sea, and marked on the surface by the wind like drifted snow. 
Tliere were roads through them, made solid by the treading of 
yifiTi^lH ; but off the road our horses sunk into the sand above the 
knee." Such was the opening scene ; the route of the embassy wa« 
by Singana, Jhoonjoonoo, to Ohooroo, when they entered Blkaner. 

* Unfortunately omitted in the Map ; it is fifteen miles uortli of Chotun. 

t It left Dehli the 13th October 1808. 

i Original map omitted in this Edition for reasons given in the Preface. 



Of Shekhavati, which he had just left, Mr. Elphinstone says : " it 
seems to lose its title to be included in the desert, when compared 
with the two hundred and eighty miles between its western frontier 
and Bahawulpoor, and, even of this, only the last hundred miles is 
absolutely destitute of inhabitants, water, or vegetation. Our journey 
from Shekhavati to Poogul, was over hills and valleys of loose and 
heavy sand. The hills were exactly like those which are sometimes 
formed by the wind on the sea-shore, but far exceeding them in 
height, which was from twenty to a hundred feet. They are said to 
shift their position and alter their shapes according as they are 
affected by the wind ; and in summer the passage is rendered dan- 
gerous by the clouds of moving sand ; but when 1 saw the hills (in 
winter), they seemed to have a great degree of permanence, for they 
bore grass, besides phoke, the babool, and bair or jujube, whicm 
altogether give them an appearance that sometimes amounted to 
verdure. Amongst the most dismal hills of sand one occasionally 
meets with a village, if such a name can be given to a few round 
huts of straw, with low walls and conical roofs, like little stacks of 
com." This description of the northern portion of the desert, by an 
author whose great characteristics are accuracy and simplicity, wiU 
enable the reader to form a more correct notion of what follows.* 

With these remarks, and bearing in mind what has already been 
said of the physiognomy of these regions, we proceed to particularize 
the various fhuls and oasis in this " region of death." It will be 
convenient to disregard the ancient Hindu geographical division^, 
which makes Mundore the capital of J/aroosffoK, a distinction both 
from its character and position better suited to Jessulm^, being 
nearly in the centre of what may be termed entire desert It is in 
fact an oasis, everywhere insulated by immense masses of fhvl, 
some of which are forty miles in breadth, without the trace of man, 
or aught that could subsist him. From Jessulmdr we shall pass to 
Marwar, and without crossing the Looni, describe Jhalore and 
Sewanchi ; then conduct the reader into the almost unknown raj of 
Parkur and Vird-Bah, governed by princes of the Chohan race, with 
the title of Bana. Thence, skirting the political limits of modem 
Rajpootana, to the regions of Dhat and Oomur-soomra, now within 
the dominion of Sinde, we shall conclude with a very slight sketch 
of D&odpotra, and the valley of the Indus. These details will receive 
further illustration from the remarks made on every town or hamlet 
diverging from the "hill of Jessoh" (JessvZm^r). Could the beholder, 
looking westward from this ' triple-peaked hill,'-f' across this sandy 

♦ ** Our marches," says Mr. Elphinstone, " were seldom very long. The 
longest was twenty-six miles, and the shortest fifteen ; but the fatigue which 
our people sufifered bore no proportion to the distance. Our line, when in the 
closest order^ was two miles long. The path by which we traveled wound 
much, to avoid the sand-hills. It was too narrow to allow of two cameb going 
abreast ; and if an animal stepped to one side, it sunk in the sand as in snow, 
Ac. &c. — Account of the Kingdom of Cabvl, Vol. I, p. 13. 

t Tri-ciUa, the epithet bestowea on the rock on which the castle of Jessulm^r 
is erected. 


ocean to the blue waters (NU-db)* of the Indus, embrace in his 
vision its whole course fi-om Hydrabad to Ootch, he would perceive, 
amidst these vallies of sand-hills, little colonies of animated beings, 
congregated on every spot which water renders habitable. Throu^- 
out this tract, from four hundred to five hundred miles in longi- 
tudinal extent, and from one hundred to two hundred of diagonal 
breadth, are little hamlets, consisting of the scattered huts of the 
shepherds of the desei-t, occupied in pasturing their flocks or culti- 
vating these little odais for food. He may discern a long line of 
camels (called kutdr, a name better known than either kafila or 
earwdn), anxiously toiling through the often doubtful path, and the 
Chamn conductor, at each stage, tying a knot on the end of his 
turban. He may discover, lying in ambush, a band of SehrA&, the 
Bedouins of our desert (aehra), either mounted on camels or horses, 
on the watch to despoil the caravan, or engaged in the less hazard- 
ous occupation of driving off the flocks of the Raj ur or Mangulla 
shepherds, peacefully tending them about the tura or bdtvd^, or 
hunting for the produce stored amidst the huts of the ever-green 
jhdl, which serve at once as grain-pits and shelter from the sun. A 
migratory band may be seen flitting with their flocks from ground 
whicti they have exhausted, in search of fresh pastures; 

" And if the following day they chance to find 
A new repast, or an un tasted spring, 
Will bless their stars, and think it luxury !" 

Or they may be seen preparing the rabri, a mess quite analogous to 
the houskoiia of their Numidian brethren, or quenching their thirst 
from the Wdh of their little oasis, of which they maintain sovereign 
possession so long as the pasture lasts, or till they come in conflict 
with some more powerful community. 

We may here pause to consider whether in the bdh, bdwd, or wdh, 
of the Indian desert, may not be found the oasis of the Greeks, 
corrupted by them from el-iuah, or, as written by Belzoni (in his 
account of the Libyan desert, while searching for the temple of 
Axnmon), Elloah, Of the numerous terms used to designate water in 
these arid regions, as pdr, rdr, tir, d^ or dey, bdh, bdwd, wdh, all but 
the latter are cl>iefly applicable to springs or pools of water, while 
the last (wdh), though used often in a like sense, applies more to a 
water-course or stream. El-wah, under whatever term, means — 
* ike water' Again, dey or cZ^, is a term in general use for a pool, 
even not unfrequently in ininning streams and large rivers, which, 
ceasing to flow in dry weather, leave large stagnant masses, always 
called di. There are many of the streams of Rajpootana, having 
such pools, particularized as hatC-d^, or * elephant-pool,' denoting a 
snfficienev of water even to drown that animal. Now the word d^ 
or dey, aaded to the generic term for water, wdh, would make wadey 
(pool of water), the Arabian term for a running stream, and commonly 
used by recent travellers in Africa for these habitable spots. If the 

* A name often given by Ferishta to the Indus. 


Greeks took the word ivadey from any MS., the transposition would 
be easily accounted for : wadey would be written thus ^cjU «uid by 

the addition of a point ^cJtj vxizey, easily metamorphosed, for a 
euphonous termination, into oasia* 

At the risk of somewhat of repetition, we must here point out the 
few grand features which divei'sify this sea of sand, and alter 
defining the difference between roo^ and fhul, which will frequently 
occur in the Itineraiy, at once plunge in medias res. 

We have elsewhere mentioned the tradition of the absorption of 
the Caggar river, as one of the causes of the comparative depopulation 
of the northern desert. The couplet recording it I could not recal at 
the time, nor any record of the Soda prince Hamir, in whose reign 
this phenomenon is said to have happened. But the utility of these 
ancienti traditional couplets, to which I have frequently drawn the 
reader's attention, has again been happily illustrated, for the name 
of Hapir has been incidentally discovered from the trivial circum- 
stance of an intermarriage related in the Bhatti annals. His co- 
temporary of Jessulmer was Doosauj, who succeeded in S. 1100 or 
A.D. 1044, so that we have a precise date assigned, supposing this to 
be the Hamir in question. The Caggar, which rises in the Sewaluk, 
passes Hansi Hissar, and flowed under the walls of Bhutnair, at 
which place they yet have their wells in its bed. Thence it passed 
Rung-mahel, Bullur, and Phoolra, and through the flats of Eh&cUU (of 
which Derrawul is the capital), emptying itself according to some 
below Ootch, but according to Ab1i-Birk§»t (whom I sent to explore in 
1809, and who crossed the dry bed of a stream called the Knuggur, 
near Shahgur*h), between Jessulmer and Rori Bekher. K this could 
be authenticated, we should say at once that, united with the branch 

♦ When I penned this conjectural etymology, I was not aware that any 
speculation had been made upon this word : I find, however, the late M. 
LangUs suggested the derivation of oasis (variously written by the Greeks 

cfvao-ir, iocrtfand vcuris) from the Arabic _L: and Dr. Wait, in a series of inter- 
esting etymologies (see Asiatic Journal, May 1830), suggests ^f% vcui from 
^^ vas, ' to inhabit/ Vasi and vaa-tr quasi vasis are almost identicaL My 

friend Sir W. Ouseley gave me nearly the same signification of ^cJU W<uUy, as 

appears in Johnson's edition of Eichardson, viz,, a valley, a desert, a channel of 
a river— a river ; -j^l^^^jL wad^-alkabir, * the great river,* corrupted into 

Quadalquiver, which example is also given in d'Herbefot (see Vadi Oekennem). 
and by Thompson, who traces the word water through all the languages of 
Europe — the Saxon waster, the Greek v^wj, the Islandic udr, the Slavonic vtod 
(whence woder and oder, * a river') : all appear derivable from the Arabic wuL, 
' a river' — or the Sanscrit wdh ; and if Dr. W. will refer to p. 314 of the 
Itinerary, he will find a singular confirmation of his etymology in ^e word h&s 
(classically vAs) applied to one of these habitable spots. The word hukee^ also 
of frequent occurrence therein, is from vasrid, to inhabit ; vasi, an inhiibitant ; 
or vds, a habitation, perhaps derivable from wdh, indispensable to an oasis 1 


feom Dura, it gave its name to the Sangra, which unites wiUi the 
Looni, enlarging the eastern branch of the Delta of the Indus. 

The next, and perhaps most remarkable feature in the desert, is 
the Looni, or Salt river, which, with its numerous feeders, has its 
source in the spring of the AravullL Of Mai-war it is a barrier 
between the fertile mnds and the desert ; and as it leaves this country 
for the VhiU of the Chohans, it divides that community, and forms a 
gewraphical demarcation ; the eastern portion being called the Baj 
of SM>e-Bah ; and the western part, Parkur, or beyond the Khar, or 

We shall hereafter return to the country of the Chohans, which is 
bounded to the south by that singular feature in the physiognomy 
of the desert, the Bunn, or Rin, s^ready slightly touched upon in the 
geographical sketch prefixed to this work. This immense salt-marsh, 
upwards of one hundred and fifty miles in breadth, is formed chiefly 
bj the Looni, which, like the Rhone, after forming Lake Leman, 
resumesits name at its further outlet, and ends as it commences with 
a sacred character, having the temple of Narayn at its embouchure, 
where it mingles with the ocean, and that of Brimha at its source of 
Poshkur. The Runn, or Rin, is a corruption of Aranya, or ' the 
waste ;' nor can anything in nature be more dreary in the dry 
weather than this parched desert of salt and mud, the peculiar abode 
of the khur-gudda, or wild-ass, whose love of solitude has been 
commemorated by an inmiortal pen. That this enormous depository 
of salt is of no i*ecent formation we are informed by the GreeK 
writers, whose notice it did not escape, and who have preserved in 
Erinos a nearer approximation to the original Aranya than exists 
in oar ' Bin' or ' Runn.' Although mainly indebted to the Looni for 
its salt, whose bed and that of its feeders are covered with saline 
deposits, it is also supplied by the overflowings of the Indus, to which 
ffiand stream it may be indebted for its volume of water. We have 
here another strong point of physical resemblance between the 
valltes of the Indus and the Nile, which Napoleon at once referred to 
the simple operations of nature ; I allude to the origin of Lake 
Moeris, a design too vast for man.* 

As the reader will often meet with the words t'hul and roo^, he 
should be acquainted with the distinction between them. The first 
means an arid and bare desert ; the other is equally expressive of 
desert, but implies the presence of natural vegetation ; in fact, the 
jangle of the desert. 

« The ^ greatest breadth of the valley of the Nile is four leagues, the least, 
•* '*■* •* -^ that the narrowest portion of the valley of Sinde equals the largest of 

the Nile. IBcTpt alone is said to have had eight millions of inhabitants ; what 
thflnmi^t omde maintain! The condition of the peasantry, as described 
fay JbMrnffUM, is exactly that of R^pootana : " the villages are fiefs belonging 
** to aajT one on whom the prince may bestow them ; the peasantry pay a tax 
** to thar superior, and are the actual proprietors of the soil : amidst all the 
** rsvdlntioDS and commotions, their pnvileges are not infringed." This right 
(still obtaining), taken away by Joseph, was restored by Sesostris, 


Thul of die Looni, — This embraces the tracts on both sides of 
the river, forming Jhalore and its dependencies. Although the 
region south of the stream cannot be included in the fhvl, yet it is 
so intimately connected with it, that we shall not forego the only 
opportunity we may have of noticing it 

Jhalore, — This tract is one of the most important divisions of 
Marwar. It is separated from Sew&nchl by the Sookri and KhAri,* 
which, with many smaller streams, flow through them firom the 
Aravulli and Aboo, aiding to fertilize its three hundred and sixty 
towns and villages, forming a part of the fiscal domains of Marwar. 
Jhalore, according to the geographical stanza so often quoted, was 
one of the ' nine castles of Maroo,' when the Pramar held paramount 
rule in Maroost'halL When it was wrested from them we have no 
clue to discover ; but it had long been held by the Chohans, whose 
celebrated defence of their capital against Alla-o-din, in A.I). 1801, 
is recorded by Ferishta, as well as in the chronicles of their bards. This 
branch of the Chohan race was called Mallani, and will be again 
noticed, both here and in the annals of HaroutL It formed that 
portion of the Chohan sovereignty called the Hdppd Raj, whose 
capital was Jtin&h Chotun, connecting the sway of this race in the 
countries along the Looni from Ajmer to Parkur, which would appear 
to have crushed its Agnictila brother, the Pramar, and possessea all 
that region marked by the course of the ' Salt river' to Parkur. 

Sdndgir, the * golden mount,' is the more ancient name of this 
castle, and was adopted by the Chohans as distinctive of their tribe, 
when the older term, Mallani, was dropped for Sonigurra. Here 
they enshrined their tutelary divinity, Mallinat'h, ' god of the 
Maili,' who maintained his position until the sons of SSji entered 
these regions, when the name of S6nitgir was exchanged for 
that of Jhalore, contracted fit)m Jhalinder-nat'h, whose shrine 
is about a coss west of the castle. Whether Jhalinder-nat'h, 
the ' divinity of Jhalinder,' was imported from the Ganges, or left 
as well as the god of the MalU by the cinievant Mallanis, is 
uncertain : but should this prove to be a remnant of the foes of 
Alexander, driven by him from MooItan,-|* its probability is increased 
by the caves of Jhalinder (so celebrated as a Hindu pilgrimage even 
in Baber's time) being in their vicinity. Be this as it may, the 
Rahtores, like the Roman conquerors, have added these indigenous 
divinities to their own pantheon. The descendants of the expatri- 
ated Sonigurras now occupy the lands of Cheetulwano, near the 
fwrca of the Loom. 

* Another salt river. 

t Mooltan and Ji!in4h (Chotun, qiL Chohin-t&n,) have the same signification, 
' the ancient abode,' and both were occupied by the tribe of Midi! or M rf l ^ij^ 
said to be of Chohan race j and it is curious to find at Jhalore (olassicalhr 
Jhidinder,) the same divinities as in their haunts in the Punjftb, viz., MaUi- 

by the Yadus, when led out of India by their deified leader Buldeo, or Balnafh. 


Jhalore comprehends the inferior districts of Sewanchi, Beenma), 
Sanchore, Morseen, all attached to the kkalisa or fisc ; besides the 
great piUtdAs, or chieftainships, of Bhadrajoon, Mehwo, Jessole, and 
Sindri — a tract of ninety miles in length, and nearly the same in 
breadth, with a fair soil, water near the surface, and requiring only 
good government to make it as productive as any of its magnitude 
in these regions, and sufficient to defray the whole personal expenses 
of the Bajas of Jodpoor, or about nine lacs of rupees ; but in 
consequence of the anarchy of the capital, the corruption of the 
managers, and the raids of the Sehr&^s of the desert and the Meenas 
of Aboo and the Aravulli, it is deplorably deteriorated. There are 
several ridges (on one of which is the castle) traversing the district, 
bat none uniting with the table-land of M^war, though with breaks 
it may be traced to near Aboo. In one point it shews its affinity to 
the desert, i e., in its vegetable productions, for it has no other 
timber than the fhdl, the babool, the khured, and other shrubs 
of the thul 

The important fortress of Jhalore, guarding the southern frontier 
of Marwar, stands on the extremity of the range extending north to 
Sewanoh. It is from three to four hundred feet in height, fortified 
with a wall and bastions, on some of which cannon are mounted. 
It has four gates ; that from the town is called the Sooruj-pdl, and 
to the north-west in the B&l-p6I (' the gate of B&l,' the sun-god), 
where there is a shrine of the Jain pontiff, Parswanafh. There are 
many wells, and two considerable bawaris, or reservoirs of good 
water, and to the north a small lake formed by dammin^-up the 
stieams from the hills ; but the water seldom lasts above half the 

J ear. The town, which contains three thousand and seventeen 
oases, extends on the north and eastern side of the fort, having the 
Sookiie flowing about a mile east of it. It has a circumvallation as 
well as the castle, having guns for its defence ; and is inhabited by 
every variety of tribe, though, sti*ange to say, there ai*e only five 
families of Rajpoots in its motley population. The following census 
made by one of my parties, in AD. 1813 : 


MaJUe, or gardeners 140 

Taijis, or oilmen, here called ^Aa^^i 100 

Khoniara, or potters 60 

ndtairaa, or braziers 30 

Cheepas, or printers 20 

Bankers, mei'chants, and shop-keepei's. 1,156 

Moosulmaun fietmilies. 936 

Khuteeka, or butchers 20 

NdA^ or barbers 16 

J7%u2d2a, or spirit-distillers 20 

Weavers 100 

Slk weavers. 15 

Tatis (Jain priests) 2 

Bimhnuns 100 

:>72 SKi-rrcH of the 

(joojurs 40 

Rajpoots 5 

Bhojuks 20 

Meenas CO 

Bhils 15 

Sweetmeat-shops 8 

Ironsmiths and carpentei-s (Lohars and Sootars) 14 

Choorlwallas, or biucelet-manufacturers 4 


The general accuracy of this census was confirmed. 


Sewanchi is the tract between the Looni and Sookrie, of which 
Sewanoh, a strong castle placed on the extremity of the same range 
with Jhalore, is the capital. The country requires no particular 
description, being of the same nature as that just depicted. In 
former times it constituted, together with Nagore, the appanage of 
the heir-apparent of Marwar; but since the setting-up of the 
Pretender, Dhonkul Sing, both have been attached to the fisc : in 
fact, there is no heir to Mai*oo ! Ferishta mentions the defence of 
Sewanoh against the arms of All-o-din. 

Macholah* and Morseen are the two principal dependencies of 
Jhalore within the Looni, the former having a strong castle guarding 
its south-east frontier against the depredations of the Meenas ; the 
latter, which has also a fort and town of five hundred houses, is on 
the western extremity of Jhalore. 

Beennud and Sanchm'e are the two principal subdivisions to the 
south, and together nearly equal the remainder of the province, each 
containing eighty villages. These towns are on the high nMul to 
Cutch and Uuzzerat, which has given them from the most remote 
times a commercial celebrity. Beenmal is said to contain fifteen 
hundred houses, and Sanchore about half the number. Very wealthy 
Mahajuns, or ' merchants,' used to reside here, but insecurity both 
within and without has much injured these cities, the first of which 
has its name, Mai, from its wealth as a mart. There is a temple of 
Baraha (Y&rdha, the incarnation of the hog), with a great scolptured 
boar. Sanchore possesses also a distinct celebrity fix>m bein^ the 
cradle of a class of Brahmins called Sanchora, who are the officiating 
. priests of some of the most celebrated temples in these rwions, as 
that of Dwarica, Mat'hura, Poshkur, Nuggur-Parkur, fee. Tne name 
of Sanchore is corrupted from Sati-poora, SAti, or Suttee's town, 
said to be very ancient. 

Bhadrajoon. — A slight notice is due to the principal fie& of Jhalore, 
as well as the fiscal towns of this domain. JBhadngoon is a town of 
five hundred houses (three-fourths of which are of the Meena class), 
situated in the midst of a cluster of hills, having a small fort The 
chief is of the Joda clan ; his fief connects Jhalore with Pali in 


mo is a celebrated little tract on both banks of the Looni, and 
the first possessions of the Bahtores. It is, properly speaking, 
rinchi, to which it pays a tribute, besides service when required. 
lief of Mehwo has the title of Bawul, and his usual residence 
town of Jessole. Soorut Sing is the present chief ; his relative, 
mul, holds the same title, and the fief and castle of Sindri, 
1 the Looni, twenty-two miles south of Jessole. A feud reigns 
sn them : they claim co-equal rights, and the consequence is 
neitiier can reside at Mehwo, the capital of the domaiiL Both 
deemed the profession of robber no disgrace, when this memoir 
litten (1813) ; but it is to be hoped they have seen the danger, 
the error, of their ways, and will turn to cultivating the fertile 
along the ' Salt River,' which yield wh6at, joo^, and bajra in 

loird, TUwarra, are two celebrated names in the geography of 
^on, and have an annual fair, as renowned in Bajpootana as 
Kt Leipsic in Germany. Though called the Bhaiotra m^lA 
ly, ' an assemblage, or concourse of people'), it was held at 
Ta» several miles south, near an island of the Looni, which is 
led by a shrine of Mdlli-nit'h, ' the divinity of the Malli,' who, 
idy mentioned, is now the patron god of the Bahtores. Til warra 
kbe fief of anotlier relative of the Mehwo family, and Bhaiotra^ 
oofi^t to belong to the fisc, did and may still belong to Ahwa, 
iat noble of l\(&rwar. But Bhaiotra and Sindri have other 
to distinction, having, with the original estate of Droonara, 
i the fief of Dooi^gadas, the first character in the annals of 
, and whose descendant yet occupies Sindri. The fief of Mehwo, 
includes them all, was rated at fifty thousand rupees annually. 
iMdita with their vassalage occasionally go to court, but hold 
Ives exempt from service except on emergencies. The call 
bhem is chiefly for the defence of the frontier, of which they 
) m/mrisuMira, or lord-marchers. 

iovdt{, — ^This tract, which has its name from the Rajpoot tribe 
do, the chief branch of the Purihars, (the ancient sovereigns 
kbre), extends from Bhaiotra north, and west of the capital, 
or, and is bounded on the north by the fhtd of Qogd. The t'hul 
dov&ti embraces a space of about thirty coss in circumference. 

uieo-eo-f AuZ. — ^The t'hiU of Goga, a name celebrated in the 
history of the Chohans, is immediately north of Eendov&ti, 
B description will suit both. The sand-ridges {fh'ul'Ca4eeha) 
J loif^ in all this tract ; very thinly inhabited ; few villages ; 
ar from the surface, and having considerable jungles. Thobe, 
Hid, and Beemasir are the chief towns in this too6. They 
xain-water in reservoirs called tankay which they are obliged 
sparingly, and often while a mass of corruption, producing 
culiar disease in the eyes called rdt-aTvdd (corruptea by us to 
a) or nijght-blindness,* for with the return of day it passes off. 

I asBerted by the natives to be caused by a small thiead-like wonn, 



The tlml of Tirruroi intervenes between that of Gogadeo and the 
present frontier of Jessuhn^r, to which it formerly belonged. Pokum 
is the chief town, not of Timiro^ only, but of all the desert interposed 
between the two chief capitals of MaroostlialL The southern pari 
of this thwl does not differ from that described, but its northern 
portion, and more especially for sixteen to twenty miles around the 
city of Pokum, are low disconnected ridges of loose rock, the continua- 
tion of that on which stands the capital of the Bhattis, which give, 
as we have already said, to this oasis tne epithet of M^r, or rocky. The 
name of Tirruro^ is derived from tirr, which signifies moisture, humi- 
dity from springs, or the springs themselves, which rise from this rooC 
Pokurn, the residence of Salim Sing (into the history of whose family 
we have so fully entered in the annals of Marwar), is a town of two 
thousand houses, surrounded by a stone wall, and having a fort^ 
mounting several guns on its eastern side. Under the west side of 
the town, the inhabitants have the unusual sight in these regions of 
running water, though only in the rainy season, for it is soon 
absorbed by the sands. Some say it comes from the Svrr of Kanoad, 
others from the springs in the ridge ; at all events, they derive a 
good and plentiful supply of water from the wells excavated in its 
bed. The chief of Pokurn, besides its twenty-four villages, holds 
lands between the Looni and Bandy rivers to the amount of a 2ac 
of rupees. Droonara and Munzil, the fief of the loyal Doorgadas, 
are now in the hands of the traitor Salim. Three coss to the north 
of Pokum is the village of Ramddora, so named from a shrine to 
Bamdeo, one of the Paladins of the desert, and which attracts people 
from all quarters to the mild, or fair, held in the rainy month of 
Bhadoon. Merchants from Koratchy-bundur, Tatta^ Mooltan, 
Shikarpoor, and Cutch, here exchange the produce of various 
coimtries : horses, camels, and oxen used also to be reared in great 
numbers^ but the famine of 1813, and anaxchy ever since Raja 
Maun's accession, added to the interminable feuds between the 
Bhattis and Rahtores, have checked all this desirable intercourse, 
which occasionally made the very heart of the desert a scene of joy 
and activity. 

Thul of KhawuT. — ^This fhvZ, lying between Jessulm^r and 
Barmair, and abutting at Girdup into the desert of Dh&t, is in the 
most remote angle of Marwar. Though thinly inhabited, it possesses 
several considerable places, entitled to the name of towns, in this 
^ abode of death.' Of these, Sheo and Kottoroh are the most consi- 
derable, the first containing three hundred, the latter five hundred 
houses, situated upon the ridge of hills, which may be traced from 
Bhooj to Jessulmer. Both these towns belong to chiefs of the 
Rahtore family, who pay a nominal obedience to &e Baja of Jodpoor. 
At no distant period, a smart trade used to be carried on between 

which also forms in the eyes of horses. I have seen it in the hone, moving 
about with great velocity. They puncture and discharge it with the aqueous 


Anhulwarra Patun and this region; but the lawless Sehr&& 
plundered so many kafilaa, that it is at length destroyed. They 
find pasture for numerous flocks of sheep and buflSsJoes in this t'hul. 

MaUi-ncL^h-ca-fhul, or Barmair. — The whole of this region was 
fonnerly inhabited by a tribe called Malli or Mallani, who, although 
aaserted by some to be Rahtore in origin, are assuredly Chohan, 
and of the same stock as the ancient lords of Juni.h Chotuu. 
Barmair was reckoned, before the last famine, to contain one 
thousand two hundred houses, inhabited by all classes, one-fourth of 
whom were Sanchora Brahmins. The town is situated in the same 
nage as Sheo-Kottoroh, here two to three hundred feet in height. 
From Sheo to Barmair there is a good deal of flat intermingled with 
low teebaa of sand, which in favourable seasons produces enough 
food for consumption. Puddum Sing, the Baimair chief, is of the 
same stock as those of SheoRottoroh, and Jessole; from the latter 
they all issue, and he calculates thirty-four villages in his feudal 
domain. Formerly a dannie (which is, literally rendered, doudnier) 
resided here to collect the transit duties; but the Sehr&^ have 
rendered this office a sinecure, and the chief of Barmair takes the 
little it realizes to himself. They find it more convenient to be on 
a tolerably good footing with the Bhattis, irom whom this tract was 
oonquered, tiian with their own head, whose officers they veiy often 
oppose, especially when a demand is made upon them for dind ; on 
irhich occasion they do not disdain to call in the assistance of their 
desert friends, the Sehrd.^ Throughout the whole of this region, 
they rear great numbers of the best camels, which find a ready 
market in every part of India. 

KkMChur. — * The land of Kh/r** has often been mentioned in the 
annals of these statea It was in this distant nook that the Rahtores 
first established themselves, expelling the Gohil tribe, which migrated 
to the Gulf of Cambay, and are now lords of Gogd and Bhaonuggur; 
and instead of steering ' the ship of the desert' in their piracies on 
the hafilaa, plied the Great Indian Ocean, even *' to the golden coast 
" of Softda," in the yet more nefarious trade of slaves. It is difficult 
to learn what latitude they affixed to the ' land of Kh^r,' which in 
the time of the Gohils approximated to the Looni ; nor is it neces- 
sary to perplex ourselves with such niceties, as we only use the 
names for the purpose of description. In all probability, it compre- 
hended the wnole space afterwards occupied by the Mallani or 
Chohans, who founded Jtindh Chotun, &c., which we shall therefore 
include in ELh^rd'hur. Kher&loo, the chief town, was one of the 
'nine castles of Maroo,' when the Prnmar was its sovereign lord. 
It has now dwindled into an insignificant village, containing no 

* Name(L in all probabilit;^, from the superabundant tree of the desert termed 
kkbr^ and cTAur,' land.' It is also called Kherdloo. but more properly Kherdld^ 
* ihe abode of Kh^r :' a shrub of great utility in tnese regions. Its astringent 
podsi similar in appearance to those of the liburnam, they convert into food. 
Its gam IS ooUectea as an article of trade ; the camels brouze upon its twigs, and 
the wood makes their hut^. 


more than forty honses, surrounded on all sides by hills " of a Utek 
*' colour," part of the same chain from Bhooj. 

J'Cmdh Chotun, or the ' ancient' Chotun, though always ■ca njo iaa t 
in name, are two distinct places, said to be of veiy great antiquiiy,ioi 
capitals of the Hdppd sovereignty. But as to what this Happi Bi| 
was, beyond the bare fact of its princes being Chohan, tradition is nov 
mute. Both still present the vestiges of large cities, more especially 
J'&ndh, ' the ancient,' which is enclosed in a mass of hills, having bit 
one inlet, on the east side, where there are the ruins of a small eastla 
which defended the entrance. There are likewise the remains dftit J 
more on the summit of the range. The mouldering remnants of 
mundurs (temples), and bawaris (reservoirs), now choked up, il 
bear testimony to its extent, which is said to have included twelvs 
thousand habitable dwellings ! Now there are not above tm 
hundred huts on its site, while Chotun has shrunk into a poor 
hamlet. At Dhorimun, which is at the farther extremity of the range 
in which are Jlindh and Chotun, there is a singalar place of woidif^ 
to which the inhabitants flock on the teej, or third aay of Sawunri 
each year. The patron saint is called Allundeo, through wiuNS 
means some grand victory was obtained by the MallanL The 
inmiediate objects of veneration are a number of brass images calleA 
aawdmookhi, from having the ' heads of horses' ranged on the top cf 
a mountain called Allimdeo. Whether these may further oon&B | 
the Scythic ancestry of the Mallani, as a branch of the Asi, or Aswi^ 
race of Central Asia, can at present be only matter of conjecture. 

NugguT'Oooroh, — Between Barmair and Nuggur-Gooroh on Ht 
Looni is one immense continuous fhul, or rather roo^, containiog 
deep jungles of khyr, or kher, kaijri, kureel, keip, phoke, whoea 
gums and berries are turned to account, by the Bhils and EoUb of 
the southern districts. Nuggur and Gooroh are two large towns on 
the Looni (described in the Itinerary), on the borders of the Chohaa 
raj of Sooe-bah, and formerly part of it. 

Here terminate our remarks on the fhuls of western Marwar, 
which, sterile as it is by the hand of Nature, had its miseries com- 
pleted by the famine that raged generally throughout these r^ons 
in S. 1868 (A.D. 1812), and of which this* is the third year. The 
disordei*s which we have depicted as prevailing at the seat of I 
government for the last thirty years, have left these remote regioDS 

* That IB, 1814. I am transcribing from my journals of that day, just alter 
the return of one of my parties of discovery from these regions, bringing with 
them natives of Dh&t, wno, to use their own simple but expressive phraseology, 
*' had the measure of the desert in the palm of their hands :" for they had been 
employed as kadds, or messengers, for thirty years of their lives. ^ Two of them 
afterwards returned and brought away their families, and remained upwards 
of five years in m^r service, and were faithful, able, and honest in the duties I 
assign^ them, as jemadars of dS,ks, or superintendents of posts, which were to 
many years under my charge when at Sindia's court, extenoing at one time 
from the Ganges to Bombay, through the most savage and little-lmown regions 
in India. But with such men as I drilled to aid in these discoveries, I found 
nothing insurmountable. 


€iitiiely to the mercy of the desert tribes, or their own scarce less 
lawless lords : in fiact, it only excites our astonishment how man 
ean vegetate in such a land, which has nothing but a few sirra, or 
nlt-lakes to yield any profit to the proprietors, and the excellent 
DBmel pastures, more especially in the southern tracts, which produce 
dbe best breed in the desert. 


4AokaM BdQ.—AwliquUy and nobility of the Choha'M of the desert,— Dimensum 
mmd pqpulaiion of the EaJ,--Nuggvr, — BankoMrr.—Theraud — Face of the 
Ckokan Rdij. — WeUer.^Productions, — InhahiUmts.^KolU and BhiU. — 
JPiikdli, — T^htde of Dhdt and Omursoomra. — Depth of weUe. — Anecdote. — 
CUlf qf ArorCjthe ancient capital of Sinde, — Dynasties of the Sodo^ the 
Soomura, and the Samma princes, — Their antiquity. — Inferred to be the 
tppenentt of Alexander the Great, and Menander. — Lieutenant of Walid 
iaku Arorc—Omurkote, its history. — Tribes of Sinde and the desert.— 
Diteases. — Narooa or Guinea toorm, — Productions, animal and vegetable, of 
ike desert — Ddodpotra. — Itinerary. 

GtaOHAN Raj. — This sovereignty (raf) of the Chohaus occupies the 
most remote comer of Rajpootana, and its existence is now for the 
first time noticed. As tlie quality of greatness as well as goodness is, 
in a great measure, relative, the raj of the Chohans may appear an 
empire to the lesser chieftains of the desert. Extemallj^ it is 
~, on the north and east, by the tracts of the Marwar state 
have just been sketching. To the south-east it is bounded by 
Koliwarra, to the south hemmed-in by the Rin, and to the west by 
file desert of Dh&t. Internally, it is partitioned into two distinct 
governments, the eastern being termed Yird-Bdh, and the western, 
from its position ' across the Looni,' Parkur f which appellation, 
oonjoinea to Nugmir, is also applied to the capital, with the 
Aietinction of Sir-Nuggur, or metropolis. This is the Negar-Parkur 
of the distinguished l^nnel, a place visited at a very early stage 
^f our intercourse with these regions by an enterprising Englishman, 
named Whittington. 

The Chohans of this desert boast the great antiquity of their 
isttlement, as well as the nobility of their blood : they have only to 
w&r to Manik Ra^ and Beesildeo of Ajm^r, and to Pirthiraj, the 
iflflt Hindu sovereign of Dehli, to estabish the latter fact ; but the 
int we must leave to conjecture and their bards, though we may 
Ssariessly assert that they were posterior to the Sodas and other 
jtiachee of the Pramar race, who to all appearance were its masters 

^ • From FoTy * b^ond/and kar or khar^ synonimous with Looni, the * salt- 
ifvr/ We have several Khari Nadls. or salt-rivulets, in R^pootan& though 
H&^ODe LoonL The sea is f rec^uently called the Loond-pdni, ' the salt-water,' 
rAoro^Nuit metamorphosed mto K(Ud-pdni,OT * the black water,' whichis 
ff BomMos inirignificant. 


when Alexander descended the Indus. Neither is it improbable 
that the Malli or Mallani, whom he expelled in that comer of the 
Funjib, wrested ' the land of Eh&r' from the Sodas. At all events, 
it is certain that a chain of Chohan principaUties extended, from 
the eighth to the thirteenth centnry, from Ajm^r to the frontiers of 
Sinde, of which Ajm^r, Nadole, Jhalore, Sirohi, and J6n4h Chotnn 
were the capitals ; and though all of these in their annals claim to 
be indepenaent, it may be assumed that some kind of obedience was 
paid to Ajm^r. We possess inscriptions which justify this aaser- 
tioa Moreover, each of them was conspicuous in Mooslem history, 
from the time of the conqueror of Ghuzni to that of Alla-o-dfn, snr- 
named ' the second Alexander/ Mahmood, in his twelfUi expedi- 
tion, by Mooltan to Ajm6: (whose citadel, Ferlshta savs, * he was 
** compelled to leave in the hands of the enem/'), passed and sacked 
Nadole (translated Buzule) ; and the traditions of the desert have 
preserved the recollection of his visit to Jtin&h Chotun, and they 
yet point out the mines by which its castle on the rock was 
destroyed. Whether this was after his visitation and destruction of 
Nehrvalla (Anhulwarra Puttun), or while on his joumev, we have 
no means of knowing ; but when we recollect that in this his last 
invasion, he attempted to return by Sinde, and nearly perished with 
all his army in the desert, we might fairly suppose his determinit- 
tion to destroy Jimih Chotun bstrayed him into this danger : for 
besides the all-ruling motive of the conversion or destruction of the 
' infidels,' in all likelihood the expatriated princes of Nehrvalla had 
sought refuge with the Chohans amidst the sand-hills of Eherd'hnr, 
and may thus have fotllen into hia grasp. 

Although nominally a single principality, the chieftain of Parkur 
pays little, if any, submission to his superior of Yir&-B^ Both of 
them have the ancient Hindu title of Eana, and are said at least to 
possess the quality of hereditary valour, which is synonimoos with 
Chohan. It is unnecessary to particularize the extent in square 
miles of fhul in this raj, or to attempt to number its population, 
which is so fluctuating ; but we shall subjoin a brief account of the 
diief towns, which will aid in estimating the population of Haroos- 
t'hali. We begin with the fli-st division. 

The principal towns in the Chohan raj, are Soo^Bah, Dhumi- 
dur, Bankasir, Theraud, Hoteegong, and Cheetulwanoh. Bans 
Narayn Rao resides alternately at Soo^ and Bah, both laige towns 
surrounded by an abbatia, chiefly of the babool and other thorny 
trees, called in these regions kdt'h-ca^kote, which has given these 
simple, but very efficient fortifications the term of fe^tnf Aa-ca*ibote, 
or, ' fort of thorns.' The resources of Narayn Rao, derived from 
this desert domain, are said to be three lacs of rupees, of which he 
pays a triennial tribute of one lac to Jodpoor, to which no right 
exists, and which is rarely realized without an army. The tracts 
watered by the Looni yield good crops of the richer grains ; and 
although, in the dry season, tlere is no constant stream^ plenty of 


sveet water is procured by excavating wells in its bed. But it is 
iMrted that^ even when not continuous, a gentle current is percep- 
tibk in those detached portions or pools, filtrating under the porous 
\ and : a phenomenon remarked in the bed of the Cobaii river (in the 
' Artrict of Gwalior), where, after a perfectly dry space of several 
iriks, we have observed in the next portion of water a very per- 
eiptiUe current* 

Vwgwr, or Sir-nuggur, the capital of Parkur, is a town contain- 
w fifteen hundred houses, of which, in 1814, one-half were inhabited. 
Km is a small fort to the south-west of the town on the ridge, 
iri^ is said to be about two hundred feet high. There are wells 
nd lairas (reservoirs) in abimdance. The river Looni is called 
ieven coss south of Nuggur, from which we may infer that its bed 
■ distinctly to be traced through the Rin. The chief of Parkur 
Monies the title of Bana, as well as his superior of Virfi-Bdh, whose 
dhgiance he has entirely renounced, though we are ignorant of the 
nmon in which they ever stood to each other : all are of the same 
fatily, the H&pp& Raj, of which JtiniLh Chotun was the capital 

Bamhomr ranks next to Sir-nuggur. It was at no distant period 
t]iige,and for the desert, a flourishing town; but now (1814) it 
entfoiis but three hundred and sixty inhabited dwellings. A son 
tf the Nu^ur chief resides here, who enjoys, as well as nis father, 
015 title oiRanaw We shall make no further mention' of the inferior 
tovDfl^ as they will appear in the Itinerary. 

Thmand is another subdivision of the Chohans of the Looni, 
vbwe chief town of the same name is but a few coss to the east of 
Soo^Bah, and which like Parkur is but nominally dependent upon 
it With this we shall conclude the subject of Yii'a-B&^ which, we 
Qpeit^ may contain many errors. 

foM of the Chohan Rdj. — Aa the Itinerary will point out in 
detail the state of the country, it would be superfluous to attempt 
aoKffe minute description here. The same sterile ridge, alreaoy 
deieribed as passing through Chotun to Jessulmer, is to 1>e 
taeed two coss west of Bankasir, and thence to Nuggur, in detached 
Bttaes. The tracts on both banks of the Looni yield good crops of 
vkeat and the richer grains, and Vfrd-Bah, though enclosing consider- 
lUe thvl, has a good portion of flat, especially towards Riuihunpoor, 
nvoiteen coss irom Soo& Beyond the Looni, the fhul rises into 
U^ teebas : and indeed from Chotun to Bankasir, all is sterile, and 
Mists of lofty sand-hills, and broken ridges, often covered by the 

VahT'^productioTis, — Throughout the Chohan raj, or at least its 
iMUt haUtaUe portion, water is obtained at a moderate distance 

^Onftof myjonnials mentions that a branch of the Looni passes by Soo^, the 
^VUqI YiiipB^ where it is four himdred and twelve paces in breadth : an 


from the surface, the wells being from ten to twenty pooralua* or 
about sixty-five to a hundred and thirty feet in depth ; nothing, 
when compared with those in Dh4t, sometimes near seven hundred. 
Besides wheat, on the Looni, the oil-plant (til) TMxmg, moi\ and 
other pulses, with bajra, are produced in sufficient quantities for 
internal cousumption ; but plunder is the chief pursuit throughout 
this land, in which the lordly Chohan and the KoU menial vie in 
dexterity. Wherever the soil is least calculated for agriculture, 
there is often abundance of fine pasture, especially for camels, which 
brouze upon a variety of thorny shrubs. Sheep and goats are also 
in great numbers, and bullocks and horses of a very good description, 
which find a ready sale at the Tilwana fair. 

Inhabitants. — ^We must describe the descendants, whether of the 
Malli foe of Alexander, or of the no less heroic Pirthiraj, as a com- 
munity of thieves, who used to carry their raids into Sinde, Guzzeiat, 
and Marwar, to avenge themselves on private property for the 
wrongs they suffered from the want of all government, or the 
oppression of those (Jodpoor) who asserted supremacy over, and the 
right to plunder them. AH classes are to be found in the Chohan raj : 
but those predominate, the names of whose tribes are synonyms for 
' robber,' as the Sehr&^, Khossa, Koli, Bhil. Although the Chohan 
is lord-paramount, a few of whom are to be found in every village, 
yet the Koli and Bhil tribe, with another class called Pit'hil, are^e 
most numerous : the last named, though equally low in caste, is the 
only industrious class in this region. Besides cultivation, tliey make 
a trade of the gums, which they collect in great quantities from the 
various trees whose names have been already mentioned The 
Chohans, like most of these remote Bajpoot tribes, dispense with the 
zinar orjunnoo, the distinctive thread of a " twice-born tribe," and 
are altogether free from the prejudices of those whom associatioii 
with Brahmins has bound down with chains of iroa But to make 
amends for this laxity in ceremonials, there is a material amendment 
in their moral character, in comparison with the Chohans of th^ 
poorub (east) ; for here the unnatural law of infanticide is unknown, 
in spite of the examples of their neighbours, the Jharejas, amongst 
whom it prevails to the most frightful extent. In eating, they have 
no prejudices; they make no moka, or fire-place; their cooks are 
generally of the barber (n4e) tiibe, and what is left at one meal, they, 
contrary to all good manners, tie up and eat at the next. 

Kolis and EMU. — ^The first is the most numerous class in these 
regions, and may be ranked with the most degraded portion of the 
human species. Although they pooja all the symbol^ of Hindu 
worship, and chiefly the terrific ' Mata* they scoff at all laws, human 
or divine, and are little superior to the brutes of their own forests. 
To them everything edible is lawful food ; cows, bufOsdoes^ the camel. 

* Paarshf the standard measure of the desert, is here from six io. seven feeL 
or the average hei^t of a man, to the tip of his finger, the hand being isiaea 
vertically over the nead It is derived from paorosh^ ' man.' 


deer, hog ; nor do they even object to such as have died a natural 
death. Like the other debased tribes, they affect 'to have Rajpoot 
blood, and call themselves Chohan Koli, Rahtore Koli, Purihar Koli, 
&C., which only tends to prove their illegitimate descent from the 
aboriginal' KoH stock. Abnost all the cloth-weavers throughout 
India are of the Koli class, though they endeavour to conceal their 
origin under the term Jhildo, which ought only to distinguish the 
Mooslem weaver. The Bhils paiiiake of all the vices of the Kolis, 
and perhaps descend one step lower in the scale of humanity ; for 
tiiey will feed on vermin of any kind, foxes, jackals, rats, guand^, 
and snakes ; and although they make an exception of the camel and 
the pea-fowl, the latter being sacred to * Mata* the goddess they 
propitiate, yet in moral degradation their fellowship is complete. 
The Kolis and Bliils have no matrimonial intercourse, nor will they 
even eat with each other — such is caste ! The bow and arrow form 
their arms, occasionally swords, but rarely the matchlock. 

Pit*hil is the chief husbandman of this region, and, with the 
Baniak^ the only respectable class. They possess flocks, and are also 
cultivatoi*s, and are said to be almost as numerous as either the 
Bhf Is or Kolis. The Pit'hil is reputed synonimous with the Koonni of 
Hjndust'han and the Kolmbi of Malwa and the Dekhan. Thei-e 
are other tribes, such as the Rebarry, or rearer of camels, who will be 
described with the classes appertaining to the whole desert. 

Dhdt and Omuraoomra. — We now take leave of Raj poo tana, 
as it is, for the desert depending upon Sinde, or that space 
between the frontier' of Rajpootana to the valley of the Indus, 
on the west, and from Daodpotra north, to Buliari on the 
Rin. This space measures about two hundred and twenty miles 
of longitude, and its greatest breadth is eighty ; it is one entire t'hul, 
having but few villages, though there are many hamlets of shepherds 
sprinlQed over it, too ephemeral to have a place in the map. A few 
of these pooras and tus, as they are termed, where the springs are 
perennial, have a name assigned to them, but to multiply them 
would only mislead, as they exist no longer than the vegetation. 
The whole of this tract may be characterized as essentially desert, 
having spaces of fifty miles without a drop of water, and without 
great precaution, impassable. The sand-hills rise into littie mountains, 
and tne wells are so deep, that with a large kajila, many might die 
before the thirst of all could be slaked. The enumeration of a few 
of these will put the reader in possession of one of the difficulties 
of a journey through Maroo ; they range from eleven to seventy-five 
fXHJTsh, or seventy to five hundred feet in depth. One at Jeysing- 
d&ir, fifty poorah; Dhote-ca-bustee, sixty; Giraup, sixty; Hamir- 
deoia, seventy; Jinjinialli, seventy-five; Chailak, seventy-five to 

In what vivid colours does the historian Ferishta describe the 
miaerito of the fugitive emperor, Ilemayoon, and his faithful followers, 
at one of these wells ! " The countiy through which they fled being 



when Hejauje, the governor of Irac, sent Mahomed Kasim, A.H. 99, 
or A.D. 717, who succeeded in the conquest, slaying the Hindu 
prince, Dahir. After this, the country was governed by the £amily 
of Ansary ; next, by the family of Soomra ; and then came the 
d3rnasty of Seemeh (Sammah), who esteemed themselves of the stock 
of Jumsheed, and each took the name of Jam."* 

Ferisl^ta gives a similar version. " On the death of Mahomed 
Kasim, a tribe who trace their origin from the Ansaris established a 
government in Sinde ; after which the zemindars (lords of the soil 
or indigenous chiefs) usurped the power, and held independent rule 
over the kingdom of Sinde for the space of five hundred years. These, 
the Soomuras, subverted the country of another dynasty called 
Somuna (the Seemeh of Abulfazil), whose chief assumed the title of 

The difficulty of establishing the identity of these tribes from the 
cacography of both the Greek and Persian writers, is well exemplified 
in another portion of Ferishta, treating of the same race, called by 
him Somuna, and Suma by Abulfazil. " The tribe of Sahna appears 
" to be of obscure origin, and originally to have occupied the tract 
" lying between Bekher and Tatta in Sinde, and pretend to trace their 
" origin fi-om Jemshid." We can pardon his spelling for his exact 
location of the tribe, which, whether written Somuna, Sehna» or 
Seemeh, is the Summa or Samma tribe of the great Yad6 race, whose 
capital was Summa-ca-kote, or Samma-nagari, converted into 
Mmagara, and its princes into Sambas, by the Greeks. Thus the 
Sodas appear to have ruled at Arore and Bekher, or Upper Sinde, 
and the Sammas in the lower^: when Alexander passed through this 
region. The Jhardjas and Jams of Noanuggur in Saurashtra claim 
descent from the Summas, hence called elsewhere by Abulfazil " the 
" Sinde-Summa dynasty ;" but having been, from their amalgamation 
with the " faithful," put out of the pale of Hinduism, they desired to 
conceal their Samma-Yadti descent, which they abandoned for 
Jumshid, and Samma was converted into Jam. 

We may, therefore, assume that a prince of the Soda tribe held 

importance, namely, the wide dominion of the Rajpoot race, previous to the 
appearance of Mahomed. 

Oriental literature sustained a loss which can scarcely be repaired, by the 
destruction of the valuable MSS. amassed by Colonel Briggs, during many 
years, for the purpose of a general history of the early transactions of the 

* Of the latter stock he cives us a list of seventeen princes. Gladwin's trans- 
lation of Ayeen Akberi, Vol. II, P. 122. 

t See Briggs* Ferishta. Vol. IV, pp. 411 and 422. 

t The four races called Agnicma (of which the Pramar was the most 
numerous), at every step of ancient Hindu history are seen dirolaciDg the 
dynastv of Yadii. Here the struggle between them is corroborated oy the two 
best Mahomedan historians, botn borrowing from the same source, the more 
ancient histories, few of which have reached us. It must be borne in mind 
that the Sodas, the Omurs, the Soomuras, were Pramars (vulg. Piidr) ; whJJe 
the Summas were Yadi^, for whose origin see Annsds of Jessum^r, p. 194. 


that division of the great Pii&r sovereignty, of which Arore, or the 
insular Bekher^ was the capital, when Alexander passed down 
the Indus : nor is it improbable that the army, styled Persian 
by Abulfazil, which invaded Arore, and slew Raja Sehris, was 
a Graeco-Bactrian aimy led by Apollodotus, or Menander, who 
teaversed this region, " ruled by Sigertides" (qu. Raja Sehris ?) 
even to " the country of the Xwpov," or Saurashtra, where, 
according to their historian, their medals were existent when 
he wrote in the second century.* The histories so largely quoted 
give us decided proof that Dahir, and his son Ra^-sa, the victims 
of the first Islamite invasion led by Kasim, were of the same 
lineage as Raja Sehris; and the Bhatti annals prove to demon- 
stntion^ that at this, the very period of their settling in the 
desert, the Soda tribe was paramount, (see p. 204<) ; which, 
together with the strong analogies in names of places and princes, 
affords a very reasonable ground for the conclusion we have come 
to, that the Soda tribe of PuAr race was in possession of Upper 
Sinde, when the Macedonian passed down the stream ; and that, 
amidst all the vicissitudes of fortune, it has continued (contesting 
poBseesion with its ancient Yadu antas:onist, the Samma) to main- 
tain some portion of its ancient sovereignty unto these days. Of 
this portion we shall now instruct the reader, after hazarding a 
passing remark on the almost miraculous tenacity which has pi'c- 
served this race in its desert abode during a period of at least two 
thousand two hundred years,*!* bidding defiance to foreign foes, 
"whether Greek, Bactrian, or Mahomedan, and even to those visita- 
tions of nature, famines, pestilence, and earthquakes, which have 
periodically swept over the land, and at length rendered it the 
iioene of desolation it now presents ; for in this desert, tis in that of 
'Egypt, tradition records that its increase has been and still is progres- 
sive, aa well in the valley of the Indus as towards the Jumna. 

(hnu/rkote. — ^This stronghold (kote) of the Omurs, until a very few 
yean back, was the capital of the Soda Raj, which extended, two 

* Of tliescthe author was so fortunate as to obtain one of Menander, and 

Aree of Apollodotus, whose existence had heretofore been questioned : the first 

€f the latter from the wreck of Si!ira^oori, the capital of the Siiraceni of Menu 

and Arrian ; another from the ancient Awlnti, or Oojein, whose monarch, 

looordiug to Justin, held a correspondence with Augustus ; and the third, in 

QomiMiiy with a whole jar of Hindu-Scythic and Bactrian medals, at Agra, 

which was dug up several years since in excavating the site of the more 

andent city. This, I have elsewhere surmised, might nave been the abode of 

AggJMBitiBf Agrorgrdm-esiaar, the *4ord of the city of Agra." mentioned by Arrian 

as the most potent monarch in the north of India, who, after the death of Poms, 

mm ready to oppose the further progress of Alexander. Let us hope that the 

Plinjib may yet afford us another peep into the past. For an account of these 

TWiaJs, see ^mmsactions of the Koyal Asiatic Society, VoL I, p. 313. 

f Cuisin, now Colonel, Pottinger, in his interesting work on Sinde and 
BelooeniBtan, in eztoacting from the Persian work " Mujmood Waridat" calls 
ihB ancient capital of Sinde, Ulaor, and mentions the overthrow of the dynasty 
oi **8aiuT"(iaie Sehris of Abulfazil), whose ancestors had governed Sinde 
for two thomod years. 


centuries ago, into the valley of Sinde, and east to the Looni ; but 
the Bahtores of Marwar, and the family at present ruling Sinde, 
have together reduced the sovereignty of the Sodas to a very confined 
spot, and thrust out of Omurkote (the last of the nine castles of 
Maroo) tbe descendant of Sehris, who, from Arore, held dominions 
extending from Cashmere to the ocean. Omurkote has sadly fallen 
from its ancient grandeur, and instead of the five thousand houses 
it contained during the opulence of the Soda princes, it hardly 
reckons two hundred and fifty houses, or rather huts. The old castle 
is to the north-west of the town. It is built of brick, and the 
bastions, said to be eighteen in number, are of stone. It has an 
inner citadel, or rather a fortified palace. There is an old canal to 
the north of the fort, in which water still lodges part of the year. 
When Raja Maun had posses-sion of Omurkote, he founded several 
villages thereunto, to keep up the communication. The Talpooris 
then found it their interest, so long as they had any alarms fix>m 
their own lord paramount of Candahar, to court the Rahtore prince ; 
but when civil war appeared in that region, as well as in Marwar, 
the cessation of all fears from the one, banished the desire of paying 
court to the other, and Omurkote was unhappilly placed between 
the EuUoras of Sinde and the Rahtores, each of Whom looked upon 
this frontier post as the proper limit of his sway, and contended for 
its possession. We shall therefore give an account of a feud between 
these rivals, which finally sealed the fate of the Soda prince, and 
which may contribute something to the history of the ruling family 
of Sinde, still imperfectly known. 

When Beejy Sing ruled Marwar, Meah Noor Mahomed, Kullora, 
governed Sinde ; but being expelled by an army from Candahar, he 
fled to Jessulm^r, where he died. The eldest son, Untur Khan, and 
his brothers, found refuge with Buhadoor Khan Khyrani ; while a 
natural brother, named Gholam Shah, bom of a common prostitute, 
found means to establish himself on the musnud at Hydrabad. The 
chiefs of Daodpotra espoused the cause of Untur Khan, and prepared 
to expel the usurper. Bahadoor Khan, Subzul Khan, Alii Morad, 
Mohumud Khan, Kaim Khan, Alli Khan, chiefs of the Khyrani 
tribe, united, and marched with Untur Khan to Hydrabad. Gholam 
Shah advanced to meet him, and the brothers encountered at 
Obdrora ; but legitimacy failed : the Khyrani chiefs almost all 
perished, and Untur Khan was made prisoner, and confined for life 
in Guja-ca-kote, an island in the Indus, seven coss south of Hydrabad. 
Qholam Shah transmitted his musnud to his son Serefi^ who, 
dying soon after, was succeeded by Abdul Nubbee. At the town of 
Abhepoora, seven coss east of Sheodadpoor (a town in Lohri Sinde), 
resided a chieftain of the Talpoori tribe, a branch of the Baloch, 
named Groram, who had two sons, named Becjur and Sobd^ 
SerefrsLz demanded Goram's daughter to wife ; he was refused, and 
the whole family was destroyed. Beejur Khan, who alone escaped 
the massacre, raised his clan to avenge him, deposed the tyrant, and 
placed himself upon the musnud of Hydrabad. The KuUoras 


dispersed; but the Beejur, who was of a violent and imperious 
teni|)erament, beciime involved in hostilities with the Kahtores 
regarding the possession of Omurkote. It is asserted that he not 
only demanded tribute from Marwar, hut a daughter of the Rahtore 
prince, to wife, setting forth as a precedent his grandfather, Ajit, who 
bestowed a wife on Feroehsere. This insult led to a pitched battle, 
fought at Doogai*a, five coss from Dhurnidur, in which the Baloch 
amiy was fairly beaten from the field by the Rahtore ; but Beejy 
Sing, not content with his victory, determined to be rid of this thorn 
in his side. A Bhatti and Chondawut offered their services, and 
lands being settled on their families, they set out on this perilous 
enterprize in the garb of ambassadoi-s. When introduced to the 
Beejur, he arrogantly demanded if the Baja had thought better of 
his demand, when the Chondawut referred him to his credentials. 
As the Beejur rapidly ran his eye over it, muttering " no mention of 
•* the ilola (bride)," the dagger of the Chondawut was buried in his 
heart " This for the dola" he exclaimed ; and " this for the tribute," 
said his comrade, as he struck another blow. The Beejur fell lifeless 
on his cushion of state, and the assassins, who knew escape was 
hopeless, plied their daggers on all around ; the Chondawut slaying 
twenty-one, and the Bhatti five, before they were hacked to pieces. 
The nephew of Beejur Khan, by name Futteh Alii, son of Sobddn, 
was chosen bis successor, and the old family of KuUora was dis- 
persed to Bhooj, and Rajpootana, while its representative repaired 
to Candahar. There the Shah put him at the head of an army of 
tw^enty-five thousand men, with which he reconquered Sinde, and 
commenced a career of unexampled cruelty. Futteh AUi, who had 
fled to Booj re-assemblcd his adherents, attacked the anny of the 
Shah, which he defeated and pursued with gi*eat slaughter beyond 
Shikarpoor, of which he took possession, and returned in triumph to 
Hydiabad. The cruel and now humbled Kullora once more appeai*ed 
before the Shah, who, exasperated at the inglorious result of his 
arms, drove him from his presence ; and afler wandering about, he 
passed from Mooltan to Jessulmer, settling at length at Pokum, 
where he died. The Pokum chief made himself his heir, and it is 
from the ereat wealth (chiefly in jewels) of the ex-prince of Sinde, 
that its chiefs have been enabled to take the lead in Marwar. The 
tomb of the exile is on the north side of the town.* 

* The memoir adds : Futteh Alii was succeeded by his brother, the present 
Gfaolam Alii, and he by his sod, Kumim AUL The geueral correctuess of this 
oatline is proved by a very iuteresting work (which has only fallen into my 
hands in tmie to make this note), entitled ^* Narrative of a Visit to the Court 
**" of tsinde," by Dr. Bums. Beejur Khan was minister to the Calora nilers of 
Sinde, whose cruelties at length gave the government to the family of the 
minister. As it is scarcely to be supposed that Raja Beejy Sin^ would furnish 
■MiiMina to the Calora, who could nave Httle ditiiculty in finding them in 
Sinde, the insolt which caused the fate of Beejur may have proceeded from his 
nuMtefy though he may have been made the scape-goat. It is much to be 
regtettdd that the Author of the " Visit to Sinde" did not accompmy the 
Ameers to Sehwftn (of which I shall venture an account obtained nearly twenty 
yem ago). With the able memoir and map (by his brother. Lieut, Burnes) of 


This episode, which properly belongs to the history of Marwar, 
or to Sinde, is introduced for the purpose of shewing the inflaenoe 
of the latter on the destinies of tlie Soda princes. It was by the 
Beejur, who fell by the emissaries of Beejy oing, that the Soda Raja 
was driven from Omurkote, the possession of which brought the 
Sindies into immediate collision witn the Bhattis and Rahtores. But 
on his assassination and the defeat of the Sinde army on the Riu, 
Beejy Sing re-inducted the Soda prince to his gadi of Omurkote ; 
not, however, long to retain it, for on the invasion from Candahar, 
this poor country underwent a general massacre and pillage by the 
Afghans, and Omurkote was assaulted and taken. When Futteh Alii 
msde head against the army of Candahar, which he was enabled to 
defeat, partly by the aid of the Rahtores, he relinquished, as the 
price of this aid, the claims of Sinde upon Omurkote, of which 
Beejy Sing took possession, and on whose battlements the flag of 
the Rahtores waved until the last civil war, when the Sindies ex- 
pelled them. Had Raja Maun known how to profit by the general 
desire of his chiefs to redeem this distant possession, he might have 
got rid of some of the unquiet spirits by other means than those 
which have brought infamy on his name.^ 

Choice. — Since Omurkote has been wrested from the Sodas, the 
expelled prince, who still presei*ves his title of Rana, i*esides at the 
town of Chore, fifteen miles north-east of his foimer capital The 
descendant of the princes who probably opposed Alexander, Menan- 
der, and Kasim, the lieutenant of Walld, and who sheltered Hema- 
yoon when driven from the throne of India, now subsists on the 
eleemosynaiy gifts of those with whom he is connected by marriage, 
or the few patches of land of his own desert domain left him by uie 
rulers of Sinde. He has eight brothers, who are hardly pushed for 
a subsistence, and can only obtain it by the supplement to all the 
finances of these states, plunder. 

The Soda, and the Jhar^ja, are the connecting links between the 
Hindu and the Mooslem ; for although the fui*uierVest we go, the 
gi*eater is the laxity of Rajpoot prejudice, yet to something more 
than mere locality must be attributed the denationalized sentiment, 
which allows the Soda to intermarry with a Sindie: this cause 
is hunger; and there are few zealots who will deny that its 
influence is more potent than the laws of Menu. Every third year 

the Elin, a new light has been thrown on the history and geography of this 
most interesting and important portion of India. It is to be desired that to a 
gentleman so well prepared may be entrusted the examination of this still 
nttle-known region. 1 had long entertained the hope of passing thronf^the 
desert, by Jessulm^r to Gotch, and thence, sailing down to Mansooiai visiting 
Arore, Sehw&n, Samma-nagari, and Bamunwasso. The rapture with Sinde in 
1820 gave me great expectations of accomplisMng this object, and I drew up 
and transmitted to Lord Hastings a plan of marching a force throu^ the 
desert, and planting the cross on the insular capital of the Sogdi ; bat pwoe 
was the order of the day. I was then in communication with Meer 'Sohitb, 
governor of Upper Sinde, who, I have little doubt, would have come over to 
our views. 



brings famine, and those who have not stored up against it, fly to 
their neighbours, and chiefly to the valley of the Indus. The con- 
nexions uiey then form often end in the union of their daughters 
with their protectors ; but they still so far adhere to ancient usage, 
as never to receive back into the family caste a female so allied. The 
present Rana of the Sodas has set the example, by giving daughters 
to Meer Gholam Alii and Meer Sohr4b, and even to the Khossa chief 
of Dadir ; and in consequence, his brother princes of Jessulm^r, Bali 
and Parkur, though they will accept a Soda princess to wife (because 
they can depend on the purity of Ker blood), yet will not bestow a 
daughter on the Rana, whose offspring might perhaps grace the 
harem of a Baloch. But the Rahtores of Marwar will neither give 
to, nor receive daughters of Dh^lt. The females of this desert region, 
being reputed very handsome, have become almost an article of 
matrimonial traffic ; and it is asserted, that if a Sindie hears of the 
beauty of a Dhdttidni, he sends to her father as much grain as he 
deems an equivalent, and is seldom refused her hand. We shall not 
here further touch on the manners or other peculiarities of the Soda 
tribe, though we may revert to them in the general outline of the 
tribes, wiwi which we shall conclude the sketch of the Indian 

Tribes. — The various tribes inhabiting the desert and valley of 
the Indus would alone form an ample subject of investigation, wiiich 
w^ould, in all probability, elicit some important truths. Amongst the 
converts to Islam, the inquirer into the pedigree of nations would 
discover names, once illustrious, but which, now hidden under the 
mantle of a new faith, might little aid his researches into the history 
of their origin. He would find the Soda, the Catti, the Mallard, 
affording in history, position, and nominal resemblance, grounds for 
inferring that they are the descendants of the Sogdi, Cat'hi, and 
Malli, who opposed the Macedonian in his passage down the Indus ; 
besides swarms of Getes or Yuti, many of whom have assumed the 
general title of Baloch, or retain the ancient specific name of NoomH ; 
while others, in that of zfhut, preserve almost the primitive appella- 
tion. We have also the remains of those interesting races the Johya^ 
and Dahyas, of which much has been said in the Annals of Jessulmer, 
tnd eLiewhere ; who, as well as the Getes or Jits, and Huns, hold 
s amongst the " thirty-six royal luces" of ancient India* 

ese, with the Barahas and the Lohanas, tribes who swarmed a few 
centuries ago in the Punjab, will now only be discerned in small 
nnmbers in '' the region of death,'' which has even preserved the 
illustrious name of Kdorwa, Crishnas foe in the JSharat The 
Safcnri^ or great robber of our western desert, would alone afibrd a 
text for discussion on his habits and his raids, as the enemy of all 
society. But we shall begin with those who yet retain any preten- 
sons to the name of Hindu (distinguishing them from the proselytes 
to Islam), and afterwards descant upon their peculiarities. Bhatti, 

* See sketch of the tribes, Vol. I, p. 75. 




Bahtore, Joda, Chohan, Mallani, KSorwa, Johya, Sooltano, LobaDa, 
Arorah, Khoomra, Sindil, Maisuri, Vishndvi, Jakhur, Shiagli or 
Ashiag, Pooniah. 

Of the Mahomedan there are but two, Kullora and Sehifte, 
concerning whose origin any doubt exists, and all those we are about 
to specify are Nydds* or praselytes chiefly from Rajpoot or other 
Hindu tribes : 

Zj*hut ; Rajur ; Oomra ; Soomra ; Mair, or Mer ; M6r, or Mohor ; 
Baloch ; Loomrea, or Looka ; Sumaicha ; Mangulia ; Baggr^ah ; 
Dahya ; Johya ; Kairooe ; Jangurea ; Oondur ; Berowee ; Bawuri ; 
Tawuri ; Chrendea ; Khossa ; Sudani ; Lohanas. 

Before we remark upon the habits of these tribes, we may state 
one prominent trait which characterises the Nydd, or convert to 
Islam, who, on parting with his original faith, divested himself of its 
chief moral attribute, toleration, and imbibed a double portion of the 
bigotry of the creed he adopted. Whether it is to the intrinsic 
quality of the Mahomedan faith that we are to trace this moral 
metamorphosis, or to a sense of degradation (which we can hardly 
suppose) consequent on his apostacy, there is not a more ferocious, 
or intolerant being on the earth than the Rajpoot convert to Islamism. 
In Sinde, and the desert, we find the same tribes, bearing the same 
name, one still Hindu, the other Mahomedan ; the first retaining his 
primitive mannera, while the convert is cruel, intolerant, cowardly, 
and inhospitable. Escape, with life at least, perhaps a portion of 
property, is possible from the hands of the Maldote, the l^rkhani, 
the Bliutti, or even the Tawuries, distinctively called " the sons of 
" the devil ;" but from the Khossas, the Sehrft^s, or Bhuttis, there 
would be no hope of salvation. Such are their ignorance and brutality, 
that should a stranger make use of the words mssah, or rustah 
(rope, and road), he will be fortunate if he escape with bastinado 
from these beings, who discover therein an analogy to nisool, or 
* tiie prophet :* he must for the former use the wordslcUbur, ruTidari, 
and for the latter, duggra, or dugy.f It will not fail to strike those 
who have perused the heart-thrilling adventures of Park, Denham, 
and Clapperton — names which will live for ever in the annals of 
discovery — how completely the inoffensive, kind, and hospitable 
negro, resembles in these qualities the Rajpoot, who is transformed 
into a wild-beast the moment he can repeat " La-^Uah, il-&Uafa, 
"Mahomed Rusool 411a," ' there is but one God, and Mahomed is the 
prophet of Qod :' while a remarkable change has taken place amongst 
the Tatar tribes, since the anti-destructive doctrines of Biidha for 
Hinduism purified of polytheism) have been introduced into tke 
regions of Central Asia. 

On the BhattLs, the Rahtores, the Chohans, and their ofEsei the 

* Nydd is the noviciate, literally the first (dd) new (nc4\ or original 
oonvertB, I suppose. 

t Duggra ia very common in RiypootaDa for a * path-way ;' but the snbstitate 
here used for russah^ a rope, I am not acquainted wiUi. 


Mallani, we have sufficiently expatiated, and likewise on the Soda ; 
but a few peculiarities of this latter tribe remain to be noticed. 

Soda. — ^The Soda, who has retained the name of Hindu, has yet 
80 far discarded ancient prejudice, that he will drink from the same 
vessel and smoke out of the same hooka with a Mussulman, laying 
aside only the tube that touches the mouth. With his poverty, the 
Soda has lost his reputation for courage, retaining only the merit of 
being a dexterous thief, and joining the hordes of and 
Kossas who prowl from D^dpotra to Guzzerat. The arms of the 
Sodas are chiefly the sword and shield, with a long knife in the 
ffirdle, which serves either as a stiletto or a carver for his meat : 
few have matchlocks, but the primitive sling is a general weapon of 
offence, and they are very expert in its use. Their dress partakes 
of the Bhatti and Mahomedan costume, but the turban is peculiar 
to themselves, and by it a Soda may always be recognized. The ; 
Soda is to be found scattered over the desert, but there are offsets of 
his tribe, now more numerous than the parent stock, of which 
the Sumaicha is the most conspicuous, whether of those who are still 
Hindu, or who have become converts to Islam. 

Kdorwa. — This singular tribe of Rajpoots, whose habits, even in 
ibe midst of pillage are entirely nomadic, is to be found chiefly in 
tbe t^hvZ of Dhat, though in no great numbers. They have no fixed 
habitations, but move about with their flocks, and encamp wherever 
ibey find a spring or pasture for their cattle ; and there construct 
temporary huts of the wide-spreading peeloOy by interlacing its living 
branches, covering the top with leaves, and coating the inside with 
clay : in so skilful a manner do they thus shelter themselves, that 
no sign of human habitation is observable from without. Still the 
Sehr^ is always on the look-out for these sylvan retreats, 
in which the shepherds deposit their little hoards of grain, raised 
from the scanty patches around them. The restless disposition of 
the KiLorwas, who even among their ever-roaming brethren enjoy a 
species of fame in this respect, is attributed (said my Dhatti) to a 
curse entailed upon them from remote ages. They rear camels, cows, 
buflGEkloes, and goats, which they sell to the Charuns and other 
merchanta They are altogether a singularly peaceable race ; and 
like all their Aajpoot brethren, can at will people the desert with 
palaces of their own creation, by the delightful uml-pdni, the 
universal panacea for ills both moral and physical. 

Dhote, or Dhatti, is another Eajpoot, inhabiting Dhki, and in no 
greater numbers than the Kaorwas, whom they i*esemble in their 
habits, being entirely pastoral, cultivating a few patches of land, and 
trosting to the heavens alone to bring it forward. They barter the 
j^ue or clarified butter, made from the produce of their flocks, for 
grain and other necessaries of life. Rabri and chauch, or ' porridge 
and buttermilk,' form the grand fare of the desert. A couple of 
seers of flour of bajra, joo&r, and kaijri, is mixed with some seers of 
cka/wch, and exposed to the fire, but not boiled, and this mess will 


suffice for a large family. The cows of the desert are mach lai^ger 
than those of the plains of India, and give from eight to ten seers 
(eight or ten quarts) of milk daily. The produce of four cows will 
amply subsist a family of ten persons from the sale of ghee; and 
their prices vary with their productive powers, from ten to tifbeen 
rupees each. This rabri, so analogous to the hmakoua of the African 
desert, is often made with camel's milk, from which ghee cannot be 
extracted, and which soon becomes a living mass when put aside. 
Dried fish, from the valley of Sinde, is conveyed into the desert on 
horses or camels, and finds a ready sale amongst all classes, even as 
far east as Barmair. It is sold at two dokras (coppers) a seer. The 
pooraa, or temporary hamlets of the Dhattis, consisting at most of 
ten huts in each, resemble those of the K^lorwas. 

Lohana. — This tribe is numerous both in Dh&t and Talpoora: 
formerly they were Rajpoots, but betaking themselves to commerce, 
have fallen into the third class. They are scribes and shopkeepers, 
and object to no occupation that will bring a subsistence; and as to 
food, to use the expressive idiom of this region, where hunger spurns 
at law, " excepting their cats and their cows, they will eat any- 
** thing." 

Arorah. — This class, like the former, apply themselves to every 
pursuit, trade, and agriculture, and fill many of the inferior offices of 
government in Sinde, being shrewd, industrious, and intelligent 
With the thrifty Arorah and many other classes, flour steeped in 
cold water suffices to appease hunger. Whether this class has its 
name from being an inhabitant of Arore, we know not. 

Bhattiah is also one of the equestrian order converted into the 
commercial, and the exchange has been to his advantage. ELis habits 
are like those of the Arorah, next to whom he ranks as to activity 
and wealth. The Aroralis and Bhattiahs have commercial houses at 
Shikarpoor, Hydrabad, and even at Surat and Jeipoor. 

Brahmins. — Biahniiv^ is the most common sect of Brahmins in 
the desert and Sinde. The doctrines of Menu with them go for as 
much as they are worth in the desei-t, where " they are a law unto 
" themselves." They wear the junnoo, or badge of their tribe, but 
it here ceases to be a mark of clerical distinction, as no drones are 
respected ; they cultivate, tend cattle, and barter their superfluous 
ghee for other necessaries. They are most numerous in DhAt, having 
one hundred of their order in Chore, the residence of the Soda Bana^ 
and several houses in Omurkote, Dhamas, and Mittie. They do 
not touch fish or smoke tobacco, but will eat food dressed by the 
hands of a malH (gardener), or even a nd^ (barber caste) ; nor do 
they use the chowka, or fireplace, reckoned indispensable in more 
civUized regions. Indeed, all classes of Hindus tnroughout Sinde 
will partake of food dressed in the serai, or inn, by the hands of the 
Bviearin. They use indiscriminately each others vessels^ without 
any process of purification but a little sand and water. They do 
not even burn their dead, but bury them near the thrediold ; and 


tliose who can afford it, raise small chabootras, or altars, on which 
they place an image of Siva, and a gurra, or jar of water. The 
ju/nnoo, or thread which mai*ks the sacerdotal character in fiUndu- 
stlmn, is common in these regions to all classes, with the exception 
of Kolis and Lohanas. This practice originated with their governors, 
in order to discriminate them from those who have to perform the 
most servile duties. 

Rebarris. — This term is known throughout Hindust'han only as 
denoting persons employed in rearing and tending camels, who are 
there always Mooslems. Here they are a distinct tiibe, and Hindus, 
employed entirely in rearing camels, or in stealing them, in which 
4)ey evince a peculiar dexterity, uniting with the Bhattis in the 
practice as far as D^dpotra. When they come upon a herd grazing, 
the boldest and most experienced strikes his lance into the tirst he 
roaches, then dips a cloth in the blood, which at the end of his lance 
he thrusts close to the nose of the next, and wheeling about, sets off 
at speed, followed by the whole herd, lured by the scent of blood 
and the example of their leader. 

JakkuT, Sh{ag% Pooniah, are all denominations of the Jit race, a 
few of whom preserve under these ancient subdivisions their old 
castoms and religion ; but the greater part are among the converts 
to Islam, and retain the generic name, pronounced zfhut Those 
eoiimerated are harmless and industrious, and are found both in the 
deaeit and valley. There are besides these a few scattered families 
of ancient tribes, as the Sooltano* and Khoomra, of whose history 
we are ignorant, Johyas, Sindils and others, whose origin has already 
been noticed in the annals of Maroost'hali. 

We shall now leave this general account of the Hindu tribes, who 
throughout Sinde are subservient to the will of the Mahomedan, 
\rho 18 remarkable, as before observed, for intolerance. The Hindu 
ia always second : at the well, he must wait patiently until his 
lOTant has filled his vessel ; or if, in cooking his dinner, a Mooslem 
woold require fire, it must be given forthwiSi, or the shoe would be 
applied to the Hindu's head. 

SehrdS, Kosaahj Chandea, Sudani. — The Sehr&6 is the most 
numerous of the Mahomedan tribes of the desert, said to be Hindu 
in origin, and descendants of the ancient dynasty of Arore ; but 
whether his descent is derived from the dynasty of Sehris (written 
Sahir by Pottinger), or from the Arabic word aehrd, ' a desert,' of 
which he is the terror, is of very little moment. The Kossas or 
\, &a, are branches of the Sehr&^, and their habits are the 
They have reduced their mode of rapine to a system, and 
eataUiflhed leoorie, or black-mail, consisting of one rupee and five 

* AbolfanL in describing the province of B\jore, inhabited by the Eusofzyes, 
oja that a trine called ^ Sultana, who affirmed themselves to be the descendants 
** of the danffhter of Sultan Seconder Zulkemain, came from Cabul iu the time 
*^ of Huna Ulu^ Beg, and possessed themselves of this country." Mr. Elphin- 
atone enquired u vain for this offspring of Alexander the Great. 


durria of grain for every plough, exacted even from the hamlets of the 
shepherds throughout the tkvl. Their bands are chiefly mounted 
on camels, though some are on horseback ; their arms are the thoM 
or mng (lances of bamboo or iron), the sword and shield^ and but 
few fire-arms. Their depredations used to be extended a hundred 
coss around, even into Jodpoor and Dfiodpotra, but they eschew 
coming in contact with the Rajpoot, who says of a Sehiu^, " he is 
" sure to be asleep when the battle nakarra beats." Their chief 
abode is in the southern portion of the desert ; and about Noakote, 
Mittie, as far as Buliarie. Many of them used to find service at 
Oodipoor, Jodpoor, and Sooe-Bah, but they are cowardly and 

Sumaicha is one of the oiydd, or proselytes to Islam from the 
Soda race, and numerous both in the €hul and the valley, where 
they have many pooras or hamlets. They resemble the Dhotes in 
their habits, but many of them associate with the Sehrft^, and 
plunder their brethren. They never shave or touch the hair of their 
heads, and consequently look more like brutes than human beings. 
They allow no animal to die of disease, but kill it when Uiey 
think there are no hopes of recovery. The Sumaicha women 
have the reputation of being great scolds, and never veil their fiices. 

Rajurs. — They are said to be of Bhatti descent, and confine their 
haunts to the desert, or the borders of Jessulm^r, as at Ramgurh, 
KeMlah, Jaraillah, &c. ; and the fhul between Jessulm^r and Upper 
Sinde : — they are cultivatora, shepherds, and thieves, and aie 
esteemed amongst the very worst of the converts to Mahomedanism. 

Omura and Soomras are from the Pramar or Pii&r race, and are 
now chiefly in the ranks of the faithful, though a few are to be 
found in Jessulmdr and in the t'hul called after them ; of whom we 
have already said enough. 

KvUorah and TalpoorC are tribes of celebrity in Sinde, the first 
having furnished the late, and the other its present, dynasty of 
rulers ; and though the one has dared to deduce its origin from the 
Abbasides of Persia, and the other has even advanced pretensions to 
descent from the prophet, it is asserted that both are alike Balocbes, 
who are said to be essentially Jit or Gete in origin. The Talpooris, 
who have their name from the town (poora) of palms (tdl or &ir), are 
said to amount to one-fourth of the population of JLohri or LitUe 
Sinde, which misnomer they afi^ to the dominion of Hydrabad. 
There are none in the fhiU. 

Noamrie, Loomrie, or Looka. — This is also a grand subdivision of 
the Baloch race, and is mentioned by Abulfazil as ranking next to 
the Kulmani, and being able to bring into the field three hundred 
cavalry and seven thousand infantry. Gladwin has rendered the 
name Nomurdy, and is followed by Rennel. The Noomries, or 
Loomries, also styled Looka, a still more familiar term for fox, are 
likewise affirmed to be Jit in origin. What is the etymology of the 


generic term Balooch, which they have assumed, or whether the}"^ 
took it £rom, or gave it to, Baloochistan, some future enquirer into 
these subjects may discover. 

Zj*hut, Juty or Jit. — This very original race, far more numerous 
than perhaps all the Rajpoot tribes put together, still retains its 
mncient appellation throughout the whole of Sinde, from the sea to 
DAodpotra, but there are few or none in the fhuL Their habits 
differ little from those who surround them. They are amongst the 
oldest converts to Islam. 

Jlair, or M^. — We should scarcely have expected to find a 
mountidneer (Tn^ra) in the valley of Sinde, but their Bhatti origin 
sufficiently accounts for the term, as Jessulmer is termed M^r. 

MohoT, or Mdr. — Said to be also Bhatti in origin. 

TawuH, Thori, or Tori. — These engross the distinctive epithet of 
bkoot, or ' evil spirits,' and the yet more emphatic title of, ' sons of 
the deviL* Their origin is doubtful, but they rank with the 
Bftwiiris, Kheng^rs, and other professional thieves scattered over 
Bajpootana, who will bring you either your enemy's head or the 
turban from it. They are found in the t'huls of Dd^dpotra, Beejnote, 
Noke, Noakote, and Oodur. They are proprietors of camels, which 
they hire out, and also find employment as convoys to caravana 

Johyas, DaJiyas, Mangulias, once found amongst the Bajpoot 
tribes, now proselytes to Islam, but few in number either in the 
Tallev or the desert There are also Bairowia, a class of Baloch, 
Khaxrowis, Jangreaa, Oondurs, Baggreaha, descended from the 
l^FBinar and Sankla Bajpoots, but not possessing, either in respect to 
tmmbers or other distinctive marks, any claims on our attention. 

DdodpotrcL — This petty state, though beyond the pale of Hinduism, 
^et being but a recent formation out of the Bhatti state of Jessul- 
% is strictly within the limits of Maroost'hali. Little is known 
the family who founded it, and we shall therefore contine 
Lves to this point, which is not adverted to by Mr. Elphinstone, 
>Mrho may be consulted for the interesting description of its prince, 
id his capital, Bhawulpoor, during the halt of the embassy to CabuL 

Dftod Khan, the founder of Dftodpotra, was a native of Shikarpoor, 

of the Indus, where he acquired too much power for a subject, 

and consequently drew upon himself the arms of his sovereign of 

Oandahar. Unable to cope with them, he abandoned his native place, 

passed his family and efiects across the Indus, and followed them 

into the desert The royal forces pursued, and coming up with him 

at Sootialloh, D&od had no alternative but to surrender, or destroy 

the fiunilies who impeded his flight or defence. He acted the Rajpoot, 

and fiu»d his foes ; who, appalled at this desperate act, deemed it 

iminse to attack him, and retreated D&od Khan, with his adherents, 

then settled in the kutckee, or flats of Sinde, and gradually extended 

his authority into the fhul. He was succeeded by Mobarick Khan ; 

he, by his nephew Bhawul Khan, whose son is Sadik Mahomed 


Khan, the present lord of Bhawulpoor, or Dftodpotra, a name 
applied both to the country and to its possessors, *' the children 
" of David/' It was Mobarick who deprived the Bhattis of the 
district called ELhddal, so often mentioned in the annals of 
Jessulmdr, and whose chief town is Derrawul, founded by Rawol 
Deoraj in the eighth century ; and where the successor of D&od 
established his abode. Derrawul was at that time inhabited 
by a branch of the Bhattis, broken off at a very early period, 
its chief holding the title of Rawul, and whose family since 
their expulsion have resided at Gurialah, belonging to Bfkan^, on 
an allowance of five rupees a day, granted by the conqueror. The 
capital of the '' sons of David" was removed to the south bank of the 
Garah by Bhawul Khan (who gave it his name), to the site of an 
old Bhatti city, whose name I could not learn. About thirty years 
ago* an army from Candahar invaded D&odpotra, invested ai^d took 
Derrawul, and compelled Bhawul Khan to seek protection with the 
Bhattis at Beekumpoor. A negociation for its restoration took 
place, and he once more pledged his submission to the Abdalli king, 
and having sent his son Mobarick Khan as a hostage and raarant^ 
for the liquidation of the imposition, the army withdrew. Mobarick 
continued three years at Cabul, and was at length restoi*ed to liberty 
and made Khan of Bhawulpoor, on attempting which he was impri- 
soned by his father, and confined in the fortress of Kinjer, where he 
remained nearly until Bhawul Khan's death. A short time previous 
to this, the principal chiefs of Ddx^dpotra, viz,, Buddaira Khynini, 
chief of Mozgurh, Khodabuksh of Teraroh, Ikhtiar Khan of Gurhie, 
and Hadji Khan of Ootch, released Mobarick Khan from Kinjer, 
and they had reached Morarrah, when tidings arrived of the death 
of Bhawul Khan. He continued his route to the capital; but 
Nuseer Kiian, son of Allum Khan, Goorg^chd (Baloch), having 
formerly injured him and dreading punishment, had him assassin- 
ated, and placed his brother, the present chief, Sadik Mahomed, 
on the musnud: who immediately shut up his nephews, the 
sons of Mobarick, together with his younger brothers, in the 
fortress of Derrawul They escaped, raised a force of Rajpoots 
and Poorbias, and seized upon Derrawul ; but Sadik escaladed it, 
the Poorbias made no defence, and both his brothers and one 
nephew were slain. The other nephew got over the wall, but 
was seized by a neighbouring chief, surrendered, and slain; and 
it is conjectured the whole was a plot of Sadik Khan to afford a 
pretext for their death. Nuseer Khan, by whose instigation he 
obtained the musnud, was also put to death, being too powerful for 
a subject. But the Khyrani lords have always been plotting against 
their liege ; an instance of which has been given in the annab of 
Bikan^r, when Teraroh and Mozgurh were confiscated^ and the chiefi 
sent to the castle of Kinjer, the state prison of D&odpotra. Ghiriiie 
still belongs to Abdalla^ son of Hadjf Kiian, but no territory is 

* This memorandum was written, I think, in 1811 or 1812. 


annexed to it. Sadik Mahomed has not the reputation of his father, 
wliom Beejy Sing, of Marwar, used to style his brother. The 
DIbodpotras are much at variance amongst each other, and detested 
hy the Bhattis, &om whom they have hitherto exacted a tribute to 
abstain from plunder. The fear of Candahar no longer exists at 
Bhawulpoor, whose chief is on good tenns \idth his neighbour of 
Upper Sinde, though he is often alarmed by the threats of Runjeet 
Sing of Lahore, who assei-ts supremacy over " the children of David." 

Diseases, — Of the numerous diseases to which the inhabitants of 
the desert are subjected, from poor and unwholesome diet, and yet 
more unwholesome drink, rdtaridd or night-blindness, the oiarooa or 
Guinea-worm, and varicose veins, are the most common. The first 
and last are mostly confined to the poorer classes, and those who 
are compelled to walk a great deal, when the exertion necessary to 
extricate the limbs from deep sand, acting as a constant drag upon 
the elasticity of the fibres, occasions them to become ruptured. Yet, 
such is the force of habit, that the natives of Dhftt in my service, 
who had all their lives been plying their limbs as kasids, or carriers 
of despatches, between all the cities on the Indus and in Rajpootana, 
complained of the firmer footing of the Indian plains, as more fatigu- 
ing than that of their native sand-hills. But I never was a convert to 
the Dhatti's reasoning ; with all his simplicity of character, even in 
this was there vanity, for his own swelled veins, which could be 
compared to nothing but mttans twisted round the calf of his limbs, 
if they did not belie his assertion, at least proved that he had paid 
dearly for his pedestrianism in the desert. From the narooa, or 
Guinea-worm, there is no exemption, from the prince to tlie peasant, 
and happy is the man who can boast of only one trial The disease 
is not confined to the desert and western Rajpootana, being bx 
4oni uncommon in the central states ; but beyond the Aravidli the 
Question of " how is your Tiarooa T* is almost a general form of 
greeting, so numerous are the sufierers from this malady. It gene- 
^*ally attacks the limbs and the integuments of the joints, when it is 
excruciating almost past endui-ance. Whether it arises from animal- 
^svkls^ in sand or water, or porous absorption of minute particles 
ii!al>aed with the latent vital piinciple, the natives are not agreed. 
Sat the seat of the disease appears immediately under and adhesive 
*%o the skin, on which it at first produces a small speck, which, 
gradually increasing and swelling, at length reaches a state of inflam- 
mation that aflects the whole system. The worm then begins to 
inove^ and as it attains the degree of vitality apparently necessary 
for extricating itself, its motions are unceasing, and night and day it 
the unhappy patient, who only exists in the hope of daily 
the head of his enemy pierce the cuticle. This is tne moment 
Ibr action : the skilful Tiarooo-doctor is sent for, who seizes upon the 
head of the worm, and winding it round a needle or straw, employs 
it as a windlass, which is daily set in motion at a certain hour, when 
they wind out as much line as they can without the risk of break- 
ing it. Unhappy the wretch whom this disaster befals, when, 



happening 'to fall into a feverish slumber, he kicks the windlass, ' 
and snaps the living thread, which creates tenfold inflanunailioD 
and suppuration. On the other hand, if by patience and skill it is 
extracted entire, he recovers. I should almost imagine, when the ' 
patriarch of Uz exclaims, " My flesh is clothed with worms: mj 
" skin is broken and become loathsome. When I lie down, 1 8»j, 
'* when shall I arise and the night be gone V* that he must have ben 
afflicted with the narooa, than which none of the ills that flesh k 
heir to can be more agonizing.* 

They have the usual infantine and adult diseases, as in the rest of 
India. Of these the seetla, or ' small-pox,' and the teydrri, or 
* tertian,' are the most common. For the first, they merely reoon- 
mend the little patient to ' Seetla M£td ;' and treat the other witt 
astringents, in which infusion of the rind of the pom^ranate a ^ 
always (when procurable) an ingredient The rich, as in otlier 
countries, are under the dominion of empirics, who entail worn 
diseases by administering mineral poisons, of whose effects they an 
ignorant. Enlargement of the spleen under the influence of tim 
fevers is very common, and its cure is mostly the actual cautery. 

Famine is, however, the grand natural disease of these regun^ 
whose legendary stanzas teem with records of visitations of BocUiB^ 
Mata, the ' famished mother,' from the remotest times. That whii 
is best authenticated in the traditions of several of these states^ 
occurred in the eleventh century, and continued during twelve 
years ! It is erroneously connected with the name of Lakha Phodtoi 
who was the personal foe of Seoji, the first Rahtore emigrant fiom 
Canouj, and who slew this Robin Hood of the desert in S. 12© 
(A.D. 1212). Doubtless the desiccation of the Caggar river, in tha 
time of Hamir Soda, nearly a century before, must have been tto 
cause of this. Every third year they calculate upon a partial vidti- 
tion, and in 1812 one commenced which lasted three or four yeen, 
extending even to the central states of India, when flocks of poor 
creatures found their way to the provinces on the Ganges, sellii^ 
their infants, or parting with their own liberty, to sustain existence^ 

Productions, animal and vegetable, — The camel, * the ship of the 
desert,' deserves the first mention. There he is indispensable; he is 

Jroked to the plough, draws water from the well, bears it for to 
ordly master in mesheks, or ' skins,' in the passage of the desert, vA 
can dispense with it himself altogether during several days. Tlus 
quality, the formation of his hoof^ which has the property of con- 
tracting and expanding according to the soil, and the induration oC 
his mouth, into which he draws by his tongue the branches of titt 

♦ My friend Dr. Joseph Duncan (attached to the Residency when I m^ 
Political agent at Oodipoor) was attacked hy the narooa in a very aggravated 
foruL It fixed itself in the ancle-joint, and being broken in the attempt V 
extricate it, was attended by all the evil resn Its I have described^ ending i] 
lameness, and generally imj^aired health, which obliged him to visit the Gkd 
for recovery, wnere I saw him on my way home eighteen months after, bnt I 
had even then not altogether recovered from the lameness. 


babool, the kh^, and jowds, with their long thonis, sharp and haid 
us needles, attest the beneiicence of the supreme Artist. It is singular 
that the Arabian patiiarch, who so accurately describes the habits of 
various animals, domestic and ferocious, and who was himself lord of 
three thousand camels, should not have mentioned the peculiar 
properties of the camel, though in alluding to the incapacity of the 
.uoicom (rhinoceros) for the plough, he seems indirectly to insinuate 
the use of others besides the ox for this purpose. The camels of the 
desert are far superior to those of the phiins, and those bred in the 
fhuU of Dh&t and Barmair are the best of all. The Bajas of Jessul- 
m4r and Bikaner have corps of camels trained for war. That of the 
former state is two hundred strong, eighty of which belong to the 
prince ; the rest are the quotas of his chiefs ; but how they are rated, 
or in what ratio to the horsemen of the other principalities, I never 
thought of enquiring. Two men are mounted on each camel, one 
facing the heaa, the other the rear, and they are famous in a retreat- 
ing action : but when compelled to come to close quarters, they 
make the camel kneel known, tie his legs, and retiring behind, make 
a breastwork of his body, resting the matchlock over the pack-saddle. 
There is not a shrub in the desert that does not serve the camel for 

Khur-guddha, Gorkhur, or the wild ass, is an inhabitant of the 
desert, but most abounds in the southern pai*t, about Dhat, and the 
deep roo^ which extends from Barmair to Bankasirr and Buliari, 
along the north bank of the great Runn, or ' salt desert' 

Roz or NUgd^, Lions, &c. — The noble species of the deer, the 
nUgfte, is to be met with in numerous parts of the desert; and 
although it enjoys a kind of immunity from the Bajpoot of the 
plains, who may hunt, but do not eat its flesh, here, both for food 
^nd for its hide, it is of great use. Of the other wild animals com- 
mon to India they have the tiger, fox, jackal, hare, and also the 
:nob1er animal, the lion. 

Of domestic ani/malSy as hoi-ses, oxen, cows, sheep, goats, asses, 
'there is no want, and even the last-mentioned is made to go in the 

Goats and sheep. — Flocks (here termed chang) of goats and 
sheep are pastured in vast numbers in the desert. It is 
asserted that the goat can subsist without water from the month 
of Kartick to the middle of Cheyt, the autumnal to the spring equi- 
nox, — apparently an impossibility : though it is well known that 
they can dispense with it during six weeks when the grasses are 
abundant In the^'^uZaof Daodpotra and Bhattipoh, they remove 
to the flats of Sinde in the commencement of the hot weather. The 
shepherds, like their flocks, go without water, but find a substitute 
in tne ehau4Ji, or butter-milk, after extracting the butter, which is 
made into ghee, and exchanged for grain, or other necessaries. Those 
who pasture camels also live entirely upon their milk, and the wild 
fruits^ scarcely ever tasting bread. 


Shrubs and fruits, — We have often bad occasion to mention the 
kliyr or khured; the lehayH, whose pod converted, when dried, into 
flour, is called sangri ; the jhM, which serves to hut the shepherds, 
and in Jeyt and Bys&k affords them fruit ; ihepedoo, used as food ; 
the habool, which yields its medicinal gum ; the hSr, or jujube, which 
also has a pleasant fruit ; all of which serve the camel to brouze on, 
and are the most common and most useful of the shrubs : the jowds, 
whose expressed juice yields a gum used in medicine ; the phoke, 
with whose twigs they line their wells ; and the alkaline plant the 
saji, which they bum for its ashes. Of these, the first and last are 
worthy of a more detailed notice. 

The khureel, or hJiyr (the capparis, or caper-bush), is well-known 
both in Hindust'han and the desert : there they use it as a pickle, 
but here it is stored up as a culinary article of importance. The bush 
is from ten to fifteen feet in height, spreading very wide ; there are 
no leaves on its ever-green twig-like branches, which bear a red 
flower, and the fruit is about the size of a large black currant. When 
gathered, it is steeped for twenty-four hours in water, which is then 
poured off, and it undergoes, afterwards, two similar operations, when 
the deleterious properties are carried off; they are tnen boiled and 
eaten with a little salt, or by those who can aflbrd it, dressed in ghee 
and eaten with bread. Maoiy families possess a stock of twenty 

The saji is a low bushy plant, chiefly produced in the northern 
desert, and most abundant in those tracts of Jessulm^r called KhidiU, 
now subject to Dftodpotra. From Foogul to Derrawul, and thence 
by Moreed-kote, Ikhtiar Khan-ca-gurhie, to Khyrpoor (Dyr Alii), 
is one extensive fhul, or desert, in which there are very considerable 
tracts of low hard flat, termed chittrdTa* foimed by the lodgment of 
water after rain, and in these spots only is the saji plant produced. 
The salt, which is a sub-carbonate of soda, is obtained by incinera- 
tion, and the process is as foUows : Pits are excavated and filled 
with the plant, which, when fired, exudes a liquid substance that 
falls to the bottom. While burning, they agitate the mass with long 
poles, or throw on sand if it bums too rapidly. When the virtue 
of the plant is extracted, the pit is covered with sand, and left for 
three days to cool ; the alkali is then taken out, and freed from its 
impurities by some process. The purer product is sold at a rupee 
the seer (two pounds weight) ; of the other upwards of forty seers 
are sold for a rupee. Both Rajpoots and Mahomedans pursue this 
employment, and pay a duty to the lord paramount of a copper pice 
on every rupee's worth they seU. Charuns and others from the 

* Chittrdm, the name applied to these flats of hard soil (which Mr. Elphin- 
stone happily describes, bv saying that it rings under the horse's hoofs in 
marching over it), is literally ' the picture ' from the circumstance of such spots 
SLhnost constantly presenting the mira^e^ here termed ckittrdm. How far the 
soil, so deeply impregnated with alkaline matter, may tend to heighten, if not 
to cause this, we nave elsewhere noted in a general account of this optical 
phenomenon in various parts of northern India. 


tovrns of Marwar purchase and transport this salt to the different 
marts^ whence it is distributed over all parts of India It is a 
considerable article of commerce with Sinde, and entire caravans of 
it are carried to Bekher, Tatta, and Cutch. The virtue of the soda is 
urell understood in culinary purposes, a little aaji added to the hard 
water soon softening the mess of pulse and rice preparing for their 
meals ; and the tobacconists use considerable quantities in their 
trade, as it is said to have the power of restoring the lost virtues of 
the plant 

Orasses are numerous, but unless accompanied by botanical illus- 
tration, their description would possess little interest. There is the 
gigantic aehvmn, or s^Uy classically known as the c&sa, and said to 
have originated the name of Ciish, the second son of Rama, and 
his race the Cushwaha It is often eight feet in height ; when 
yoong, it serves as provender for animals, and when more mature, 
as thatch for the huts, while its roots supply a fibre, converted by 
the weavers into brushes indispensable to their trade. There is 
likewise the sirkunda, the dkamun, the dhooha^ and vaiious others ; 
besides the gokra, the papH, and the bhoorut, which adhering to 
their garments, are the torment of travellers. 

Mdons. — Of the cucurbitaceous genus, indigenous to the desert, 
they have various kinds, from the gigantic khurbooza and the chipra, 
to we dwarf gowdr. The tomata, whose Indian name I have not 
preserved, is sJso a native of these regions, and well-known in other 
parts of India. We shall trespass no further with these details, than 
to add, that the botanical names of all such trees, shrubs, or grains, 
as oecnr in this work, will be given with the general Index, to avoid 
unnecessary repetition. 


Jesaulm^r to Sehwan, on the Hght hank of the Indus, and Hydra- 
bad, and return by Omurkote to Jeaaulmir. 

Kooldurra, (5 coss.) — A village inhabited by Palliwal Brahmins; 
two hundred houses ; wells. 

Gujea-cor-bustee, (2 coss.) — Sixty houses ; chiefly Brahmins ; welk 

Khaba, (3 coss.) — Three hundred houses ; chiefly Brahmins ; a small 
fort of four bastions on low hills, having a garrison of Jessulmfe 

Kunohiy (5 coss.) \ An assemblage of hamlets of four or five huts on 
Soom, (5 do. ) j one spot, about a mile distant from each other 
conjointly ciilled Soom, having a booij or tower for defence, 
garrisoned from Jessulmer ; several large wells, termed havreah; 
inhabitants, chiefly Sindies of various tribes, pasture their flocks, 
and bring salt and kharra (natron) from Deo Cbundeswar, the 
latter used as a mordant in fixing colours, exported to all parts. 
Half-way between Soom and Moolanoh is the boundary ot 
Jessulmer and Sinde. 

Moolanoh* (24 coss.) — A hamlet of ten huts; chiefly Sindies; 
situated amidst lofty sand-hills. From Soom, the first half w 
the journey is over alternate sand-hills, rocky ridges (termed 
muggro), and occasionally plain ; for the next three, rocky ridges 
and sand-hills without any flats, and the remaining nine coesa 
succession of lofty teebas. In all this space of twenty-four cobs 
there are no wells, nor is a drop of water to be had but after 
i-ain, when it collects in some old tanks or reservoirs, called 
nodi and tabah, situated half-way, where in past times there 
was a town. 

* There are two routes from Moolanoh to Sehwan. The Dhatti went the 
longest on account of water. The other is by Sukrund, as follows : 

Palri 6 coss. Sukrund 3 co8s.t 

Padsha-ca-bustee ... 6 

Oodani 5 

Mittrao » lO 


Meer-ca-kho4.«..«. ... 6 

Soopurie 5 

Kumber-ca-nalla ... 

Nalla Oil 

Muknmd 4 mi • 

Koka-ca.bu8tee 6 >^^l^^:Jt^^ 

TheSinde 10 | very circmtons 

Sehwan Oj J 

t Town high road from Upper to Lower Sinde. 



It is asserted, that before the Mahomedans conquered Sinde 
«nd these regions, the valley and desert belonged to Bajpoot 
princes of the Pramar and Solanki tribes ; that the whole t'hul 
(desert) was more or less inhabited, and the remains of old tanks 
and temples, notwithstanding the drifting of the sands, attest 
the fact. Tradition records a famine of twelve years' duration 
during the time of Lakha Foolani, in the twelfth century, which 
depopulated the countiy, when the survivors of the fhul fled to 
the Kutchi, or flats of the Sinde. There are throughout still 
many oases or cultivated patches, designated by the local terms 
from the indispensable element, water, which whether springs 
or rivulets, are called wdh, bdh, bairedh, rdr, tir, prefixed by 
the tribe of those pasturing, whether Sodas, Rajurs, or Sumai- 
chas. The inhabitants of one hamlet will go as far as ten miles 
to cultivate a patch. 

lore, (2 coss.) 
dri, (3 do. ) 

(2 coss.) 
amlet of Bajurs, 

(2 coss.) 

These arc all hamlets of about ten huts, inha- 
bited by Rajurs, who cultivate patches of land 
or pasture their flocks of buflisdoes, cows, 

y camels, goats, amidst the fhul ; at each of 
these hamlets there are plenty of springs ; 
at Rajur-ca-bustee there is a pool called 
MahadeO'Ca-de. (See p. 268.) 

80 ChandAvxir Mahadeo, (2 coss.) — When the Soda princes held 
away in these regions, there was a town here, and a temple to 
Mahadeo, the ruins of which still exist, erected over a spring 
called Sooruj coond, or fountain of the Sun. The Islamite 
destroyed the temple, and changed the name of the spring to Deen- 
Bavxm, or ' waters of the faith.' The coond is small, faced with 
brick, and has its margin planted with date trees and pome- 
granates, and a Moollay or priest from Sinde, resides there and 
receives tribute from the faithful. For twelve coss around this 
spot there are numerous springs of water, where the Rajurs find 
pasture for their flocks, and patches to cultivate. Their huts 
are conical like the wigwams of the African, and formed by 
stakes tied at the apex and covered with grass and leaves, and 
often but a large blanket of camel's hair stretched on stakes. 

hLndvOr^nAmstee, (2 coss.) — Hamlet inhabited by Mooslems of the 
Chandia tribe, mendicants who subsist on the charity of the 

Poorwds, or hamlets of shepherds, Su- 
maichas, Rajurs, and others, who are all 
migratory, and shift with their flocks 
as they consume the pastures. There 
is plenty of water in this space for all 
their wants, chiefly springs. 


(2 coss.)^ 


(2 do. ) 

ajur do. 

(1 do. ) 

Do. do. 

(2 do. ) ^ 

Do. do. 

(2 do. ) ' 

Do. do. 

(2 do. ) 

Do. do. 

(2 do. ) 

Da. do. 

(2 do. )J 


Odhanioh, (7 coss.) — Twelve huts ; no water between it and the 
last hamlet 

Nallah, (5 coss.) — Descent from the Vhul, or desert, which ceases a 
mile east of the nalla or stream, said to be the same whicli 
issues from the Indus at Dura, above Rory-Bekhur ; thence it 
passes east of Sohrab's Khyrpoor, and by Jiuar to Bairsea-ca-rar, 
whence there is a canal cut to Omurkote and Chore. 

Mittrao, (4j. coss.) — ^Village of sixty houses, inhabited by Baloches ; 
a tiuinnay or post here from Hydrabad ; occasional low sand- 

Meer-ca-kooe, (6 coss.) — Three detached hamlets of ten huts each, 
inhabited by Aroi^as, 

Sheopoori, (3 coss.) — One hundred and twenty houses, chiefly Aroras : 
small fort of six bastions to the south-east, garrisoned from 

Kumavra-cd-Nalla, (6 coss.) — This naZla issues from the Indus 
between Kakur-ca-bustee and Sukrund, and passes eastward ; 
probably the bed of an old canal, with which the country is 
everywhere intersected. 

SvJcrund, (2 coss.) — One hundred houses, one-third of which are 
Hindus ; patches of cultivation ; numerous water-courses neg- 
lected; everywhere overgrown with jungle, chiefly jhaw aaid 
IchaijH, (tamarisk and acacia). Cotton, indigo, rice, wheat, 
barley, peas, grain, and maize, grow on the banks of the 

JvMooe, (2 eosa) — Sixty houses ; a nalla between it and Juttooe. 

Cazi-corSeher, (4 coss.) — Four hundred houses ; two nallas intervene. 

Makairo, (4 coss.) — Sixty houses ; a nalla between it and Juttooe. 

Kakur-ca buatee, (6 coss.) — Sixteen bouses ; half-way the remains ^ 
of an ancient fortress; three canals or nallas intervening; the ^ 
village placed upon a mound four miles from the Indus, whose ^ 
waters overflow it during the periodic monsoon. 

Poora, or Hamlet, (1 coss.) — ^A ferry. 

The InduSy (1 coss.) — Took boat and crossed to 

Sewan or Sehwan, (1^ coss.) — A town of twelve hundred houses on^a 
the right bank, belonging to Hydrabad.* 

♦ Sehwan is erected on an elevation within a few hundred yards of the river,^"^ 
having many clumps of trees, especially to the south. The houses are built 

day, often three stories high, with wooden pillars supporting the floors. To th( 
north of the town are the remains of a veiy ancient and extensive fortreaB,.^' 
SLsty of its bastions being still visible : and in the centre tiie vestiges of 
palace still known as Raja Bhirterii-ca-MahL who is said to have reigned hm 


when driven from Oqjem by Ids brother Vicramaditya. Although centurie^ 
have flown since the Hindus had any power in these regions, their h iiilitluiiiJ^'" 
have remained. They relate that Bmrterri, the eldest son of Gundnip S^n, wwm 
so devoted to his wife, that he neglected the affairs of government, wnich ™*^» 
his brother expostulate with him. This coming to his wife's ears, she inairtHI 


Sdiwan to Hydrahad. 

mfut-ca-bustee, (2 coss.) — The word jit or jut is here pronounced 
zy'hut This hamlet ' bustee' is of thirty huts, half a mile from 
the Indus : hills close to the village. 

ou the banishment of Vicrama. Soon after a celebrated ascetic reached his 
court, and presented to Bhirterri the Amur-p'hul, or 'fruit of immortali^/ the 
rew2utl of years of austere devotion at the shrine of Mahadeo. Bhirterri gave 
it to his wife, who bestowed it on an elephant-driver, her paramour : he to a 
oommoD prostitute, his mistress : who expecting to be highly rewardea for it, 
carried it to the Raja. Incensed at such a decided proof of infidelity, Bhirterri. 

f resenting himself before his queen, asked for the prize — ' she had lost it. 
[aving produced it, she was so over-whelmed with shame that she rushed ^m 
his presence, and precipitating herself from the walls of the palace, was dashed 
to pieces. R^a Bhirterri consoled himself with another wife, Rani Pingla, to 
whose charms he in like manner became enslaved ; but experience had taught 
him suspicion. Having one day gone a hunting, his huntsman shot a deer, 
whose aoe condn^ to the spot, for a short time contemplated the body, then 
threw herself on nis antlers and died. The shekari, or huntsman, who had 
fallen asleep, was killed by a hu^e snake. His wife came to seek him, sup- 
posing him still asleep, but at lengtn seeing he was dead, she collected leaves, 
dried reeds, and twigs, and having made a pyre, placed the body under it ; after 
the osnal perambulations she set nre to, and perished with it. The R^a, who 
witnessed these proceedings, went home and conversed with Pinglani on these 
extraordinary suttees, especially the Shekaris, which he caUed unparalleled. 
l^nglani disjputed the point, and said it was the sacrifice of passion, not of 
love ; had it been the latter, grief would have required no pyre. Sometime 
after, having again gone a hunting, Bhirterri recalled this conversation, and 
Itawig slain a deer, ne dipped his clothes in the blood, and sent them by a 
confideiiUal messenger to report his death in combat with a tiger. Pinglani 
l)eard the details ; she wept not, neither did she speak, but prostrating herself 
before the sun, ceased to exist. The pyre was raised, and her remains were con- 
amniiig outside the city as the Raja returned from his excursion. Hastening to 
the spot of bunentation, and learning the fatal issue of his artifice, he threw off 
the trappings of sovereignty, put on the pilgrim's garb, and abandoned Oojcin 
tjo Vicrama. The onlv wora which he uttered, as he wandered to and fro, was 
name of lus faithful Pinglani ! *^ H(u Fingla. ! Hae Pingla !" The royal 
n at length fixed his abode at Sehwan ; but although they point out the 
of a palace still known even to the Islamite as the aumrkh&s of Raja 
IShirterri, it is admitted that the fortress is of more ancient date. There is a 
^mindr€u, or shrine, to the south of the town, also called, after him, Bhirterri-ca- 
'mmindrcL In this the Islamite has deposited the mortal remains of a saint 
iimmed Lall Peer Shahaz, to whom they attribute their victorious possession of 
Sinde. The cenotaph of this saint, who has the character of a proselyte Hindu, 
u in the centre of the mindra, and surrounded by wooden stakes. It is a 
ciurious ^lectacle to see both Islamite and Hindu paying their devotions in the 
same pUioe of worship : and although the first is prohibited from approaching 
the sacred enceinte of ike peer, yet both adore a large saligram, that vermicu- 
Ijiied fossil sacred to Vishnu, placed in a niche in the tomb. The fact is a 
cnrioiis one, and although these Islamite adorers are the scions of conversion, 
it perhaps shews in the strongest manner that this conversion was of the sword. 
for generallv speaking, the converted Hindu makes the most bigoted ana 
integrant Mussulman. My faithful and intelligent emissaries, Madari Loll 
and the Dhatti, brought me a brick from the nuns of this fortress of Sehwan. 
It was about a cubit in length, and of symmetrical breadth and thickness, 
nneommoiily well burnt, and rang like a bell. They also brought me some 
chamd wheat, from pits where it had been burned. The grains were entire 
and leduoed to a pure carbon. Tradition is again at work, and asserts its 
haviiig lain there for some thousand years. There h very little doubt that tbLs 



Sumaicha-ca-biLstee, (2^ coss.) — Small village. 

Lukki (2| coss.) — Sixty houses ; one mile and a half from the river : 
canal on the north side of the village; banks well cultivated. 
In the hills, two miles west, is a spot sacred to Parbutti and 
Mahadeo, where are sevei'al springs, three of which are hot* 

Oomri, (2 coss.) — Twenty-five houses, half a mile from the River ; 

the hills not lofty, a coss west. 

Soomri, (3 coss.) — Fifty houses, on the River hill ; one and a half coes 


Sindoo or Sunn, (4 coss.) — Two hundred houses and a bazaar, two 
hundred yards from the River ; hills one and a half coss west 

Majend, (4J coss.) — On the River two hundred and fifty houses* 
considerable trade ; hills two coss west. 

Oomur-cor-bicstee, (3 coss.) — A few huts, near the river. 

Syedrca-bustee, (3 coss.) 

is the site of one of the antagonists of the Macedonian conqueror, perhap 
Musicanus, or Mookh-S6hw4n, tke chief of Sehwan. The passage of tne 
Grecian down the Indus was marked by excesses not inferior to those of the 
Ghamivede king in later times, and doubtless thev fired all they could not 
plunder to cany to the fleet. There is also a JN^anuhbarra, or place of worship 
sacred to Nanuk, the great apostle of the Sikhs, placed between the fortress 
and the river. Sehwan is inhabited by Hindus and Islamites in equal pro- 
portions : of the former, the mercantile tribe of Maisuri from Jessulm^r, is the. 
most numerous, and have been fixed here for generations. There are also man/- 
Brahmins of the Pokuma(l) caste, Soonars or goldsmiths, and other Hinder 
artdzans ; of the Mooslem the Syed is said to be the most numerous class. The 
Hindus are the monied men. Cotton and indigo, and great quantities of ric 

in the husk (paddy), grown in the vicinage of Sehwan, are exported to Uie ports- 


of Tafha and Koratchy Bunder by boats of considerable burthen, manne g^ ^ 
entirely by Mahomedans. The Hakim of Sehwan is sent from HydmhaiM — *^ 
The range of mountains which stretch from Tat'ha nearly paraUel with th» 
Indus, approaches within three miles of Sehwan, and there turn offtoth^ 
north-west All these hills are inhabited as far as the shrine of Hingl 
Mata,(2) on the coast of Mekran, (placed in the same range) by ^e Laomriej 
Noomrie tribe, who though styling themselves Baloches, are Jits in origin.(3JC 

* These springs are frequented, despite the difficulties and dangers of 
route from the savage Noomrie, by numerous Hindu pilgrims. Two of tT 
are hot, and named Surya-coond and Chandra-coond, or fountains of the 
and moon, and imbued with especial virtues ; but before the pilgrim can 
any advantage by purification in their waters, he must undergo the riteof coi 
fession to the attendant priests, who, through intercession wiui Mahadeo, hai 
the power of granting absolution. Should a sinner be so hardened as to plaii( 
in without undergoing this preparatory ordeal, he comes out covered wil 
boils ! ! ! This is a ciuious confirmation that the confessional rite is one < 
very ancient usage amongst the Hindus, even in the days of Kama of Konila.- 
See Vol I, p. 73. 

(1) See Annals of Jessulmdr. p. 262. 

(2) This famous shrine of tne Hindu Cybele, yet frequented by namero'Off 
votaries, is nine days' journey from Tat'ha by Koratchy Bunder, and about nin^ 
miles from the sea-shore. 

(3) These are the Nomurdies of Eennel. 


Shikarpoor, (4 coss.) — On the river ; crossed to the east-side. 

Hydrahad, (3 do.) — One and a half coss from the river Indus. 
Hydrabad to Nusui*poor, nine coss ; to Sheodadpoor, eleven do. ; 
to Sheopori, seventeen do. ; to Rory-Bekher, six do. ; total forty - 
three coss. 

Hydrabad vid Omurkote, to Jessulm^r, 

Siivdoo Khan ca-buatee, (3 coss.) — West bank of Phooleli river. 

Tajpoar, (3 coss.) — Large town, north-east of Hydrabad. 

Kutrail, (1^ coss.) — A hundred houses. 

Xusurpoor, (IJ coss.) — East of Tajpoor, large town. 

UUyar-ca-Taiida* (4 coss.) — ^A considerable town built by UUyar 
Khan, brother of the late Gholam Alii, and lying south-east of 
Nusurpoor. Two coss north of the town is the Sangra Nalla 
or Bawah,^ said to issue from the Indus between Hala and 
Sukinind, and passing Jundeela. 

Meerbah, (5 coss.) — Forty houses ; Bah, Tanda, Oote, Pooinua, are all 
synonimous terms for habitations of various degrees. 

Soonario, (7 coss.) — Forty houses. 

Dingano, (4 do.) — To this hamlet extends the flats of Sinde. Sand- 
bills five and six miles distant to the north. A small river runs 
under Dingano. 

Koraa/no, (7 coss.) — ^A hundred houses. Two coss east of Korsano 
are the remains of an ancient city ; brick buildings still remain- 
ing, with well and reservoirs. Sand-hills two to three coss to 
the northward. 

Omurkote, (8 coss.) — There is one continued plain from Hydrabad to 
Omurkote, which is built on the low ground at the very 
extremity of the fhul or sand-hills of the desert, here conmienc- 
ing. In all this space, estimated at forty-four cucha coss, or 
almost seventy miles of horizontal distance, as far as Sonario, 
the soil is excellent, and plentifully in*igated by baioaha, or 
canals from the Indus. Around the villages there is consider- 
able cultivation; but notwithstanding the natural fertility, 
there is a vast quantity of jungle, chiefly babool {mimosa 
arabica), the evergreen fhal, and jhoiv or tamarisk. From 
Sonario to Omurkote is one continued jungle, in which there 
are a few cultivated patches dependent on the heavens for irri- 
gation ; the soil is not so good as the first portion of the route. 

Kuttar, (4 coss.) — A mile east of Omurkote commences the fhul or 
sand-hills, the ascent a hundred and fifty to two hundred feet. 
A few huts of Sumaichas who pasture ; two wells. 

* This is the Sankra of Nadir Shah's treaty with Mahomed Shah of India, 
which the conqueror made the boundary between India and Persia, hy which 
he obtained the whole of that fertile portion of the valley of Sindc, cast of that 
stfeam. Others say, it issues from Dura, above Rory-Bekhcr. 


Dhote-ca-bustee, (4 coss.) — A few huts ; one well ; Dhotes, Sodas, 
and Sindies cultivate and pasture. 

Dhamas, (8 coss.) — A hundred houses, chiefly Pokuma Brahmins 
and Banyas, who purchase up the ghee from the pastoral 
tribes, which they export to Bhooj and the valley. It is also aa 
entrepot for trade ; caravans from the east exchange their goods 
for the ghee, here very cheap, from the vast flocks pastured in 
the i2oo^. 

Khai/rloO'Ca-Par, (3 coss.) — Numerous springs (par) and hamlets 
scattered throughout this tract. 

Laiiailo, (1 J coss.) — ^A hundred houses ; water brackish ; conveyed 
by camels from Khairloo. 

Bhaj-cOf-Par, (3 coss.) — Huts ; wells ; patches of cultivation. 

Bhoo, (6 coss.) — Huts. 

Ourrira, (10 coss.) — ^A small town of three hundred houses, belonging 
to Sowae Sing Soda, with several pooras or hamlets attached to 
it. This is the boundary between Dhdt or the Soda raj and 
Jessulm^r. Dhki is now entirely incorporated in Sinde. A 
dhanni, or collector of the transit duties, resides here. 

Hursani, (10 coss.) — Three hundred houses, chiefly Bhattis. It 
belongs to a Rajpoot of this tribe, now dependent on Marwar. 

JinjinialU, (10 C0S8.) — Three hundred houses. This is the fief of 
the chief noble of Jessulmer ; his name Eititsi,* Bhatti. It is 
the border town of Jessulmer. There is a small mud fortress, 
and several tallaoa, or sheets of water, which contain water often 
during three-fourths of the year ; and considerable cultivation 
in the little valleys formed by the teebds, or sand ridges. About::^ -^t 
two miles north of Jinjinialli there is a village of Charuna. 

Ouj Sing-ca-byMee, (2 coss.) — Thirty-five houses. Water 8carce,i 
brought on camels from the Charun village. 

Hamir-deora, (5 coss.) — Two hundred houses. There are sevei 

bairas or pools, about a mile north, whither water is brought oim:^^^ 
camels, that in the village being saline. The ridge of rock ^ "^^ 
from Jessulmer here terminates. 

ChaUak, (5 coss.) — Eighty houses ; wells ; Chailak on the ridge. 

Bhopa, (7 coss.) — ^Forty houses ; well ; small tallao or pooL 

Bhcio, (2 coss.) — Two hundred houses ; pool to the west ; small wells ^^'^^ 

JessvZm^y (5 coss.) — Eighty-five and a half coss from Omurkote tc-:^j|? 
Jessulmer by this route, which is circuitous. That by JinjiniallK- ^^ 
26 coss, Giraup 7, Neelwa 12, Omurkote 26 ; in all 70 pudu*-^^ 
coss, or about 150 miles. Caravans or kuttdrsof camels pass 
four days, casids or messengers in three and a half, travellinj^ 
night and day. The last 25 coss, or 50 miles, is entire desert 

* See Annals of Jessulmer for an account of the murder of this diieftaio 
p. 244. 


idd to ibis 44 short coss from Hydrabad to Oraurkote, making 
& total of 129^ C088. The most direct road is estimated at 105 
pucka 0068, which, allowing for sinuosities, is equal to about 195 
English miles. 

Total of this route, 85 J coss. 

JeBBfuXm6r to Hydrabad, by Baisiiau. 

KoMur, (5 coss.) 

Kkaha, (5 coss.) 

IMa-corgong, (30 coss.) — Desert the whole way ; no hamlets or 

Baisnau, (8 coss.) 

Bainea-cor-ltar, (16 coss.) — Wells. 

lieepro, (3 coss.) 

Yeflta-co-d&air, (7 coss.) — Omurkote distant 20 coss. 

JwndeeUi, (8 coss.) 

VUgar-ca-Tanda, (10 coss.) — Sankra, or Sangra nalla. 

In the former route the distance from 

Ullyar-ca-Tanda, by the town of 

Nusurpoor, is called 13 coss, or two 

Bfirabady (5 coss.) [ more than this. There are &vQ7iaUas 

J or canals in the last five coss. 

Total of this route, 103 coss. 

TtjfooTy (4 coes.) 
/oflHXkTanda, (2 coss.) 

Jeasulm^, by ShaJigurh, to Khyrpoor of Meer Sohrdb, 

inasagur, (2 coss.) 

Clumda, (2 coss.) 

f(i>nUc€t4uT, (3 coss.) — Tur or Tir, springs. 

foni^sOrhoochrCy (7 cosa) — No village. 

idfiaUoh, (4 COBS.) 

^khgwrh, (20 coss.*) — ^iZooe 'or waste all this distance. Shahgurh is 
the boundary ; it has a small castle of six bastions, a post of 
Meer Sohrdb, governor of Upper Sinde. 

Owmak, (6 COBS,) 

Svrkwr, (28 do.) — ^Roo^ or desert the whole way ; not a drop of 
water. There are two routes branching off from Gurhur, one to 
Khyrpoor, the other to Banipoor. 

li2S^a^.Ti«.) } """'^ of Moehesand S^^ 

* 8b£kh Abul ]fokat makes the distance only nine coss from Shahgorh to 
Kii^\^\ and states the important fact of crossing the dry bed of the Caggur, 
Cie eo« west c^ Eoiialloh : water found plentifully by digging in the bed 
Nimi^mis 6atrw» to which the shepherds dnve their flocks. 


NaUa, (2 coss.) — The same stream whichflows fromDura> and through 
the ancient city of Alore ; it marks the boundary of the desert. 

Khyrpoor, (18 coss.) — Meer Sohrib, governor of Upper Sinde, and 
brother of the prince of Hydrabad, resides here. He has erected 
a stone fortress of twelve bastions, called Noakote or New-castle. 
The 18 coss from the nalla to Khyrpoor is flat, and marks the 
breadth of the valley here. The following towns are of conse- 
quence : — 

Khyrpoor to Ludhana, — Twenty coss west of the Indus, held by 
Kurrum Alii, son of the prince of Hydrabad. 

Khyrpoor to Lukhi, — Fifteen coss, and five from Shikarpoor. 

Khyrpoor to Shikarpoor, (20 coss.) 

Ourhur to Banipoor, 

Furaroh, (10 coss.) — ^A village of fifty houses, inhabited by Siqdies 
and Kurars ; several hamlets around. A dhanni or collector of 
transit dues resides here on the part of Meer Sohr&b, the route 
being travelled by kuttars or caravans of camels. The naUa 
from Durah passes two coss east of Furaroh, which is on the 
extremity of the desert. Commencement of the ridge called 
Tukur, five coss west of Furaroh, extending to Rory-Bekher, 
sixteen coss distant from Furaroh. From Furaroh to the Indus, 
eighteen coss, or thirty miles breadth of the valley here. 

Ranipoor* (18 coss.) 

Jessulm^ to Rory-Bekher. 

KoriaUoh, (18 coss.) — See last route. 

Bandoh, (4 cosa) — ^A tribe of Mooslems, called Oondur, dwell here. 

Ooteroo, (16 coss.) — Boundary of Jessulm^r and Upper Sinde. A 

small castle and garrison of Meer Sohrdb's; two wells, onc^ 
inside ; and a hamlet of thirty huts of Sumaichas and Oondurs -r- 
teebaa heavy. 

Oodut, (32 coss.) — Thirty huts of shepherds ; a small mud fortress -^ 
Roo^, a deep and entire desert, throughout all this space ; 

Sunkram, or SuTigrara, (16 coss.) — Half the distance sand-hills, th< 
rest numerous temporary hamlets constructed of the joodr, 
maize stalks ; sevend water-courses. 

NaUa-Sangra, (J coss.) — This nalla or stream is from Dura, on tin 
Sinde, two coss and a half north of Rory-Bekher ; much cultiva— - 
tion ; extremity of the sand-hills. 

Tirgateo, (^ coss.) — ^A large town : Bankers and Banias, here termed-^ 
Kir&r, and Sumaichas. 

* Considerable town on the high road from Upper to Lower Sinde. Se^ 
subsequent route. 


I^w ridge of hills, called Tekher, (4 coss.) — This little chain of silicious 
rocks rans north and south ; Noakote, the new -castle of Sohrdb, 
is at the foot of them ; they extend beyond Furaroh, which is 
sixteen coss from Rory-Bekher. Goomut is six coss from Noa- 

Any, (4 coss.) ^ On the ridge, on the left bank of the Indus. Crossed 
Attar, (i do.) > over to Bekher ; breadth of the river near a mile. 
SMer, (I do.) J Bekher is an island, and the other branch to Sekher 
is almost a mile over also. This insulated rock is of silex, 
specimens, of which I possess. There are the remains of the 
ancient fortress of Mansoora, named in honour of the Caliph 
Al-Mansoor, whose lieutenants made it the capital of Sinde on 
the opening of their conquests. It is yet more famed as the 
capital of tiie Sogdi of Alexander ; in all probability a corrup- 
tion of Soda, the name of the tribe which has ruled from imme- 
.morial ages, and who till very lately held Omurkote. 

N.B. — Casids or messengers engage to carry despatches from 
Jessolm^ to Rory-Bekher in four days and a half; a distance 
of one hundred and twelve coss. 

Bekher to SkUcarpoor. 
lAiie, also called ZttHmrr, (12 coss.) 
Sindu NaUa, (3^ coss.) 
Shihxrpoor, (J cosa) 

Total of this route, 16 coss. 

BdAer to Ludkana, (28 coss.) 
SUkarpoor to Ludkana, (20 coss.) 

JeaavZmer to Dyr Alii Khyrpoor. 

KcfHalloh, (18 coss.) 

Btarrch, (20 coss.) — JJoo^ or desert all the wav. This is the dohud, 
or mutual boundary of Upper Sinde and Jessulmdr, and there 
is a small mitti-ca-kote or mud fort, jointly held by the respec- 
tive troops ; twenty huts and one well. 

SooJioflofc, (20 coss.) — Rooe all the way. A dand for the collection of 
duties ; six wells. 

KkyrpooT (Dyr AIM) (20 coss.) — Rooe, and deep jungle of the ever- 
greens called lawa and jhdl, from Sootialloh to Khyrpoor. 

Total of this route, 78 coss. 

Khyrpoor {Dyr AUi) to Ahmedpoor. 

OMoro, (6 C0B&) — Considerable town ; Indus four coss west 

^^'•'•ttlHJa-Jfcofe, (8 coss.) — Boundary of Upper Sinde and D^dpotra. 
^ frontier castle, often disputed, was lately taken by Meer 
^<^b from Bhawul Khan. Numerous hamlets and water- 



Ahmedpoor, (8 coss.)-— Considerable garrison town of D&odpotra; 
two battalions and sixteen guns. 

Total of this route, 22 coss. 

Khyrpoor (Dyr A lli) to Hydrahad. 
Meerpoor, (8 coss.) — Four coss from the Indus. 
MataUoh, (^ do.)— Four coss from the Indus. 
Ootki, (7 coss.)— Two coss from the Indus. 
LadloK (8 do.)— Two coss from the Indus. 

Eory-Bekher, (20 coss.) — Numerous hamlets and temporary villages, 
with many water-couraes for cultivation in all this space. 

Khyrpoor \ 8 ^ Six coss from the Indus. 

The coss in this distance seems a 
medium between the pucka of two 
coss and the kutcha of one and a half. 
The medium of one and three-quartei — r 
miles to each coss, deducting a tentL^ 
for windings, appears, after numer — 
ous comparisons, to be just. This ii 
alike applicable to all Upper Sinde. 


Goomut 8 

Manipoor 2 

(See route to it from Gurhur.) 

Hingore 5 

Bhiranapoor 5 

Hvliani 1 

Kunjerro 3 

iV oaheyra 8